EXERCISES 


FOR 

TRANSLATION 

INTO 

LATIN 


FIFTH  REVISED  AND  ENLARGED  EDITION 


BY 

JAMES  A.  KOCKLIFF,  S.J. 

OAMI81US  COLLEGE,  BUFFALO,  N.  T. 


COLLEGE  LI  BRA  RE 


oelsout  il 


ITT  T 


»  QQ 

.  tr\ 


3Frrbfrirk  fJuatet  &  do. 

Printers  to  the  Holy  Apostolic  See  and  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  Rites 


RATISBON 


ROME 


NEW  YORK 


CINCINNATI 


Copyright  1897  by  E.  Steinback, 
of  the  firm  Fr.  Pustet  &  Co. 


J 


O'NEILL  LIBRARY 
BOSTON  COLLEGE 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


The  present  edition  of  the  Exercises  was  planned  and 
partially  prepared  by  the  editor  of  the  first  edition,  Rev. 
P.  J.  Miiller,  S.J.,  before  his  lamented  death,  August  24, 
1895. 

Whilst  substantially  identical  with  the  first  edition,  it  has 
been  improved  by  various  additions  and  corrections. 

To  extend  the  usefulness  of  the  work,  collateral  references 
to  Yenni’s  Latin  Grammar  (Y.  Gr.)  have  been  added. 
These  references  will  be  found  side  by  side  with  those  to 
Schultz’s  Grammar  (S.  Gr.),  the  general  references  under 
the  headings  of  each  Section,  the  special  references  in  the 
foot-notes. 

To  facilitate  the  use,  a  table  of  contents  and  a  complete 
index  of  proper  names  have  been  added. 

It  is  hoped  that  in  their  present  shape  the  Exercises  will 
prove  a  valuable  aid  to  the  study  of  the  Latin  language. 
The  editor  takes  this  occasion  to  acknowledge  his  indebted¬ 
ness  for  valuable  suggestions,  of  which  he  has  endeavored  to 
avail  himself  to  the  utmost  of  his  power. 

James  A.  Rockliff,  S.J. 


Canibius  College,  Buffalo,  N.  Y., 
August  15,  1897 


1  r*  ,<?  /  n 

A  i  b  4  i 


. 

' 


' 


■ 


-■ 

■ 


CONTENTS 


PART  I. 

EXERCISES  ON  THE  RULES  OF  SYNTAX 

Section  I. 

PRELIMINARY  EXERCISES.  AGREEMENT  OF  THE  PARTS 
OF  A  SENTENCE.  USE  OF  THE  NOMINATIVE. 

PaGI 

No.  1.  On  the  Boundaries  and  Parts  of  Ancient  Greece.  North¬ 
ern  Greece .  3 

2.  The  Provinces  of  Central  Greece.  Acamania,  Aetolia, 

Doris,  and  Locris .  4 

3.  Phocis .  5 

4.  Boeotia  and  Thebes,  its  Capital.  Some  other  Towns .  5 

5.  Attica  .  6 

6.  The  City  of  Athens .  7 

7.  The  Harbors  of  Athens  and  other  Remarkable  Places  of 

Attica.  Megaris. .  8 

8.  Peloponnesus  .  9 

9.  Corinth  . .  .  10 

10.  Sicyon .  11 

11.  Achaia  and  Arcadia. .  11 

12.  Elis.  .  12 

13.  14.  The  Olympian  Games .  13 

15.  Messenia,  Laconics,  Argolis. .  15 

16.  The  Grecian  Islands.  The  Cyclades .  15 

17.  The  Spomdes.  Some  Larger  Islands .  16 

18.  The  Asiatic  Colonies  of  the  Greeks .  17 

19.  Some  Colonies  of  the  Greeks  in  Europe,  and  especially  in 

Italy .  18 

20-22.  Of  the  Reception  of  Men  among  the  Gods .  19 

(▼) 


vi 


Contents 


Section  II. 

USE  OF  THE  ACCUSATIVE. 

rx  o« 

No.  23.  The  Fate  of  Tantalus .  22 

24.  Cruelty  of  Phalaris .  23 

25.  Miltiades .  23 

26.  The  Art  of  Memory .  24 

27.  On  the  Greatness  of  the  City  of  Babylon .  25 

28.  The  Journeys  of  Pythagoras .  26 

29.  Who  is  to  be  Considered  the  Wisest . 27 

30.  Cincinnatus .  28 

31-33.  On  Friendship .  28 

Section  III. 

USE  OF  THE  DATIVE. 

No.  34.  The  most  Ancient  Physicians . ( .  32 

35.  Curius  Dentatus .  33 

36.  Alexander  and  Hannibal . . .  .  . .  34 

37.  A  Stratagem  of  Solon .  34 

38-41.  On  the  Love  of  Parents .  35 

Section  IY. 

USE  OF  THE  GENITIVE. 

No.  42.  Socrates  and  the  Sophists . 89 

43.  Aeneas  Leaves  Troy .  40 

44.  Archytas  of  Tarentum .  41 

45.  Hippias  and  Darius .  42 

46.  Ingratitude  of  the  Athenians . 43 

47.  Virtue  is  the  Highest  Good . . .  44 

48.  Shortness  of  Human  Life .  45 

49.  50.  What  Great  Honor  has  been  Paid  to  Learned  Men .  46 

Section  Y. 

USE  OF  THE  ABLATIVE. 

No.  51.  The  Oldest  Sibylline  Books .  48 

52.  Socrates’  Frankness  of  Speech . .  49 

53.  Anacharsis .  50 


Contents. 


•  • 
Vll 

PAQB 

No  54-57.  Some  Remarks  on  the  War  which  was  Waged  by  the 

Romans  with  Pyrrhus .  51 

54.  Battle  at  Heraclea .  61 

55.  Fabricius .  52 

56.  Cineas  Goes  to  Rome .  53 

57.  End  of  the  Tarentine  War .  54 

58.  59.  How  Pisistratus  Obtained  Absolute  Power .  55 

60.  God’s  Nature  Cannot  be  Comprehended  by  Men .  57 

61,  62.  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  the  Elder .  58 

Section  VI. 

MISCELLANEOUS  EXAMPLES  ON  THE  CASES.  USE  OF 

PREPOSITIONS. 

No.  63-71.  Description  of  the  City  of  Rome .  62 

70,  71.  The  Declining  Splendor  of  Rome  and  its  Downfall _  69 

72,  73.  On  the  Love  of  Enemies .  72 

Section  VII. 

USE  OF  ADJECTIVES  AND  PRONOUNS,  TOGETHER 

WITH  NUMERALS. 

No.  74.  King  Darius  and  the  Philosopher  Democritus .  75 

75-79.  On  the  Military  System  of  the  Romans .  76 

80.  Daring  Courage  of  the  Young  Caesar .  82 

81,  82.  The  Taking  of  Ninive . 83 

Section  VIII. 

USE  OF  THE  TENSES. 

No.  83,  84.  Secession  of  the  Plebs  to  the  Sacred  Mount .  86 

85.  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Gordian  Knot .  88 

86.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  Francis  Vanierius .  90 

87.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  his  Friend  Paul  Socratus .  91 

88.  Peter  John  Perpinianus  to  M.  Antonius  Muretus .  92 

89.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  Peter  John  Perpinianus,  of  the 

Society  of  Jesus .  93 

90.  Some  Answers  of  Thales .  94 

91.  Solon . 95 

92-94.  Cajus  Marcius  Coriolanus .  96 

95-99.  On  the  Barbarous  Custom  of  Human  Sacrifices .  100 


Contents. 


•  •  • 

vm 

Section  IX. 

USE  OF  THE  INDICATIVE. 

PAGS 

No.  100.  Fortune  is  unjustly  Accused  by  Many  People . 106 

101,  102.  Cajus  Duilius .  106 

103.  One’s  Fatherland  is,  Wherever  it  is  Good  .  108 

104.  A  Father  to  his  Son .  109 

105.  106.  On  the  Advantage  of  a  Good  Memory .  110 

Section  X. 

USE  OF  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE. 

No.  107.  Antisthenes  and  his  Pupil  Diogenes .  112 

108.  Whether  all  Promises  are  to  be  Kept . 113 

109-114.  How  Troy  was  Taken  by  the  Greeks .  114 

115.  Old  Age  must  be  Honored . 122 

116,  117.  Speech  of  the  Consul  L.  Aemilius  Paullus .  123 

118.  The  Areopagus  of  the  Athenians .  125 

119.  Xenophon  .  126 

120.  Diogenes  .  127 

121.  On  Divination .  128 

122-125.  The  Countries  in  which  the  Greek  and  Latin  Lan¬ 
guages  were  Understood  at  the  Time  when  the  Chris¬ 
tian  Religion  Began  to  Spread .  129 

126.  What  the  Heathens  Asked  of  their  Gods,  and  how  they 

Asked .  134 

Section  XI. 

USE  OF  THE  IMPERATIVE. 

No.  127,  128.  A  Father  to  his  Son .  135 

129.  The  Oldest  Treaties  and  Written  Laws  of  the  Romans. . .  137 

130,  131.  Some  Sayings  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men .  138 

Section  XII. 

USE  OF  THE  INFINITIVE. 

No.  132.  To  Die  for  one’s  Country  is  Honorable . 141 

133.  The  Taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus .  142 


Contents. 


ix 


PAGE 

No.  134,  135.  On  the  Discovery  of  the  Art  of  Writing .  143 

136-138.  Arion,  the  Player  on  the  Cithern .  146 

139,  140.  Brevity  and  Obscurity  of  Speech .  148 

141,  142.  Darius  and  Idanthyrsus .  150 

143,  144.  Necessity  of  a  Good  Education .  151 

145.  Hannibal  and  Antiochus  .  153 

146,  147.  The  Messiah  Expected  by  the  Ancients .  154 

148.  Man  Needs  Divine  Instruction . .  156 


Section  XIII. 

USE  OF  THE  PARTICIPLES. 

No.  149.  Fear  of  Punishment .  158 

150.  A  Faithful  Slave .  158 

151.  Effects  of  Omens  .  159 

152.  The  Poet  Philoxenus .  160 

153-155.  The  Story  of  the  Horatii  and  Curiatii . 162 

156.  Two  Dreams  . 165 

157.  The  Oldest  Roman  Poets .  166 

158.  159.  Roman  Laws  Hostile  to  the  Christians .  167 

160.  Take  up  and  Read . 169 


Section  XIY. 

USE  OF  THE  GERUND. 

No.  161.  On  Settling  Quarrels .  170 

162.  On  the  Desire  of  Learning . 172 

163.  On  the  Improvement  of  the  Soul  and  the  Body . 173 

164.  165.  Solemnities  of  a  Roman  TriumDh .  174 


Section  XY. 

USE  OF  THE  SUPINE. 

No.  166,  167.  C.  Marius  Conquers  the  Cimbri  and  Teutons . 176 

168.  The  Grateful  Lion . . .  179 


X 


Contents 


PART  IL 

EXERCISES  BASED  ON  LATIN  AUTHORS. 

Section  XYI. 

AESOPIAN  FABLES  FROM  PHAEDRUS. 

PAGE 

No.  169,  170.  A  Few  Preliminary  Remarks  on  the  Fable  and  its 

Inventor .  183 

171.  The  Poet  Phaedrus .  185 

172.  How  one  Fox  Deceived  a  Raven,  and  another  Took  Re¬ 

venge  on  an  Eagle .  186 

173.  How  one  Fox  Got  out  of  a  Well,  and  another  was  Repaid 

by  a  Stork .  187 

174.  Two  Faithful  Dogs  .  187 

175.  How  Mockery  was  Punished,  and  a  Rash  Plan  Aban¬ 

doned . 188 

Section  XVII. 

GREEK  GENERALS  FROM  NEPOS. 

No.  176-178.  A  Few  Preliminary  Remarks  on  the  Life  and  Writ¬ 
ings  of  Cornelius  Nepos . 189 

179.  Miltiades  and  Histiaeus .  192 

180.  The  Battle  at  Marathon .  193 

181.  Death  of  Miltiades . 194 

182.  183.  Themistocles  and  the  Battle  at  Salamis .  196 

184,  185.  Life  and  Fate  of  Themistocles  after  the  Battle  at 

Salamis .  198 

186.  A  Brief  Notice  of  Aristides . 200 

187.  Cimon’s  Prudence  and  Merit  as  a  General . 201 

188.  Banishment,  Death  and  Character  of  Cimon . 203 

189.  Military  Talent  of  Iphicrates . 204 

190.  191.  Person  and  Character  of  Epaminondas . 205 

192,  193.  Military  Exploits  and  Death  of  Epaminondas . 207 


Contents. 


xi 


Section  XVIII. 

STORIES  FROM  OVID. 

PAGE 

No.  194-196.  The  Poet  P.  Ovidius  Naso . 210 

197.  The  Four  Ages  of  the  World .  214 

198.  The  Flood  of  Deucalion .  215 

199.  Origin  of  the  New  Human  Race .  217 

200.  Origin  of  the  City  of  Thebes .  218 

201-203.  Haughtiness  and  Fall  of  Niobe . . . 219 

Section  XIX. 

HISTORICAL  SKETCHES  FROM  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

No.  204-207.  C.  Julius  Caesar . 223 

208-213.  The  Helvetian  War .  228 

214.  The  Tribe  of  the  Suevi  .  235 

215,  216.  Caesar’s  First  Passage  of  the  Rhine . . .  236 

217,  218.  Death  of  Indutiomarus .  239 

Section  XX. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES. 

No.  219,  220.  Titus  Livius,  the  Historian . 242 

221,  222.  C.  Sallustius  Crispus . 245 

223-226.  The  Poet  P.  Yirgilius  Maro . . . 248 


PART  III. 

FREE  EXERCISES. 

Section  XXI. 

cardinal  newman’s  sketch  of  cicero’s  life  and 

WRITINGS. 

No.  227-236.  1.  Chief  Events  in  the  Life  of  Cicero .  257 

237-242.  2.  Cicero’s  Literary  Position  and  Relation  to  the 

New  Academy .  272 


Contents. 


•  • 
Xll 


PAGE 

No.  243-247.  3.  Peculiarity  of  Cicero’s  Discussions.  His  Rheto¬ 


rical  Works .  281 

248-253.  4.  Cicero’s  Philosophical  Writings  .  289 

254.  5.  Cicero’s  Letters.  His  Historical  and  Poetical  Compo¬ 
sitions .  297 

255-257.  6.  Cicero’s  Orations .  299 

258-260.  7.  Cicero’s  Style. — Conclusion . 304 


APPENDIX. 


Index  of  Proper  Names 


810 


PART  I. 


Exercises  on  the  Rules  of  Syntax. 


. 


SECTION  I. 


Preliminary  Exercises.  Agreement  of  the 
Parts  of  a  Sentence.  Use  of 
the  Nominative. 

(S.  Gr.  §  189-192. — Y.  Gr.  §  112-116.  155.) 

1.  On  the  Boundaries  and  Parts  of  Ancient  Greece.  Northern1 

Greece. 

Ancient  Greece,  the  home  of  the  most  illustrious  of  all 
nations,  was  separated2  on3  the  North  from  Illyria  and 
Macedonia  by  high  mountains.  Towards  the  East  and 
South  it  was  washed 4  by  the  Aegean,  towards  the  W est  by 
the  Ionian  sea.  The  whole  country  is,  as  it  were,6  naturally 
divided  into  three  parts.  The  first  of  these  is  Northern 
Greece ;  the  second  Central,*  which  is  also  called  Hellas ; 
the  third  Peloponnesus.  To  these  divisions  the  islands  may 
be  added,  forming 7  a  fourth  part  of  Greece.  Moreover,* 
the  Greeks  inhabited  *  many  other  countries  into  which  they 
had  led 10  colonists.  Northern  Greece  included 11  two  prov¬ 
inces,12  Thessaly  and  Epirus.  Thessaly  was  a  lovely  13  and 
fertile  land.  Here  Tempe  was  situated  ( erat ),  that  very  re¬ 
nowned  valley  which  lay 14  between  the  two  mountains, 
Olympus  and  Ossa,  and  was  traversed 16  by  the  river  Peneus. 
As  is  related  by  the  ancient  poets  of  the  Greeks,  Olympus 
was  the  abode  of  the  gods.  The  largest  of  the  towns  of 
Thessaly  was  Larissa,  the  birth-place 16  of  Achilles.  Near 
the  town  of  Pharsalus,  Pompey  was  vanquished  by  Caesar. 
Pherae  also  is  renowned.  Dodona,  a  town  which  was  the 
seat  of  the  most  ancient  oracle  of  Jupiter,  was  situated  in 


4 


Part  I. 


Epirus.  Pyrrhus,  who  waged  war  against17  the  Homans, 
was  king  of  Epirus. 

No.  1.  ‘quae  vergebat  ad  septentriones.  *se  jungere.  3adversus, 
8.  Gr.  §164.— F.  Gr.  §93.  4.  4alluere.  5 quasi,  tamquam.  6 media 
Graecia.7  efficere.  “praeterea.  9incolere.  1#deducere.  11  complecti. 
12regiones.  13  amoenus.  14situm  esse.  15perfluere.  16patria.  17bel* 
ium  gerere  cum  or  ad  versus. 

2.  The  Provinces  of  Central  Greece — Acarnania,  Aetolia,  Doris, 

and  Locris. 

Central  Greece  or  Hellas  consisted 1  of  eight  provinces, 
the  names  of  which  are :  Acarnania,  Aetolia,  Doris,  Locris, 
Phocis,  Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  Acarnania  is  situated  to¬ 
wards  the  West,2  and  is  to  a  great  extent 3  surrounded 4  by  the 
sea.  The  most  noted  town  of  this  province  is  Actium, 
where  in  a  great  naval  engagement,6  in  the  year  31  before 
Christ,  the  Roman  general  Antony  was  vanquished  by  his 
adversary  Octavian.  Acarnania  is  separated  from  Aetolia  by 
the  river  Achelous,  of  which  many  things  are  related  in  the 
legends  of  the  Greeks.  Aetolia  is  adjacent  ‘  to  Acarnania. 
The  inhabitants  of  these  provinces  were  less  cultured 7  than 
the  other 8  inhabitants  of  Central  Greece.  Doris  was  a 
small 8  province  between  Thessaly,  Locris,  and  Phocis.  It 
contained  four  small  confederated 10  towns,  which  were 
called  the  Dorian  Tetrapolis.  Locris  consisted  of  two  parts, 
which  were  separated  by  11  Phocis.  One  part  was  situated 
near12  the  Corinthian  gulf,13  and  contained  two  large  towns, 
Amphissa  and  Naupactus.  The  other  and  smaller  part  was 
situated  near  the  strait 14  of  Epirus.  Of  the  towns  in  this 
latter  part,  the  largest  was  Opus,  from  which  the  Locri,  who 
lived  16  here,  were  also  called  the  Opuntian  Locri ;  but  most 
illustrious 16  was  Thermopylae,  that  defile  17  between  Mount 
Oeta  and  the  Malian  gulf,  where  Leonidas  with  300  Spartans 
died 18  a  most  glorious  death  for  his  country. 


No.  2.  1  constare.  2spectare  ad  occasum,  ad  or  in  occidentem  solem. 

3  magnam  partem.  4  circumdare,  cingere.  5  pugna  navalis.  6  finitimus. 
7colere,  excolere.  8ceteri.  ‘exiguus.  10  inter  seconjungere.  11  inter- 


Section  I. 


5 


positus  11  ad.  13  sinus.  14fretum.  15habitare,  incolere ;  Participial 
Constr.  16maxime.  17angustiae,  fauces.  18obire. 

3.  Pbocis. 

Phocis  is  situated  between  the  two 1  Locris,  and  extends 5 
on  the  South  to  the  Corinthian  gulf,  and  to  Mount  Oeta  on 
the  North.  Very  noted  in  the  history  and  legends  of  the 
Greeks  are  the  town  of  Delphi  and  Mount  Parnassus,  which 
are  situated  in  this  province.  Delphi  was  especially3  re¬ 
nowned  for  ( Abl .)  the  oracle  of  the  Pythian  Apollo.  It  was 
here 4  that  the  Pythian  games  were  celebrated  every  fourth 
year,4  to  which  a  great  multitude  of  Greeks  always  came  to¬ 
gether.  Delphi  was,  as  the  ancients  say,  the  centre 6  of  the 
earth.7  The  celebrated  tribunal  of  the  Amphictyons  was 
also  situated  there.  Mount  Parnassus  was  the  abode  of  the 
Muses ;  at  its  foot 8  was  a  sacred  spring,  which  was  called 8 
Castalia.  Parnassus  and  Castalia  were  often  celebrated  by 
ancient  poets ;  they  were  consecrated  to  the  Muses  and  to 
Apollo  their  leader.  Also  of  the  river  Cephissus  mention  is 
often  made  in  the  poems  of  the  ancients.  Elatea,  the  larg¬ 
est  town  of  the  country,10  was  taken  and  fortified  11  by  Philip, 
king  of  the  Macedonians,  whereby 12  the  fame  and  power  of 
that  king  were  greatly  increased  13  in  Greece. 

No.  3.  1  uterque.  Hangere,  pertinere  ad.  3 imprimis.  4  ibidem. 

5 quarto  quoque  anno,  S.  Or.  §68.  Note  4.-7  Or.  §44.  4.  Umbili¬ 
cus.  7orbis  terrarum.  3  sub— radicibus.  9  S.  Or.  §  207.  3. —  T.  Gr. 
§162.3.  10 terra.  11  munire.  Square.  13 augere,  amplificare. 

4.  Boeotia  and  Thebes,  its  Capital.1  Some  other  Towns. 

As  its  boundary  1  on  the  North,  Boeotia  has  Phocis  and 
the  smaller  Locris,  Attica  on  the  South  ;  on  3  the  West  and 
East  it  is  bounded 4  by  the  Corinthian  gulf  and  the  strait  of 
Euripus.  Next  to 6  Attica,  Boeotia  is  the  most  important  * 
province  of  Hellas.  Here  were  Mount  Helicon  and  Mount 
Cithaeron,  after  Parnassus  the  most  renowned  abode  of  the 
Muses ;  moreover 7  Lake  Copais  and  the  rivers  Asopus  and 
Iemenus.  On  *  this  river  Thebes  was  situated,  the  capital  of 


6 


Part  I. 


the  country,  of  which  some  *  mention  must  be  here  made. 
The  citadel 10  of  the  town  is  said  to  have  been  founded  11  by 
Cadmus,  a  prince  of  the  Phoenicians ;  whence  it  was  also 
called  Cadmea.  After  the  Peloponnesian  war,  this  citadel 
was  perfidiously  occupied  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  again 
freed  by  Pelopidas.  Thebes  was  the  birth-place  of  the  most 
illustrious  poet  Pindar.  Its  greatness  and  power  were  in¬ 
creased  especially  by  12  Pelopidas  and  Epaminondas,  the  most 
famous 13  generals  of  the  Thebans.  Alexander  the  Great 
destroyed 14  the  city  and  burned  down  15  all  the  buildings,  ex¬ 
cept1*  the  temples  of  the  gods  and  the  house  of  the  poet 
Pindar,  whose  poems  were  in  the  highest  repute  17  with  the 
ancients.  Among  the  other  towns  of  Boeotia,  Leuctra, 
Plataea,  and  Chaeronea  are  often  named  in  history.  By  the 
battle  of  Chaeronea,  where  Alexander  the  Great  as  a  youth 
of  eighteen  years 18  obtained  the  highest  honors,  the  Mace¬ 
donians  became  the  masters  of  Greece. 

No.  4.  1  caput.  2finitimus,  vicinus.  3ab.  4continere.  5  secun¬ 

dum.  6magnus,  potens.  1  turn.  8  ad.  9pauca.  10arx.  ncondere. 
12 per.  13illustris,  excellens.  14evertere,  diruere,  delere.  15comburere. 
16praeter.  nesse  in  honore.  18  8.  Gr.  §211.  Note. —  T.  Gr.  §123.  2. 

5.  Attica. 

Attica  is  the  most  celebrated  of  all  the  provinces  of 
Greece.  Nearly 1  the  whole  country  was  washed  by  the 
Aegean  sea ;  on  the  North  it  was  bounded 2  by  Boeotia,  on 
the  W est  by  the  small  country  of  Megaris.  Attica  was  less 
distinguished 3  for  its  fertility  than  for  the  genius 4  and  ac¬ 
tivity  6  of  its  inhabitants.  It  has  many  mountains,  several  of 
which  are  worthy  of  being  mentioned.*  Pentelicus  yielded 7 
the  most  excellent*  marble,  Hymettus  the  best  honey;  as 
owing  to 9  its  abundance  of  herbs  the  latter  was  well  suited 
for 10  apiaries.11  Near  12  Laurium  there  were  mines,13  from 
which  a  large  quantity 14  of  silver  was  yearly  obtained.18  At 
the  extremity  of  Attica,  towards  the  South,  was  the  prom¬ 
ontory  18  of  Sunium,  on  the  summit 17  of  which  a  magnificent 
temple  of 18  Pentelian  marble  had  been  built  to  Minerva;  as 


Section  I. 


7 


in  Attica,  this  goddess  was  especially  19  worshipped 20  above 51 
all  other  gods,  and  the  whole  country  was  under  her  special 
protection.23  Neptune  was  also  regarded  as  a  tutelary 23  deity 
of  the  country.  The  rivers  of  Attica  are  very  small ;  most 
noted  are  the  Ilissus  and  Cephissus ;  but  this  latter  must  be 
distinguished  from  that  other  river  which  flows  through 
Phocis  and  Boeotia. 

No.  5.  1  fere  ( after  totus).  2  contineri  aliqua  re,  attingere,  or  tangere 
aliquid.  3insignis.  Mngenium.  5industria.  6  8.  Or.  §  258. —  T.  Or. 
§202.  11.  ’praebere,  dare.  8praestans,  praeclarus.  9  propter.  10ido- 
neus,  aptus  ad,  8.  Or.  §203.  2.  Note  1. — T.  Or.  135.  2.  uresapiaria. 
12apud.  13metalla,  orum.  14 vis,  copia,  8.  Or.  §  212.  2.  “of  s," 
Gen.  ,5redire.  16promuntorium  (promontorium).  17  vertex,  or  after 
S.  Or.  §237.  3. —  T.  Or.  §137.  5.  18  ex.  19maxime.  20colere.  21prae- 
ter.  22  esse  in  praecipua  tutela.  23  tutelaris. 


6.  The  City  of  Athens. 

By  far  the  most  famous  town  of  Attica  was  Athens,  which 
is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Cecrops,  an  Egyptian  king. 
From  1  the  name  of  its  founder  the  citadel  was  called 
Cecropia.  Very  many  wonderful  things  are  related  of 
Athens  by  ancient  writers ;  they  extol  it  with  such  praises 3 
that,  without  doubt,  it  must  be  considered  the  first  and  most 
beautiful  city  of  all  antiquity.3  Here  were  the  most  magni¬ 
ficent  temples  and  public  buildings ;  here  was  a  great 4  pro¬ 
fusion6  of  the  most  beautiful  works  of  painting6  and 
sculpture 7 ;  here  was  the  market 8  not  only  of  the  most 
precious  merchandise  which  was  imported 9  from 10  all 
countries,  but  also,  as  it  were,  of  all  sciences11  and  fine 
arts.12  All  the  streets,  all  the  public  places  of  the  city,  were 
adorned  with  statues.  All  excellent,  all  rare  things  that 
could  be  found  13  in  any  other  city  of  the  globe,14  were  to  be 
found  at  Athens,  so  that  Athens  has  not  unjustly  16  been 
stvled  the  inventress  of  all  the  fine  arts.16  No  state  has 

•j 

produced 17  more  and  greater  generals,  none  men  more 
skilled  in  politics,18  than  Athens.  Their  names  are  men¬ 
tioned  in  the  history  of  Greece  with  the  greatest  praise. 


8 


Part  1. 


The  Athenians  also  excelled  all  nations  of  antiquity  in 
mental  endowment.19 

No.  6.  1  ex.  3  laudibus  efferre.  3  antiquitas.  4  ingens.  5  copia. 

6  ars  pingendi,  pictura.  1  ars  statuaria.  8  mercatus.  9  advehere.  10  ex. 
11  litterae.  12  bonae,  or  optimae  artes.  13  reperire,  in  venire.  14orbister_ 
rarum.  15  injuria,  S.  Gr.  §  224.  3.  1.  —  Y.  Gr.  §  126.  2.  16  See  12. 

1Tpar6re.  18  administranda  res  publica,  S.  Gr.  §  213. —  Y.  Gr.  §  132.  1. 
19virtus,  bonum. 

7.  The  Harbors  of  Athens  and  other  Remarkable  Places  of 

Attica.  Megaris. 

Athens  was  not  situated  on  the  very  {ipse)  seashore,1  but 
at  a  distance 2  from  it  of  forty  stadia,  i.  e .3  live  Roman  or 
live  English  miles.4  Still  the  city  had  a  most  excellent 
harbor,  the  Piraeus,  which  by  the  advice  5  of  Themistocles 
and  especially  of  Cimon,  had  been  strongly  6  fortified  and 
joined  to  7  the  city  by  the  so-called  8  long  walls.  This  was 
perhaps  the  most  useful  thing  which  these  men  did  for  their 
country.  Munychia  and  Phaleron  also,  two  smaller  harbors, 
had  been  fortified,  and  they  formed 9  with  the  Piraeus  a 
considerable  sea-port 11  town.  These  three  harbors  can  be 
regarded  12  as  parts,  as  it  were,  of  Athens  itself,  and  they 
were  very  important 13  for  the  preservation  and  extension  of 
its  power.14 

Besides  Athens  some  other  towns  of  Attica  have  also  be¬ 
come  renowned,  chiefly  Eleusis,  Marathon,  and  Decelea- 
The  mysteries  15  of  Ceres,  who  is  said  to  have  first  taught 
mankind  agriculture  in  Attica,  were  celebrated  at  Eleusis. 
These  are  the  Eleusinian  festivals,16  which  seem  to  have 
enjoyed  the  highest  veneration  among  the  ancients.  We 
must  also  mention  Marathon  and  the  Marathonian  plain,17 
which  reminds  us 18  of  the  greatest  glory  of  the  Athenians. 
For  here  with  ten  thousand  Greeks,  Miltiades,  who  had  been 
chosen  general  by  the  Athenians,  vanquished  the  tenfold 19 
number  of  Persians.  Decelea  was  in  older  times  an  incon¬ 
siderable  20  place ;  but  during  the  Peloponnesian  war  it  was 
fortified  by  the  Spartans  at  the  advice21  of  Alcibiades,  who 


Section  I. 


9 


had  been  declared  an  enemy  of  the  country,  and  banished  ” 
by  his  fellow-citizens.  Thus  Decelea  became  very  dangerous 
to  the  city  itself. 

The  smallest  among  the  provinces  of  Hellas  was  Megaris. 
Its  capital  is  Megara,  from  which  the  country  derived  its 
name.  This  town  was  the  birth-place  of  the  philosopher 
Euclid,  a  pupil  of  Socrates. 

No.  7.  ’mare.  2abesse.  3 id  est.  4quinque  millia  passuum  sive 
quinque  milliaria  Britannica.  5  consilium  ;  Abl.  6  valde.  7  cum.  8  8, 
Or.  §  238.  2.  b. —  Y.  Gr.  §  152.  3.  9efficere.  10  satis  amplus.  11  mari- 
timus.  13  putare,  habere.  13  gravis,  or  plurimum  valere.  14  ad  tutandam 
et  amplificandam  potestatem.  15  mysterium,  arcanum.  16  sacrum. 
17  campus.  18  by  nuntius.  19  decemplex.  20  exiguus,  parvus.  51  consil¬ 
ium  ;  Abl.;  or  according  to  8.  Gr.  §  284.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  218.  2. 
”  expellere. 


8.  Peloponnesus. 

Peloponnesus  is  a  peninsula1  which  is  almost  entirely 
surrounded  by  the  Aegean  and  Ionian  seas.  The  country 
received  its  name  from  Pelops,  the  son  of  Tantalus,  king  of 
Phrygia.  For  in  the  year  1400  B.  C.,  before  (cum)  the  land 
had  (nondum)  a  definite  name,  Pelops  had  arrived  there  and 
been  made  king.  Peloponnesus,  then,2  means 3  the  island  of 
Pelops.  It  is  connected  4  with  the  mainland  5  by  a  narrow 
slip  of  land,6  which  is  usually  called  Isthmus.  On  this 
Isthmus,  at  the  beginning  of  every  third  year  the  Isthmian 
games  were  celebrated,  which  are  said  to  have  been  instituted 
by  Theseus  in7  honor  of  Neptune,  and  which  were  no  less 
renowned  than  the  Pythian.  The  contests  consisted 8  of 
chariot  races,  running,  singing,9  and  other  arts ;  the  most 
noble  and  irreproachable  10  men  were  chosen  as  arbiters 11  of 
these  combats.  Whosoever  had  been  declared  the  worthiest 
of  the  contestants  by  the  umpires  was  proclaimed  victor. 
It  is  related  13  that  the  poet  Ibycus  was  killed  by  robbers 
when  travelling  to  these  contests.  But  the  story  goes,  that 
the  robbers  were  recognized  in  a  wonderful 13  manner,  and 
punished  14  with  death.  Peloponnesus,  like  Middle  Greece, 
was  divided  into  eight  provinces :  Corinth,  Sicyon,  Achaia, 


10 


Paet  I. 


Elis,  Messenia,  Laconica,  Argolis,  Arcadia.  All  these  prov¬ 
inces  touched  the  sea,  except  Arcadia,  which  was  situated  in 
the  centre  of15  Peloponnesus,  and  in  16  no  direction  17  ex¬ 
tended  18  as  far  as 19  the  sea. 

No.  8.  ^aeninsula.  3autem.  3  esse.  4  adhaerere  alicui.  5continens. 
6  “  a  narrow  slip  of  land,”  terrae  fauces.  7  in,  with  Acc.  8  “  the  contests 
consis if  certatur.  9currus,  cursus,  cantus,  Abl.  without  Prep.  10  in¬ 
teger.  11  arbiter.  12  traditur.  13admirabilis.  14multare.  15  S.  Or. 
§  237.3. — Y.  Or.  §137.  5.  16  ex,  or  ab,  also  in,  with  Acc.  17  pars. 
18  pertinere.  19  usque  ad. 


9.  Corinth. 

The  small  country  of  Corinth  was  situated  on  the  Isthmus 
between  the  Corinthian  and  Saronic  gulfs.  The  capital  of 
the  country  was  Corinth.  By  extensive  commerce  1  and  in¬ 
dustry,  this  city  had  acquired 2  such  power 3  and  so  great 
riches,  that  it  surpassed,  in  splendor  and  magnificence,4 
almost  all  the  other  towns  of  Greece.  The  temples  and 
public  buildings  especially  were  adorned  with  the  most 
magnificent  pillars.5  The  Corinthian  pillars  were  considered 
the  most  artificial 6 ;  the  Dorian  pillars  were  distinguished 
for  their  simplicity  and  dignity,  the  Ionian  for  their  slender¬ 
ness  7  and  a  certain  8  boldness.  If  the  height  of  these  pillars 
is  compared  with  their  circumference,9  the  Ionian  columns 
were  of  a  smaller  circumference  than  the  Dorian.  But  in 
art  and  elegance  the  Corinthian  surpassed  them.  In  the 
history  of  art,  Corinthian  metal  (aes\  which  is  said  to 
nave  been  composed  10  of 11  gold,  silver,  and  copper,  deserves 
special  mention.12  It  was 13  in  great  renown  with  the 
ancients.  Of  it  artificial  vessels  and  statues  were  formed, 
which  were  considered  most  precious.  Earthenware  14  was 
also  made  15  at  Corinth. 

No.  9.  ^requens  mercatus,  or  mercatura.  2comparare,  parare, 
acquirere.  3  opes.  4  8.  Or.  §  226  —  Y.  Or.  §124.  5  columna. 

6 artificiosus.  7  gracilitas,  proceritas.  "quasi  quidara.  9amplitudo, 
ambitus.  10fuisse.  11  ex.  13  memoria  dignus,  or  memoratu  dignus. 
13frui,  or  esse  in.  14  opus  figlinum,  or  fictile  (Plur.).  I5conficere. 


Section  I. 


11 


10.  Sicyon. 

The  province  of  Sicyon,  whose  capital  was  likewise1 
called  Sicyon,  was  of  nearly  2  the  same  extent 3  as 4  Corinth. 
The  city  of  Sicyon  is  considered  by  many  to  be  the  oldest 
city  of  Greece ;  but  it  seems  that  several  other  cities  have 
been  either  older  or  at  least 5  of  the  same  age.6  Sicyon  was 
the  birth-place  of  Aratus,  an  excellent  citizen  and  general 
of  the  Achaean  league.  At  various  times  arts  greatly ' 
flourished  at  Sicyon,  and  even 8  Daedalus,  that  most  re¬ 
nowned  artist,  is  said  to  have  been  born  there.  A  school  of 
painting 2  was  afterwards  founded  there  by  Eupompus.  Be¬ 
fore  the  time  of  Eupompus  only  Attic  and  Ionian  painting 
had  been  in  honor.  From  this  school  Apelles,  as  well  as 
others,  went  forth.10  Apelles,  however,  was  not  a  Sicyonian 
by  birth,11  but  was  born  in  the  island  of  Cos.  Sicyonian 
shoes 13  were  likewise  praised  in  Greece  for  their  beauty  and 
elegance  ;  but  for  the  very  same  reason  they  were  considered 
womanish,13  so  that  they  were  declared  14  unworthy15  of  a 
man.  The  most  ancient  brass  foundries 18  are  also  said  to 
have  been  established  at  Sicyon.  Situated  also  in  Sicyonian 
territory  17  was  the  city  of  Plilius,  which,  when  Aratus  of 
Sicyon  as  leader 18  of  the  Achaean  league  waged  war 
against 19  the  Spartans,  remained  faithful  to  the  Spartan 
alliance  in  bad  as  well  as 20  in  good  fortune.  The  Sicyonian 
state  was  generally  governed 21  by  tyrants,  and  never 
obtained 22  great  power. 

No.  10.  ’item.  2 fere.  3 magnitude*.  4  S.  Gr.  §  238.  2. —  T.  Gr\ 
§115.  3.  5  saltern.  6  vetustas  {Gen.).  1  magnopere.  8atque  adeo. 

9  schola  pingendi.  10  prodire,  proficisci.  n  natione.  12  calceus.  13  mu- 
liebris.  14judicare.  15  8.  Gr.  §  223. —  Y.  Gr.  §136.  16  fabrica  aeris. 

17  ager.  18  princeps.  19  cum.  20  tarn — quam.  21  regere.  22  adipisci. 


11.  Achaia  and  Arcadia. 

Achaia  occupies  nearly  the  whole  Northern  coast 1  of 
Peloponnesus  on  the  Corinthian  gulf.  It  is  separated  from 
Arcadia  by  high  mountains.  Of  these  mountains  Eryman- 


12 


Part  I. 


thus  has  become 2  the  most  renowned.  There  Hercules  is 
said  to  have  killed  the  huge3  Erymanthian  boar,  which,  for 
a  long  time,  had  laid  waste 4  the  whole  country.  Diana,  the 
goddess  of  the  chase,  had  grown  attached  6  to  the  forests  of 
Erymanthus  because  of  the  abundance  of  game.6  The 
province  of  Achaia  consisted  of 7  twelve  small  confederated  ' 
republics.  Tts  capital  was  Patrae.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
country  are  called  Achaeans ;  but  the  Homeric  \4%aioi,  who 
by  the  Latins  are  not  called  Achaeans,  but  Achivi,  is  the 
common  name  of  all  the  Greeks. 

The  province  of  Arcadia  occupies  the  middle9  of  Pe¬ 
loponnesus.  It  is  a  mountainous 10  region,  full  of  forests 
with  herbiverous 11  pastures 12  and  fertile  valleys,  and  re¬ 
nowned  for  many  natural  beauties.13  For  this  reason  Pan, 
the  god  of  shepherds  and  husbandmen,  is  said  to  have  liked 
Arcadia  above  all  other  countries.  Diana  also  frequently 
came  thither  to  follow  the  chase,14  because  there  was  plenty 
of  game  in  those  large  forests.  The  largest  city  of  the 
province  was  Megalopolis.  But  Mantinea  attained  greater 
celebrity  commemorating  15  the  glory  of  Epaminondas,  who 
vanquished  the  Lacedaemonians  near  that  city,  and  died  for 
his  country.  In  the  Northern  part  of  Arcadia  is  Lake 
Stymphalus,  where  those  ugly  rapacious  birds  resided 16 
which  Hercules  is  said  to  have  killed.  The  Arcadians 
themselves  were  a  simple,  hardy,17  and  warlike  tribe1*  of 
shepherds ;  they  are  not  unjustly  compared  to  the  Swiss. 

No.  11.  1  ora.  2  evadere,  exsistere.  3immanis.  4  vastare,  populari, 
vexare.  6  “to  grow  attached  to adamare,  with  Acc.  6  ferae.  1  ex. 
8 inter  se  conjungere.  9  medius.  10montanus.  nherbosus.  12pascuumr 
saltus.  13  amoenitas  locorum.  14  causa,  with  Gen.  of  Gerund.  15  by 
nuntius,  a,  um.  16  versari.  17  durus.  18  gens. 

12.  Elis. 

The  province  of  Elis  lies  on 1  the  Ionian  sea.  It  has  its 
name  from  the  city  of  Elis,  which  was  the  capital  of  the 
country.  But  the  most  renowned  place  of  the  province  was 
Olympia,  where  the  Olympian  games  were  celebrated. 


Section  I. 


13 


Olympia,  a  plain  of  uncommon  loveliness,2  was  enclosed,3  on 
the  South,  by  the  river  Alpheus,  on  the  North  by  a  sacred 
grove4  of  Jupiter,  which  was  called  Altis.  On  this  plain 
stood  only  few,  but  magnificent  buildings,  in  which  those 
things  were  stored  5  that  were  necessary  for  the  games  ;  for 
it  seems  that  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Olympia  was 
{perf.)  very  small.  Nevertheless 6  the  whole  country  was 
adorned  with  statues,  altars,7  and  temples  of  the  gods,  of 
which  the  most  splendid  was  the  temple  of  Jupiter.  But  all 
the  splendor  of  the  edifice  was  surpassed  by  that  most  famous 
statue  of  the  god  himself,  which  the  Athenian  Phidias  had 
shaped  out  of  gold  and  ivory.  It  is  said  in  Homer’s  Iliad, 
that  by  a  nod '  of  his  eyebrows 9  Jupiter  makes  the  whole  of 
Olympus  tremble.10  Phidias  had  conceived11  this  image  in 
his  mind  in  which  the  highest  power  of  the  god  is  described, 
and  had  expressed  it  with  so  much  skill,  that  no  work  of  art 
in  all  antiquity  has  acquired  a  greater  or  an  equal 12  renown. 

No.  12.  1  adjacere,  with  Bat.  (rarely  Acc.).  2  amoenitas,  Gen.  3clau- 
dere.  Mucus.  5  servare.  6  nihilo  minus,  nihilo  secius.  1  ara.  8nutus. 
9  supercilium.  10  “  to  make  tremble,”  tremefacere.  11  coucipere.  12  par. 

13.  The  Olympian  Games. 

The  Olympian  games  occupied  1  among  the  Greek  festi¬ 
vals  2  by  far  the  first  place.  They  were  renewed 3  with  the 
greatest  solemnity 4  every  fourth  year.  On  those  festive  days 
an  immense  multitude  of  people  came  to  Olympia  from  all 
the  Greek  states,  and  even  from  Sicily,  Asia,  and  Egypt. 
However,  only  Greeks  were  admitted ;  the  presence  of  for¬ 
eigners  6  was  deemed  unfit.  During  the  days  of  these  games, 
the  hearts6  of  all  were  aroused 7  to  joy  and  cheerfulness. 
There  was  universal8  peace;  discord  and  enmities  rested.9 
Old  friends  and  guests  were  again  10  seen  after  11  a  long  inter¬ 
val,  new  connections  12  were  made,13  friendships  concluded,14 
hospitalities 16  renewed  between  individuals  and  states,  so 
that  these  Olympian  meetings  16  became,17  as  it  were,  a  com¬ 
mon  18  bond  of  union  for  the  whole  of  Greece.  Although 
the  Olympian  festivals  were  19  principally  20  of  religious  char- 


14 


Part  I. 


acter,  and  sacrifices  were  offered,21  and  the  gods  worshipped 
by  dance 22  and  song,23  yet  attention  ( mentes )  was  chiefly  cen¬ 
tred24  on  the  contests  themselves,  of  which  there  were  five 
different  kinds,  called  by  the  Greeks  Trsuza&Aov,  by  the  Latins 
quinquertium. 

No.  13.  1  obtinere.  2sollemnia.  3instaurare.  4celebritas.  Carba¬ 
rns.  6  animus.  1  excitare.  "communis.  9quiescere.  10  revisere.  11  ex. 
12societas.  13inire.  ujungere.  15  hospitium.  1Gconventus,  coetus. 
17exsistere.  18  quasi  communis  quidam.  19  pertinere  ad.  50  potissimum. 
21  sacra  facere.  22  chorus.  23  cantus.  24duceread. 


14.  Chapter  II. 


The  contests  embraced  morever  the  liberal  arts.1  Sappho 
is  said  to  have  recited  her  poems2  there;  Herodotus  read 
part  of  the  Greek  history,  and  it  is  related  3  that  Thucydides, 
who  was  then  present  as  a  boy,  was  by  this  very  fact 4 
inflamed  to5  the  emulation6  of  Plerodotus.  Generally  only 
Eleans  were  chosen  as  umpires  who  for  that  reason  were 
not  allowed  to  contend.  The  one  who  had  been  proclaimed 
victor  received  in  token  of  victory  a  crown  of  olive  branches7 
and  a  palm  (branch)  without  any  other  reward.  But  this  was 
considered  the  greatest  glory.  A  victory  in  *  the  Olympian 
contests,9  says  Cicero,  was  held  in  almost  higher  esteem  by 
the  Greeks  than  the  consulate  or  a  triumph  at  Borne. 
When  Diagoras  of  Bhodes,  a  celebrated 10  Olympian 
victor,11  had  on  one  and  the  same  day  witnessed  the  triumph 
of  his  two  sons  at  Olympia,  and  the  sons  had  put  their 
crowns  on  their  father’s  brow,  a  Lacedaemonian  approached  12 
and  said  :  “  Die  (now),  Diagoras,  for  you  do  not  intend  to 
ascend  14  into  heaven.”  That  three  Olympian  victors  15  had 
sprung 16  from  one  house  seemed  to  that  Lacedaemonian  to  be 
almost  a  superhuman  17  glory. 

No.  14.  1  artes  ingenuae.  2  carmen.  3  perhibere.  4  ea  ipsa  re.  5  ad. 
6  aemulatio.  1  by  the  Adj.  oleagineus.  *  Oenit.  9  Olympia,  orum. 
10nobilis.  11  Olympionlces.  12  accedere,  adire.  13  inquit,  to  be  placed 
after  the  first  word  spoken.  14ascendere;  “  to  intend  to  ascend,”  by 
Periphrast.  Conjug.  15  See  11.  16  proficisci.  17  Tr ansi.  i(a  greater 

than  a  human  ” — . 


Section  I. 


15 


15.  Messenia,  Laconica,  Argolis. 

Messenia  was  separated  from  the  rest  of  Peloponnesus  by 
mountains.  The  largest  river  of  the  country  is  Pamisus.  Of 
the  cities  of  Messenia  the  most  renowned  are  Messene,  the 
capital,  Pylus,  the  birth-place  of  Nestor,  and  Ithome  and  Ira, 
two  fortified  towms,  the  former  of  which  was  bravely  de¬ 
fended  by  Aristodemus  in  the  first,  the  latter  by  Aristomenes 
in  the  second  Messenian  war. 

The  province  of  Laconica  was  the  most  powerful  of  the 
whole  peninsula.  The  best  known  mountains  were  the  Par- 
non  in  the  north,  and  the  Taygetus  in  the  west.  The  river 
Eurotas  flowed  through  the  middle  of  the  country,  and  ran 1 
into  the  Laconian  gulf,  near  the  city  of  Gythium,  where  the 
naval2  arsenal3  was  situated.  The  promontory  of  Taenarum 
had  a  deep  cavern,4  through  which  a  way  was  said  to  lead 
down5  to  the  lower  regions.6  The  capital  of  Laconica  is 
Sparta,  which  is  also  called  Lacedaemon  ;  it  is  situated  on  the 
river  Eurotas.  The  Spartans  were  believed  to  be  the  brav¬ 
est  of  all  the  Greeks ;  this  they  owed 7  especially  to  the  .se¬ 
vere  laws  of  Lycurgus.  Argolis  is  enclosed  by  the  Argolic 
and  Saronic  gulfs,  so  that  it  forms8  a  peninsula.  The  most 
ancient  cities  of  Greece  were  situated  in  this  province, 
Argos,  Tiryns,  Mycenae,  and  several  others.  Among  them 
Nemea  is  worth  mentioning9;  for  there  Hercules  is  said  to 
have  killed  the  ferocious 10  Nemean  lion,  and  instituted  pub¬ 
lic  games  in  11  memory  of  this  victory. 

No.  15.  ’effundi.  2navalis.  3castra.  4specus.  5  descensus.  6in- 
feri.  7  debere.  8  efficere.  9  commemorandus  ,  memorabilis.  10  horren- 
dus,  immanis.  11  in,  with  Acc. 

16.  The  Grecian  Islands.  The  Cyclades. 

The  mainland  of  Greece  is  surrounded,1  as  it  were,  by  a 
belt  of  islands,  the  most  remarkable  of  which  are,  in  the 
West,  Corcyra,  Cephalenia,  Zacynthus,  and  the  small  and 
stony 2  island  of  Ithaca,  the  birth-place  of  Ulysses ;  in  the 
South,  Cythera,  sacred  to  the  goddess  Venus;  in  the  Saronic 


16 


Part  I„ 


gulf,  Aegina  and  Salamis,  near  which  Tliemistocles  gained’ 
the  greatest  naval  victory  over  the  Persians.  The  largest  of 
all  the  islands  near  the  mainland  is  Euboea. 

The  Aegean  sea  is  filled  with  islands,  many  of  which,  not 
far  from  Greece,  form,  as  it  were,  a  circle,4  called  in  com¬ 
mon  Cyclades,  from  the  Greek  word  xox/oc,  i.  e.,  a  circle. 
Among  these  Cyclades,  Delos,  Paros,  Naxos,  and  Ceos  de¬ 
serve  special  mention.  Apollo  and  Diana  are  said6  to  have 
been  born  on  Mount  Cyntlius  in  the  island  of  Delos.  There¬ 
fore  these  gods  are  also  called  the  Delian  or  Cynthian  gods. 
The  Athenians  yearly  sent  a  solemn  embassy 6  to  Delos,  to 7 
offer  sacrifice  *  to  Apollo  for  the  victory  which  Theseus  had 
gained  over  the  Minotaurus. 

Paros  had  the  largest  marble  quarries 9 ;  the  Parian  mar¬ 
ble  was  considered  the  best,  for  its  remarkable  purity.10  Two 
hundred  years  ago  a  marble  slab,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
made11  about  200  B.  C.,  and  on  which  a  short  history  of 
Greece  is  written,  was  dug  out  in  the  island.  This  slab  is 
also  called  the  Parian  marble.  It  is  known  that 12  Miltiades 
was  wounded  whilst  besieging 13  the  city  of  Paros,  of  which 
wound,  as  is  said,  he  afterwards  died.  Naxos  was  the  larg¬ 
est  and  most  fertile  of  the  Cyclades,  Ceos  the  native  country 
of  the  poets  Simonides  and  Bacchylides. 

No.  16.  ’cingere,  circumdare.  2saxosus.  3  victoriam  reportare  ab. 
4orbis  quidam  insularum.  5perhibere.  6legatio.  7  lit,  or  qui,  with 
Subjunct.  b  sacra  facere.  9  lapicidlnae.  10  candor.  nconflcere.  12  Acc. 
c.  Inf.  13  oppugnare,  obsidere. 

17.  The  Sporades.  Some  Larger  Islands. 

Those  islands  especially,  which  are  situated  near  the  West¬ 
ern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  are  called  Sporades,  i.  e.,  dispersed.1 
The  most  renowned  of  them  are :  Rhodes,  which  excelled 
not  only  in2  commerce  and  navigation,  but  also  in  the2  pur¬ 
suit  of  literature  and  art ;  then  3  Cos,  the  native  country  of 
Hippocrates,  the  most  excellent  of  all  the  Greek  physicians, 
and  of  the  painter  Apelles;  also4  Icaria,  which  is  said  to 
have  received  its  name  from  Icarus,  the  son  of  Daedalus ; 


Section  I. 


17 


moreover 4  Samos,  a  very  rich6  island,  where  the  philosopher 
Pythagoras  was  born  ;  finally  6  Lesbos,  the  native  country  of 
the  poet  Alcaeus  and  the  poetess7  Sappho,  and  Tenedos, 
which  has  become  renowned  through  2  the  Trojan  war. 

The  Northern  islands  Lemnos  and  Imbros  are  not  reck¬ 
oned  in  the  number  of 8  the  Sporades  ;  they  were  sacred  to 
Vulcan  on  account  of  (their)  many  volcanic 9  mountains.  The 
largest  of  the  Greek  islands  are  Crete  and  Cyprus.  Crete  is 
said  to  have  been  the  realm  of  Minos,  the  most  just  law¬ 
giver  ]0 ;  it  was  also  11  the  native  country  of  Idomeneus  and 
Sthenelus,  who  acquired  great  glory  by  their  bravery  in  the 
Trojan  war.  The  best  known  12  cities  of  the  island  are  Cy- 
donia  and  Gnossus.  The  Cretans  were  considered  the  best 
archers  13 ;  for  which  reason  14  the  Cydonian  bow  and  the  Gnos- 
sian  arrows  are  often  praised  as 16  the  surest 16  by  ancient 
poets.  Cyprus  was  sacred  to  Venus;  the  best  known  cities  of 
this  island  are  Paphos,  Cittium,  and  Salamis,  the  last  of  which 
is  said  to  have  been  founded  17  by  Teucer,  the  son  of  Tela¬ 
mon,  king  of  the  island  of  Salamis. 

No.  17.  1  dispersus.  2  Ablat.  3deinde.  4  turn.  5  opulentus.  6de- 
nique,  postremo.  1  poetria.  Bannumerare,  with  Bat.  9ignivomus. 
10  legis,  or  legum  lator.  11  “  it— also  ”=fhe  same.  12  Supei'lat.  13  Sagit¬ 
tarius.  14  idcirco,  or  quocirea.  15  ut,  tanquam.  16certus.  ncondere. 

18.  The  Asiatic  Colonies  of  the  Greeks. 

Besides  the  above-named  1  islands,  the  Greeks  possessed 3 
many  other  countries  and  cities,  which  had  been  founded  by 
Grecian  colonists.  These  colonies  were,  in  great  part,3  very 
powerful,  but  generally  remained  faithful  to  those  cities, 
from  which  they  derived4  their  origin.  On  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  on  6  the  Pontus  Euxinus,'Trapezus  and  Sinope, 
the  birth-place  of  Diogenes,  was  situated.  On  the  Aegean 
sea  in  Lydia  was  the  city  of  Smyrna,  which  is  believed  to  be 
the  birth-place  of  Homer,  and  Ephesus,  where  that  famous 
temple  of  Diana  stood,6  which,  having  been  set  on  fire 7  by  a 
certain  Herostratus,  is  said  to  have  been  consumed 6  on  the 
same  night  on  which  Alexander  the  Great  was  born.  The 


18 


Part  I. 


largest  of  the  Grecian  colonies  in  Caria  was  Miletus,  where 
Thales  the  philosopher  was  born — a  very  rich *  city,  which 
sent  many  colonies  18  into  other  countries.  Priene  was  also 
situated  in  the  same  province,  a  city  which  became  more  re¬ 
nowned  through  its  citizen  Bias  than  for  its  power  and  in¬ 
fluence  ;  finally  Halicarnassus,  the  birth-place  of  Herodotus, 
whom  they  have  called  the  father  of  history ;  and  several 
other  cities,  all  of  which  are  said  to  have  been  founded  by 
the  Greeks,  and  became  rich  and  flourishing.11  To  these 
Asiatic  cities  Cyrene  can  be  added,  a  powerful 12  colony  of 
the  Greeks  in  Africa,  the  birth-place  of  Aristippus  the  phi¬ 
losopher  and  of  Callimachus  the  poet,  the  one  of  whom  was 
a  pupil  of  Socrates,  whilst  the  other  lived  about  100  years 
afterwards 13  at  Alexandria. 

No.  18.  1 8.  Or.  §  238.  2.  b. — Y.  Or.  §152.  3.  2tenere,  obtinere. 
3  Acc.  without  Prep.  4  habere.  5  ad.  6  esse.  7incendere.  8deflagrare. 
9locuples.  10  “to  send  colonies”  deducere  colonias.  11  opulentus. 
12  potens.  13  8.  Or.  §234.  2.—  Y.  Or.  §128.  2. 

19.  Some  Colonies  of  the  Greeks  in  Europe,  and  especially 

in  Italy. 

Hot  less  flourishing  were  many  of  the  Greek  colonies  in 
Europe.  On  the  coast  of  Macedonia,  which  was  held  to  be  a 
barbarous  country  before  the  time  ( Plur .)  of  King  Philip, 
were  the  highly  renowned  cities  of  Chalcis,  Amphipolis,  and 
Potidaea.  These  cities  were  to  some  extent  a  cause  of  con¬ 
flict  between  the  Athenians  and  Spartans  in  the  Peloponne¬ 
sian  war.  But  a  much  more  violent 1  contest  in  regard  to 2 
them  arose  shortly  before3  Philip  of  Macedonia  invaded4 
Greece.  However,  Byzantium,  a  city  situated  in  Thrace  on 
the  Propontis,  acquired  6  a  greater  power  than  these.  This 
city  was  afterwards  made  the  capital  of  the  Roman  empire, 
and  called,  after  the  Emperor  Constantine  the  Great,  Constan¬ 
tinople,  i.  e .,  the  city  of  Constantine. 

Lower  Italy  was  full  of  Greek  colonies,  wherefore 8  it  is 
also  called  Great  Greece.  It  was  there  that  Tarentum  was 
situated,  the  birth-place  of  the  Pythagorean  philosopher 


Section  I. 


19 


Archytas,  illustrious  for  its  power  and  influence.  It  was 
founded  in  the  year  TOT  B.  C-,  by  Pbalantlius,  a  leader  of 
the  Lacedaemonians.  Sybaris,  too,  whose  citizens  were 
notorious 7  for 8  their  effeminate  manners,  must  be  men¬ 
tioned,9  as  also  Croton,  Cumae,  and  Rhegium.9  Syracuse, 
a  very  old  Grecian  colony,  which  is  often  mentioned  10  in 
the  history  of  the  Romans,  was  the  most  powerful  city  in 
Sicily.  On  the  same  island,  Agrigentum,  Messana,  and  Catana 
were  founded  by  the  Greeks.  Massilia,  too,  which  lies  in 
Gaul,  and  Saguntus  in  Spain,  owed  11  their  origin  and  power 
to  Grecian  colonists. 

No.  19.  1  gravis,  acer.  *de.  3  paulo  ante  quam.  4  invadere  in,  with 

Acc.  1  nancisci,  adipisci.  6  quam  ob  causam.  7  infamis.  8  Abl.  9  com- 
memorare,  Periphr.  Conjug.  10  mentionem  facere.  11  debere. 

20.  Of  the  Reception  1  of  Men  among  the  Gods. 

As  the  Thasians  had  received  many  benefits  from  Agesi- 
laus,  they  wanted  to  be  grateful  to  him.  Therefore  they  sent 
ambassadors  to  him,  and  asked  whether  he  wished  to  be  de¬ 
clared  a  god  and  to  be  honored  2  with  temples.  Agesilaus 
asked  whether  men  could  become  gods  through  their  means.8 
When  they  affirmed4  this,  he  said:  “Well, 5  first  make 
yourselves  gods,  then  I  shall  believe  that  I  can  also  be  made 8 
a  god  by  you.”  This  was  sarcasm  worthy  of  a  reasonable 
man.  Not  so  free  from  the  absurdest  vanity  and  insane 
pride  was  Alexander,  king  of  Macedonia,  who  for  his  re¬ 
nowned  deeds  and  bold  designs  appears,  not  unjustly,  to  be 
styled  the  Great,  j  When,  not  without  his  own  efforts,  he 
had  been  hailed  as  a  god  by  Jupiter  Ammon,  he  insisted7 
on  being  honored  as 8  such  by  the  Macedonians  and  Greeks. 
The  Lacedaemonians  decreed  :  “  As  Alexander  by  all  means9 
will  be  a  god,  he  may  be  one.8  ”  At  Athens  he  was  declared 
a  god  on  the  motion  of  Demades;  yet  this  venal  orator, 
whom13  they  justly  believed  to  have  been  bribed  by  the 
Macedonians,  was  afterwards  punished  on  account  of  his 
temerity.  In  the  army  numerous  conspiracies  arose,  the 
cause  of  which  was,  for  11  the  greatest  part,  the  divine  honor 


20 


Past  I. 


paid  to  Alexander.  One  day12  the  soldiers  said,  he  alone 
with  his  father  Jupiter  might13  meet  the  enemy. 

No.  20.  1  Part.  Fut.  Pass.,  recipere  in  deos,  or  rec.  in  numemm 
deorum.  2ornare.  3  Transl.  “  through  them.”  4  Plupf.  5igitur.  6  fieri, 
eflici.  1  postulare,  ut.  8  Transl.  “  as  god.”  Likewise  “he  may  be  a  god." 
“utique.  10  8.  Or.  §268.  3. —  Y.  Or.  §206.  1.  11  Acc.,  without  Prep. 
12  quondam.  13  8.  Or.  §248.  1. —  Y.  Or.  §188. 

21.  Chapter  II. 

Callisthenes  of  Olynth,  sister’s  son  of  Aristotle,  who 
accompanied  Alexander  as  1  naturalist2  and  friend,  remained 
always  opposed  to  the  divine  worship  of  the  king,  and  this 
seems  to  have  been  chiefly 3  the  reason  why  he  was  put  to 
death4 ;  for  it  is  rightly  believed  that  he  had  no  part  in  the 
conspiracy  of  Hermolaus.  Yet  Alexander  sometimes  laughed 
with  his  friends  at  his  own  divinity  6 ;  for  one  day  when  he 
had  been  wounded,  and  blood  was  flowing  from  the  wound, 
he  said  :  “  This,  indeed,  is  blood,  and  not  what  flows  through 
the  veins  of  the  immortal  gods.”  On  the  wdiole,  the  flattery 
of  some  low  people  seemed  to  the  king  to  have  sometimes 
been  extravagant  and  base.6  On  a  certain  occasion 7  one  of 8 
his  architects,  named9  Stasicrates,  wanted  to  give  Mount 
Athos  the  shape  of  a  statue  of  Alexander;  in  one  hand  he 
intended  to  place  a  city  of  10  10,000  inhabitants,  in  the  other 
a  basin,  from  which  a  river  continually  flowed  to  the  sea. 
But  Alexander  said:  uLet  Athos  remain  as  it  is;  that  it  is 
already  a  memorial  of  a  king’s  foolish  pride  is  more  than 
enough.11  ” 

No.  21.  1  ut.  2  speculator  venatorque  naturae.  3  maxima  ex  parte. 

4  supplicium  sumere  de.  5numen.  6vilis.  7  aliquando.  8  unus  ex. 
“nomen,  S.  Or.  §226. — Y.  Gr.  §124.  10  Transl.  “ filled  with.”  11  satis 

superque. 

22.  Chapter  III. 

Aristobulus  was  one  of 1  the  king’s  companions,  and  like 
Ptolemy,  who  afterwards  became  king  of  Egypt,  wrote  his 
life  and  his  deeds.  He  had  described  the  struggle  of  Alex¬ 
ander  with  Porus,  and  greatly  exaggerated  2  his  deeds  and 


Section  I. 


21 


bravery.  When  he  read  it  to  the  king  whilst  sailing  *  on  the 
Hydaspes,  Alexander  threw  the  writing  into  the  water,  say¬ 
ing:  “You  also  deserve4  to  be  thrown  thither,  since  you 
make 5  me  undertake  such  a  combat,  and  kill  elephants  with 
one  throw  of  the  lance.”  In  later  times  the  most  abject 
kings  of  Egypt  and  Syria  were  called  gods  and  worshipped 
as  gods,  a  fact  which  must  be  justly  considered  as  a  disgrace 
to  those  nations.®  Augustus  was  not  called  lord  by  the 
Homans,  but  altars  were  erected  to  him,  and  he  was  adored 
as  a  deity.  Divine  honors  were  paid  to  many  of  the  empe¬ 
rors  after T  Augustus,  who  could  rightly  be  called  monsters 8 
of  the  human  race,  and  even  such  men  as  Trajan  knew  that 
their  statues  were  worshipped 9  with  frankincense  and  wine. 
Even  men  like  Pliny  did  such  things.  Marcus  Aurelius 
commanded  the  senate  to  declare  his  impious  wife  Faustina 
a  goddess  after  her  death.  Such  proceedings  manifest  the 
basest  flattery  and  the  lowest  degradation  of  human  nature. 
When  writing  letters  Domitian  began  10  thus :  “  Our  Lord 
and  God  commands  that  it  be  done  in  such  a  way.”  (By 
the  expression)  Lord  and  God,  however,  he  meant  himself. 
It  is  certain  that  human  reason  must  be  corrupt  and  blind, 
when  frail  men,  even  men  steeped  in  sin  and  crime,11  are 
acknowledged  12  as  gods. 

No.  22.  1  See  21,  8.  2nimis  valde  laudare,  or  valde  verbis  augere. 

Svehens  (Intransit.),  navigans  in.  *  S.  Gr.  §258. —  Y.  Gr.  §201.  II. 
5  S.  Gr.  §275.  2.  4  —  Y  Gr.  §191.  Note  8.  6  8.  Gr.  §208.  2. —  Y.  Gr. 
§  163.  1  insequi ;  Part.  Perf.  8  portentum  prodigiumque,  or  monstrum 

atque  prodigium.  9  supplicare,  S.  Gr.  §204.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §164.  10  ex- 

ordiri.  11  sceleribus  flagitiisque  coopertus.  12  aliquern  agnosoere  deum. 


22 


Pakt  I. 


SECTION  II. 

Use  of  the  Accusative. 

(S.  Gr.  §193-202.— Y.  Gr.  §170-173.  127.  129-131.) 

23.  The  Fate 1  of  Tantalus. 

Who  has  ever  equalled2  Tantalus  in  happiness3?  If  we 
may  credit  the  legends  of  the  ancient  poets,  Tantalus  was 
king  of  Phrygia,  and  so  powerful,  that  even4  very  many 
princes  flattered  him  and  sought6  his  friendship.  No  one 
was  able  to  vie8  with  him  in  greatness.  For  he  was  so  dear 
even  to  Jupiter,  that  the  latter  admitted  him  to  the  banquets 
of  the  gods,  and  confided7  to  him  his  secret  plans.  And 
once  the  gods  are  said  to  have  been  even  8  invited  by  him  and 
to  have  dined  at  his  table.  ^But  having  grown  proud  by  this 
honor,  Tantalus  became  entirely  wanting 8  in  wisdom  and 
piety.  For  the  ungrateful  king,  far  from  10  imitating  the 
kindness  of  Jupiter,  revealed  even  the  conversations  and  plans 
of  the  gods  to  men.  This  perfidy  could  not  long  remain  hid¬ 
den  from  11  Jupiter.  Inflamed  with  wrath,  he  threw19  the 
impious  man  into  Tartarus.  There  Tantalus,  whom  liere  on 
earth  fortune  had  never  abandoned,  was  tormented  with 
hunger  and  thirst.  The  purest  water  surrounded 13  him, 
but  vanished  14  from  his  lips  as  often  as  16  he  tried  to  drink  18; 
the  most  delicious  fruits  17  hung  over  his  head,  but  they  were 
of  no  advantage  to  18  the  hungry  man ;  for  as  often  as  he 
tried  to  grasp  19  them,  they  were  withdrawn  and  escaped  his 
hands.  Thus  Tantalus  was  punished18  for  his  perfidy  by 
everlasting  torments.21  The  same  Tantalus  is  the  father  of 
Pelops.  The  latter  is  said  to  have  escaped  the  snares  of  his 
father  and  to  have  gone  to  Peloponnesus,  which  peninsula 
was  called  after  him. 

No.  23.  ^ortuna.  2aequare.  3felicitas.  4vel.  5petere.  6aemulari. 
1  credere.  8atqueadeo.  9deficere.  10  tantum  abest,  ut — ut,  8.  Gr.  §  275. 
2.2. — Y.  Or.  §191.  Note  5.  11  effugere.  13  detrudere.  13  circumfluere, 


Section  II. 


23 


A  See  11,  15  quotiescunque.  16  Periphr.  Gonjug.  I7pomum,  Plur. 

18  Transl.  “  helped  nothing 19  in  altum  tollere.  20poenas  alicujus  rei 
solvere,  or  pendere.  31  cruciatus. 

24.  Cruelty  of  Phalaris. 

Phalaris,  the  tyrant  of  the  Agrigentines,  was  of  so  fierce 1 
a  disposition,  that,  without  the  slightest  remorse,  he  commit¬ 
ted  many  and  most  horrible 3  crimes.  He  felt  disgusted  at 
his  power,  if  he  could  not  use  it  for  cruelty.  To  this  man 
came  Perillus  of  Athens,  whom  his  contemporaries  considered 
a  great  artist,  and  for  a  high  price  offered 3  him  a  brazen 
bull  of  artistic  construction,  saying :  “  Most  mighty  king,  you 
will  never  regret  having  bought 4  this  work  of  art ;  for  if 
you  burn  5  your  enemies  in  the  bull,  nobody  will  pity 8  them  ; 
as  the  cries  of  the  wretches  will  never  be  heard,  but  only  the 
roaring T  of  the  bull.”  As  the  artist,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
foster  benevolence,8  was  not  ashamed  of  promoting9  cruelty, 
the  tyrant  was  so  disgusted  with  this  iniquity  19  that  as  the 
first  victim  he  burned  Perillus  in  the  bull.  Pliny,  who  has 
related  the  event,  calls  it  a  juster  act  of  cruelty  than  that  of 
the  artist ;  and  not  without  reason  was  the  tyrant  less  ashamed 
of  this  action.  Nor  did  11  he  himself  escape  the  punishment 
of  the  gods,  which  always  follows  impious 12  men ;  he  was 
captured 13  by  the  Agrigentines,  and  as  nobody  had  pity  on 
him,  he  was  put  to  death.  Thus  neither  of  the  two  escaped 
that  punishment,  which  was  the  fit  reward14  of  such 
inhumanity. 

No.  24.  1  saevus.  2  dims,  immanis.  3  offerre.  Abl.  of  Price.  4  si  with 
II.  Put.  5 1.  Put.  6  miseret.  7mugitus.  8humanitas.  9adjuvare. 
10  nequitia.  11  ne— quidem.  12  scelestus,  nefarius.  13opprimere,  capere 
14  Transl.  which  was  becoming  so  great  an,”  etc. — decet. 

25.  Miltiades. 

When  the  Persians  had  invaded  1  Attica  with  a  large  army, 
the  terrified  Athenians  chose  ten  men  of  known 3  bravery  as 
generals,  who  should  have3  an  equal  power.  For  they  con¬ 
sidered  it  dangerous  to  their  liberty,  if  only  one  possessed 


24 


Past  I. 


supreme  command.  Among  the  ten  generals  was  Miltiades, 
who  on  various  expeditions  had  proved  his  valor  and  great 
experience  in  war.  When,  therefore,  Aristides,  another  of 
the  ten  generals,  thought  the  command  of  one  more  useful  in 
this  great  danger  than  that  of  many,  he  resigned 4  his  power 
to  Miltiades,  and  thereby  effected  that  all,  by  common  con¬ 
sent,6  chose  Miltiades  commander-in-chief.  Miltiades  showed 
himself  worthy  of  the  good  opinion  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and 
completely 6  defeated  the  Persians  in  the  battle  at  Marathon. 
Then,  indeed,  the  Athenians  acknowledged  Miltiades  as  their 
deliverer.  Soon  afterwards  they  chose  him  leader  in  the  war 
which  they  waged  against  the  island  of  Paros ;  and  when  he 
was  not  able  to  conquer  it,7  they  accused  him  and  tried 8  to 
convict  him  of  hostility  to  the  country.  The  judges,  it  is 
true,  acquitted  him  of  the  guilt 9  of  treason,  but  inflicted  10  a 
pecuniary  fine  11  on  him.  In  like  manner  the  Athenians  often 
showed  themselves  ungrateful  towards  12  their  best  citizens. 
They  exiled  from  the  city  even  the  most  innocent 13  men,  if 
they  thought  them  more  powerful  than  other  citizens. 

No.  25.  1  irrumpere  in,  or  invadere  in,  with  Acc.  2  cognitus,  spectatus, 
8.  Or.  §211. —  Y.  Or.  §123.  Oen.  3  esse,  with  Abl.  8.  Or.  §225. — Y. 
Or.  §123.  Abl.  4  deferre  ad  aliquem.  5  consilium.  6omnino.  1  “  and 
— it”  by  qui,  8.  Or.  §  238.  6. —  Y.  Or.  §  152.  8  studere.  9  judicare  aliquem 
expertem.  10multare.  Hpecunia.  12  in,  with  Acc.  13innocens,  innoxius, 
insons. 

26.  The  Art  of  Memory. 

We  are  told  that  the  poet  Simonides  once  came1  to  The- 
mistocles  and  said :  “  I  will  teach  you  the  most  useful  art, 
without  concealing  anything  about  it,  which  would  enable 
you  to 2  excel,  if  you  promise 3  to  give  me  whatever  reward  4 
I  ask.”  Thereupon  Themistocles  told  him  to  mention  the 
art  In  which  he  intended  to  instruct  him,  and  Simonides 
replied  :  “  It  is  the  art  of  memory  which  I  intend  to  teach  6 
you ;  and  when  you  have  learned 6  it 7  you  will  be  able  to 
remember8  whatsoever  you  wish.”  “What  reward,  then,9 
do  you  ask  of  me  ?  ”  said  Themistocles.  Simonides  replied : 
“  W  ell,  1 10  ask  a  talent  of  you.”  Whereupon 11  Themistocles, 


Section  II. 


25 


who  had 12  such  an  excellent  memory  that  he  distinctly 
knew  13  the  names  of  all  his  fellow-citizens,  said :  “  I  shall 
not  conceal  my  opinion  of  your  art ;  I  consider  it  entirely  14 
useless ;  for  what  I  wish  to  retain  I  can  keep  without  it. 
But  if  you  will  teach  me  the  art  of  forgetting,16  you  may 
ask  two  talents  of  me  and  I  shall  willingly  give  them  to  you. 
For  very  often  I  cannot  forget  what  I  wish16  to  forget.” 
It  is  not  known  what 17  Simonides  replied ;  but  he  was 
probably  18  ashamed  of  his  boldness,  and  repented  of  having 
asked  such  a  thing  of  a  man,  who  was  wanting  19  neither  in 
renown  for  military  skill 20  nor  in  mental  endowment.21 

No.  26.  1  accedere,  adire,  venire.  2ut.  3 II.  Fut.  4merces.  5  do- 
cere,  Periphr.  Conjug.  6  8.  Gr.  §  244.  3.  II.  Fut.  1  See  25,  7.  8  tenere, 
with,  or  without  memoria.  3igitur.  10  “  Well ,  I”  equidem.  11  ad  quod. 
12  Transl.  “  in  whom  there  was .”  13percipere,  Plupf.  14  plane,  omnino. 
15oblivio.  1(icupere.  nquid,  8.  Gr,  §  263.  Perf.  Subj.  l8veri  simile, 
S.  Gr.  §  270.  2. — Y.  Gr.  §  207.  G.  19  deficere.  20  ars  militaris.  21  ingenii 
dotes. 

27.  On  the  Greatness  of  the  City  of  Babylon. 

Babylon  had,  for  many  years,  been  one  of  the  greatest 
cities  of  Assyria,  when  King  Kinus  died  and  left  an  only 
son,  who  was  not  twelve  years  old.  Therefore  Semiramis, 
the  widow1  of  Ninus,  held,  for  a  long  time,  the  reins  of 
government.2  To  her  especially  the  city  owed 3  its  greatness 
and  splendor.  As  Herodotus  relates,  Babylon  had  the  form 
of  a  square,4  the  sides  5  of  which  were  each  one  hundred  and 
twenty  stadia,  or  nearly  fourteen  English  miles  6  in  length. 
On  each  7  side  were  twenty-five  gates  of  brass,8  which  were 
nearly  five  stadia  distant9  from  each  other.10  The  wall, 
built11  of  brick,12  is  said  to  have  been  two  hundred  cubits13 
high  and  fifty  cubits  broad  ;  on  it  six  carriages  could  be 
driven  14  side  by  side.15  At  equal  intervals  twro  hundred 
and  fifty  towers  were  built  on  the  wall,  each  of  which  was 
ten  feet  higher  than  the  wall  itself.  The  Euphrates,  the 
greatest  river  of  that  country,  flowed  through  the  city.  A 
trench,  many  feet  deep,  was  dug  16  round  the  wall  and  could 
easily  be  filled  17  with  the  water  of  the  Euphrates.  The  city 


26 


Part  I. 


had  fifty  streets,  leading  from  each  gate  to  the  opposite  16 
one,  a  hundred  and  twenty  stadia  long  and  a  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  broad.  No  other  city  of  the  world  is  said  to  have 
been  so  large  and  so  beautiful.  In  the  most  ancient  times  it 
held,  for  many  centuries,  the  supremacy  of  Asia.  But  even 
after  the  loss 19  of  the  supremacy  the  glory  of  the  city  still 
continued 90  for  a  long  time. 

No.  27.  1  vidua,  ’praeesse  reipublicae,  gerere  or  administrare  rern 
publicam,  imperium  tenere.  3debere.  4  quadratum.  5  latus.  6milli- 
arium  Britannicum.  7  singuli ;  “on,”  Bat.  8  aheneus.  9  distare. 

10  inter  se.  11  exstruere.  12  later,  All.  Plur.  13cubitum.  14vebi. 
15  simul,  una.  16  ducere.  17  complere,  implere.  18  adversus,  a,  um. 
19  Transl.  “ after  the  lost  supr.”  amittere.  20  permanere. 

28.  The  Journeys  of  Pythagoras. 

Pythagoras  was  born  at  Samos.  The  ancients  relate  many 
and  wonderful  things  of  this  man,  and  especially  of  his  jour¬ 
neys.  He  is  said  to  have  come  from  Samos  to  Sidon,  and 
also  to  have  been  at  Tyre  for  many  months.  From  Tyre  he 
travelled  to  Egypt  and  stayed  1  for  about  twenty-two  years 
at  Heliopolis,  at  Memphis,  and  in  other  cities  of  that  coun¬ 
try,  to2  learn  the  mysteries3  of  the  Egyptians.  As  some 
relate,  he  travelled 4  eastwards  even  as  far  as  India,  and 
westwards  as  far  as  Gaul.  When  about  forty  years  old  he 
returned  to  Greece,  which  he  is  said  to  have  traversed 6 
almost  entirely.  He  visited  especially6  Sparta,  Sicyon, 
Phlius,  and  other  cities  of  Peloponnesus.  At  Sparta  he 
became  acquainted  7  wfith  the  laws  of  Lycurgus ;  at  Sicyon 
or  at  Phlius  he  is  said  to  have  styled  himself,  for  the  first 
time,  a  philosopher,  i.  e.,  a  student 8  of  wisdom,  whilst 9  his 
predecessors  10  had  been  called  wise  men.  He  also  stayed  at 
Delphi  for  some  months.  From  Greece  he  first  returned  to 
Samos,  his  native  country.  But  on  account  of  the  despot¬ 
ism  u  of  Polycrates  he  betook  himself12  from  Samos  to 
Lower  Italy,  which  is  also  called  Great  Greece,  and  lived 
for  a  long  time  at  Croton.  From  Croton  he  went  to  Locri, 
to  Sybaris  and  Metapontum ;  and  it  is  said  that  he  had  been 
seen,  at  one  and  the  same  hour,  at  Croton  and  at  Sybaris, 


Section  II. 


27 


which  was  ten  miles  distant  from  Croton.  Other  wonderful 
things  are  related  about  the  journeys  and  life  of  this  man. 

No.  28.  1  versari,  commorari.  2  ut.  3  mysterium,  arcana  doctrina. 
4,ihe  travelled — to,”  transl.  “he  was — in”  5peragrare,  perlustrare. 
6  imprimis.  1  discere,  cognoscere.  *  studiosus.  9  quum,  with  Subj. 
10priores,  superiores.  11  tyrannis,  idis.  12  se  conferre. 

29.  Who  is  to  be  Considered  the  Wisest? 

Merchants  from  Miletus  had  once  bought  from  some 
fishermen  the  next 1  draught 2  of  their  nets.  But  together 
with  the  fish  ( Plur .)  a  tripod  3  of  gold  was  drawn  out  of  the 
sea,  which,  as  the  fable  has  it,  Helena,  when  sailing  back 
from  Troy  to  Sparta,  had  sunk,4  by  order 5  of  the  oracle,  in 
that  place.  At  once  the  fishermen  said :  “  The  tripod  is 
•  ours;  for  we  have  sold  nothing  but6  the  fish.”  But  the 
merchants  maintained :  “  It  is  ours ;  for  we  have  bought 
the  whole  draught.”  Thence  a  great  quarrel 7  arose,  which 
was  brought 8  before  the  judges  at  Miletus,  and  was  settled 9 
by  a  decree  of  the  people.10  The  people  of  Miletus  sent 
messengers  from  Miletus  to  Delphi,  to  consult 11  Apollo. 
At  Delphi  the  following  12  answer  was  given  them  by  the 
god :  “  The  tripod  must  be  given  to  the  wisest.”  As  the 
Milesians  considered  nobody  wiser  than  Thales,  their  fellow- 
citizen,  in  obedience  13  to  the  god  they  sent  the  tripod  as  a 
present  to  Thales.  But  Thales,  who  considered  Bias  wiser 
than  himself,  sent  it  from  Miletus  to  Priene ;  Bias  again  14 
from  Priene  to  Pittacus  at  Lesbos,  who  then  possessed  16  the 
supreme  power  in  16  that  island,  and  thus  the  tripod  went  to 
all  the  seven  wise  men,  and  was  at  Rhodes  with  Cleobulos, 
at  Lacedaemon  with  Chilon,  at  Corinth  with  Periander,  the 
tyrant  of  that  city,  and  finally  17  it  came  to  Solon  at  Athens. 
But  he  considered  the  god  alone  the  wisest,  and  sent  the 
tripod  as  a  present  to  Apollo  at  Delphi  (Acc.). 

No.  29.  1  futurus.  !jactus.  3  tripus.  4demergere.  5jussu.  6  nisi. 
1  controversia,  rixa,  lis.  8deferread.  9  componere,  dirimere.  10populisci. 
turn,  plebiscitum.  "consulere.  12  hie.  13  obsequi,  obtemperare,  parere, 
oboedire  (obedire).  14  rursus,  contra.  15  tenere,  obtinere.  16  Genii.  npo- 
stremo,  denique. 


28 


Part  I. 


30.  Cincinnatus. 

Lucius  Quinctius  Cincinnatus  had  shown  himself,  in  peace 
and  in  war,  an  excellent 1  citizen,  and  was  honored  by  all  at 
Rome.  But  when  his  son  Caeso  was  expelled  from  Rome 
by  the  hatred  of  the  tribunes,  he  also  left  the  city  and  retired 
to  the  country.  Here  he  resolved  to  remain,  as  also  other 
noble  Romans  lived  more 2  in  the  country  than  in  the  city. 
The  greatest  simplicity  of  manners  prevailed 3  in  his  house  ; 
he  tilled  the  soil  with  his  own 4  hands ;  and  when 5  he 
returned  home,  he  found  his  wife  there 6  engaged  with 
household  work.7  But  the  Romans  soon  missed  8  such  a  man 
and  elected  him  consul.  State  delegates  found  him  at  the 
plough  and  led  him  back  from  the  country  to  Rome.  Leav¬ 
ing  home  he  remarked  to  his  wife :  “  Our  little  field  will 
remain  untilled  this  year.”  At  Rome  he  administered  9  the 
consulship  with  the  greatest  prudence  and  justice.  Yet  his 
heart  yearned  for  home,  and  at  the  end  of  his  consulship  10 
he  at  once  retired  11  to  rural  life.  But  when  two  years  after¬ 
ward  the  Romans  had  been  vanquished  by  the  Aequi  in  a 
great  battle,  the  Senate  proclaimed  12  Cincinnatus  dictator 
and  summoned  him  again  to  Rome.  Once  more  he  was 
obliged  to  return  from  rural  pursuits  to  the  city.  With  the 
greatest  dispatch  he  there  collected  an  army,  put  the  enemies 
to  flight,13  resigned  the  dictatorship,  and  after  a  fortnight 
again  returned  home.  Keeping  aloof 14  from  public  affairs, 
he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  with  his  family  in  the 
country.  Yerily  a  happy  man,  who  preferred  15  rural  life  16 
to  the  honors  of  the  dictatorship  ! 

No.  30.  ^gregius,  praestans.  2  plus.  3  esse.  4suus.  5undequum, 
S.  Or.  §  256.  II.  2. —  T.  Or.  §  198.  Note  2.  6  “  there,”  transl.  “  at  home.” 
7  domesticis  operibus  intentus,  8  desiderare.  9  gerere.  10  consulatu  finito. 
11  se  recipere.  12dicere.  13  fundere  atque  fugare.  14  remotus.  15  “  pre¬ 
ferred — to,”  transl.  “  liked  better — than,”  malle,  Perf.  Subj.  16  vita  rustica. 

31.  On  Friendship. 

Friendship  can  only  exist 1  among  good  men,  and  we  must 
always  consider  this  as  its  first  law,  that  we  neither  make  a 
disgraceful  demand  of  a  friend,  nor  do  such  at  his  request.2 


Section  II. 


29 


When  something  unlawful  had  been  asked  of  P.  Rutilius 
Lupus  by  one  of  his  friends,  he  flatly  refused  3  it.  And  when 
the  latter  indignantly  remarked 4 :  “  What  do  I  care  for  your 
friendship,  if  you  refuse  what  I  ask,”  Rutilius  answered  6 : 
“  What  do  I  care  for  yours,  if  you  ask  me  to  do  what  is  dis¬ 
honest  !  ” 6  But  if  a  friend  makes  a  lawful 7  demand,  we 
must  willingly  comply  with  his  request,  and  not  hesitate  to 
assist  a  friend  in  need,  to  prefer  his  advantage  to  our  com¬ 
fort,8  and  to  undergo  difficulties  for  his  sake.  J.  Caesar 
used  to  treat  his  friends  with  such  gentleness  and  condescen¬ 
sion,  that  he  once  even  gave  up  his  bed  in  a  lodging  to  C. 
Oppius,  who  accompanied  him  on  a  journey  through  a  forest 
and  was  suddenly  taken  sick,  whilst  he  himself  lay  on  the 
ground  in  the  open  air.  Cicero  had  a  faithful  friend  in 
Atticus,  the  younger  Scipio  Africanus  in  Laelius.  We  must 
also  mention  the  friendship  which  existed 9  between  Epami- 
nondas  and  Pelopidas.  Once  when  in  union  with  the  Spar¬ 
tans  they  fought  against  the  enemy  in  Peloponnesus,  and 
all,  even  the  Spartans,  had  fled,  the  two  youths  alone,  with 
united  shields,  checked  the  attack  of  the  enemy  until,  pierced 
with  seven  wounds,  Pelopidas  fell.  Epaminondas  quickly 
placed  himself  before  him,  and  alone  warded  off  the  crowd 
of  enemies  from  himself  and  from  his  wounded  friend,  until 
his  strength  also  gave  way,  as  his  breast  had  been  pierced  by 
a  lance  and  his  arm  wounded  by  the  blow  of  a  sword.  They 
did  not  act  against  each  other,10  but  together11  tried  to  free, 
to  protect,  and  to  raise  their  country. 

No.  31.  1  esse.  *  Abl.  absol.  3  Transl.  “  refused  to  do  ( perficere)  it.” 
8.  Or.  §  253. —  Y.  Or.  §  196.  1.  4Plupf.  5  inquit,  8.  Or.  §  148.  Note. — 
I7!  C?r.  §  81.  6inhonestus.  7  use  licet.  8commodum.  9  intercedit  inter 
nos  (or  mihi  tecum)  amicitia.  10  obtrectare  inter  se.  1 1  Par  tic.  of  con- 
sentire. 

32.  Chapter  II. 

When,  after  the  battle  of  Issus,1  the  mother  of  Darius  had 
been  made  prisoner,  and  had  hailed  Hephaestio,  who  accom¬ 
panied  Alexander,  as 5  king,  and  had  paid  homage  to 3  him 
according  to  the  Persian  custom,  but  became  embarrassed  on 


30 


Part  I. 


perceiving  her  mistake,  Alexander  said  to  her:  “Yon  are 
not  mistaken,  mother,  for  he  also  is  Alexander.”  Whom  4 
shall  we  congratulate  more,  the  king,  who  had  a  friend  whom 
he  considered  a  second  self,5  or  the  man  who  deserved  the 
friendship  of  so  great  a  king  \  After  the  death  of  Hephaes- 
tio,  Alexander  commanded  the  horses  and  mules  to  be  shorn 
and  the  pinnacles  of  the  walls  to  be  pulled  down,  that  the 
cities,  too,  might  appear  to  mourn  the  deceased.  Why 
should  I  mention  B  the  two  Pythagoreans,  Damon  and  Phin- 
tias,  who  are  said  to  have  had  such  feelings  7  for  each  other, 
that  when  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  wanted  to  kill  the  latter, 
and  he  requested  time  to  go  home  and  arrange  his  affairs,8 
the  former  pledged  himself  to  replace  his  friend.9  When 
the  latter  returned  10  on  the  appointed  day,  the  tyrant  ad¬ 
mired  their  fidelity  so  much,  that  he  r.sked  them  to  receive 
him  as  the  third11  into  their  friendship.  Who  must  not 
admire  the  friendship  of  the  Cynic  philosopher  Demetrius, 
and  the  physician  Antiphilus,  who  lived  in  the  days  of  Cali¬ 
gula,  Claudius,  and  Nero !  Demetrius  once  travelled  to 
Egypt  to  see  the  pyramids  and  the  pillar  of  Memnon.  Anti¬ 
philus  accompanied  him,  but  soon  stopped  in  a  city  for  fear 
of  the  road  and  the  heat.  His  slave,  a  Syrian  by  birth, 
broke,  with  other  robbers,  into  a  temple  of  Anubis,  stole  two 
golden  vessels,  a  herald’s  staff  of  gold,  and  other  similar 
things,  and  concealed  them  in  12  the  house  of  his  master.  As 
these  things  were  discovered  soon  after,  Antiphilus  was  thrown 
into  prison,  where  nobody  seemed  to  have  pity  on  him. 

No.  32.  1  Transl.  ‘ ‘  after  the  battle  of  I.  had  been  fought  (facere).” 
2  tanquam.  3adorare.  4  8.  Or.  §67.  3. —  Y.  Or.  §32.  3.  5  tanquam 

alteram  se  habebat ;  or  tanquam  alteram  exemplar  sui  intuebatur.  6  8. 
Or.  §  248.  3.  b. —  Y.  Or.  §189  1  animatum  esse.  8rem  familiarem 

constituere.  9  vas  fio  tui  sistendi  (“/  pledge  myself  to  present  you  ”). 
10  Plupf.  11  adscribere  aliquem  tertium  ad.  12  condere  in,  with  Acc. 

33.  Chapter  HI. 

But  scarcely  had  Demetrius,  on  his  return,  heard  of  his 
friend’s  misfortune,  when  1  he  hastened  to  the  prison,  where 
he  finally  found  him  completely  changed  by  misery.  By 


Section  II. 


31 


carrying  burdens  he  gained  a  considerable  sum  2  of  money, 
one  part  of  which  he  gave  to  the  jailer  to  rouse  his  pity,  but 
the  other  he  used 3  for  his  own  and  his  friend’s  food  and 
maintenance.  He  remained  as  much  as  possible 4  with  his 
friend,  and  consoled  him  ;  even  during  the  night  he  slept 
near*  the  door  of  the  prison  on  a  bed  of  straw.  When  he 
was  finally  prevented  8  by  the  guards  from  visiting  his  un¬ 
happy  friend,  he  falsely  declared  himself  an  accomplice7 
in  robbing  the  temple,  and  by  many  entreaties  obtained 
admission  to  Antiphilus.  He  forgot  his  own  sufferings  and 
showed  sympathy  only  with  those  of  his  friend.8  When 
at  last  the  prisoners  succeeded  (. Plupf .)  in  breaking9  the 
chains,  with  which  they  were  fettered,  and  escaped  from 
the  prison,10  the  two  friends  alone  remained  and  prevailed 
upon 11  the  judge  to  make  a  more  exact  investigation 12 
of  the  affair.  When  he  had  found  them  innocent  of  the 
crime,13  he  praised,  admired,  and  dismissed  them  both,  and 
presented  Antiphilus  with  10,000  drachms,  Demetrius  with 
twice  that  amount.14  David  had  formed  the  most  intimate 
friendship  with  Jonathan,  the  son  of  King  Saul,  and  loved  him 
as  his  own  soul.  Jonathan  protected  him  against  the  snares 
of  the  king,  and  when  David  heard  that  Jonathan  had  been 
slain  in  a  struggle  against  the  Philistines,  he  said  that  he 
had  loved  him  as  a  mother  loves  her  only  son.  Intimate 
friendship  existed  between  the  two  illustrious  Cappadocians, 
Basil  the  Great,  Bishop  of  Caesarea,  and  Gregory,  Bishop  of 
Nazianzus.  “  A  faithful  friend,  says  Holy  Scripture,  is  a 
strong  defence,16  and  he  that  has  found  him  has  found  a  treas¬ 
ure.18  Nothing  can  be  compared  to  a  faithful  friend;  and  if  you 
place  his  value  in  one  scale,  gold  and  silver  are  not  worthy  to 
be  put 17  in  the  other.  They  that  fear  the  Lord  will  find  Him.” 

No.  33.  1  quura,  8.  Or.  §  256.  II.  3.—  Y.  Or.  §  198.  Note  3.  2  noimul- 
la  raerces.  3  impendere  in.  4  quoad  fieri  poterat.  6  Transl.  “  not  far 
from**'  6  8.  Or.  §  253  — Y.  Gr.  §.196.  7  me  unum  ex  iis  facio,  qui.  .  . . 

8  Transl.  “  he  showed  only  how  much  he  pitied  his  friend.*’  0rumpere. 
10  e  custodia  se  eripere.  11  commovere,  ut.  12  subtilius  quaerere  rem,  or  de 
re.  13  aliquem  culpa  vacuum  probare.  14  Transl.  “  with  the  double  sum.” 
15  propugnaculum.  16  thesaurus.  17  8.  Or.  §  258. —  Y.  Or.  §  201  II. 


32 


Part  I. 


SECTION  III. 

Use  of  the  Dative. 

(S,  Gr.  §  203-209.— Y.  Gr.  §135.  161.  164.  165.  169.  166. 

167.  162.  163.  168.) 

34.  The  most  Ancient  Physicians. 

Nothing  is  dearer  to  men  than  good  health,  without  which 
they  cannot  be  useful  either  to  their  country,  or  to  themselves, 
or  to  their  friends.  As  agriculture  furnishes  food 1  for  healthy 
bodies,  medicine2  has  discovered  remedies3  for  sick  ones. 
But  in  the  most  ancient  times  the  science  of  medicine  was 
unknown  to  men  ;  it  is  said  to  have  been  discovered  by 
Aesculapius,  the  son  of  Apollo.  He  revealed4  his  art  to 
many,  especially  to  his  sons  Podalirius  and  Machaon,  who 
proved  very  useful  to  the  army  of  the  Greeks  near  Troy.  How¬ 
ever,  the  most  ancient  physicians  healed  only  wounds  ;  so  in 
Homer  Podalirius  and  Machaon  only  succored  the  wounded, 
putting 5  wholesome  6  herbs  on  the  wounds,  and  thus  allevi¬ 
ating  7  the  pain.  No  remedies  were  used  8  against  other  dis¬ 
eases  of  the  body,  which  are  often  more  dangerous  to  human 
life  than  wounds.  For,  as  the  Greeks  believed,  sickness 
came 9  from  the  wrath  of  the  gods,  so  that  no  human  art  was 
able  to  heal  it.  Wherefore  Calchas,  the  seer,  persuaded  the 
princes  to 10  supplicate  the  gods,  and  to  seek  help  from  11 
them  against12  the  plague  ;  whereupon13  the  malady  spared 
the  army  at  once.  Afterwards  the  philosophers,  especially 
Pythagoras,  Empedocles,  and  Democritus,  applied  them¬ 
selves  14  to  medical  science.  Hippocrates  was  the  first,  who 
cultivated  this  art  alone  and  brought  it  to  higher  perfection  15 
than  any  one  else,  so  that  he  has  been  justly  styled  the  father 
of  medicine.  He  lived  at  Athens  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  where  so  violent  a  plague  then  raged,1* 
that  it  spared  but  very  few  people. 

No.  34.  1  alimentum,  Plur.  2  medicina.  3  remedium,  medicamen- 


Section  III. 


33 


turn.  4  tradere.  5  imponere.  6  saluber.  7  lenire,  levare.  8  adhibere. 
9  proficisci.  10  ut.  11  apud.  12  ad  versus ,  or  Genit.  13  quo  facto.  14  va- 
care.  15  excolere  (“  to  bring  to  ‘perfection  ”).  16  esse. 


35.  Curius  Dentatus. 

By  the  example  of  Curius  Dentatus  you  will  be  able  to 
convince  yourself,  that 1  an  honest  man,  however 3  poor  he 
may  be,  neither  blames 3  fate,  nor  envies  others  their  riches. 
When  consul  he  vanquished  the  Samnites  and  Sabines  in 
the  year  294  B.  C.  The  Sabines  sued  at  once  for  peace  ;  he 
therefore  spared  them  and  persuaded  his  fellow-citizens  to 4 
confer  citizenship  5  on  the  Sabines.  But  the  Samnites  sent 
ambassadors  to  treat 6  with  him  about  peace.  They  found 
Curius  sitting  on  a  wooden  bench 7  near  the  fireside.  See¬ 
ing  8  his  poverty,  they  believed  that  he  could  best  be  per¬ 
suaded  by  presents  to 4  be  useful  to  them.  They  therefore 
offered  him  a  large  sum 9  of  gold.  But  Curius  refused  it, 
saying  :  “  I  prefer  10  to  reign  11  over  kingdoms  than  to  be 
rich  myself.”  Thus  it  happened,  that  the  ambassadors  re¬ 
turned  without  accomplishing  anything.12  The  war  was 
shortly  13  renewed,  and  the  Samnites  were  routed  by  Curius. 
Thus  this  man  followed  the  precept  of  the  ancient  Romans : 
“  To  spare  the  subdued  14  and  to  crush  1&  the  proud.”  Nev¬ 
ertheless  the  same  Dentatus  was  envied  by  many.  The  Pa¬ 
tricians  belittled  him,  and  tried  to  convince  the  people16 
that 1  he  had  embezzled  17  much  of  the  booty.  But  the  peo¬ 
ple  could  not  be  convinced  of  this  18 ;  they  easily  saw  that, 
moved  by  envy,  the  patricians  had  calumniated  19  the  best 
citizen.  Curius  afterwards  administered 20  the  highest  offices. 
He  never  persecuted  his  adversaries,  but  spared  all  and  made 
friends  of  most  of  his  opponents. 

No.  35.  1  Acc.  with  Inf.  2  quamvis.  3maledicere.  4ut.  5  civitas. 

6  agere  de,  Imperf.  Subj.  7  scamaum.  8  animadvertere.  9  vis.  10  malle. 
11  imperare.  12  re  infecta.  13haud  ita  multo  post,  non  multo  post. 
14  subjicere.  15  debellare.  16  plebs.  17avertere.  18  id,  illud.  19male« 
dicere.  20  fungi,  S.  Gr.  §  231 — Y.  Gr.  §  176. 


34 


Part  I. 


36.  Alexander  and  Hannibal. 

Alexander  the  Great  must  be  numbered  among  the  most 
renowned  generals  of  antiquity,  still  it  will  not  be  improper 1 
to  compare  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Carthaginians 
with  the  Macedonian  king.  Though  neither  of  them  spared 
his  own  life,  both  spared  the  lives  of  their  captives ;  both 
possessed 2  all  the  virtues  of  a  great  general,  prudence,3  brav¬ 
ery,  knowledge  of  military  affairs  (Sing?)  in  a  higher  degree 
than 4  can  be  here  explained.  In  battle  and  on  the  march  6 
they  were  at  the  head 6  of  the  soldiers,  never  yielding  to 
hardships.7  But  while  fortune  favored 8  the  expeditions 9  of 
Alexander,  it  opposed  10  Hannibal ;  it  surrounded  Alexander 
with  divine  majesty,  but  afflicted  11  Hannibal  with  the  poi¬ 
son  of  envy  ;  in  early  youth  it  gave  Alexander  a  great  king¬ 
dom,  but  deprived  12  Hannibal,  as  a  man,  of  all  his  posses¬ 
sions.  Both  were  present 13  in  very  .many  battles,  and  gained 
at  first 14  victory  upon  victory.16  Thus  the  one  is  not  like 
the  other  in  every  respect,16  as  there  are  no  two  men  perfect¬ 
ly  17  alike,  and  fortune,  which  remained  faithful  to  Alexan¬ 
der  up  to 18  his  death,  delivered  19  Hannibal,  who  had  been 
forsaken  by  his  fellow-citizens,  to  the  hatred  of  his  enemies. 
Both  fill 20  us  with  the  highest  admiration  ;  but  whilst  Alex¬ 
ander’s  fate  is  envied  by  many,  that  of  Hannibal  inspires 21 
us  with  compassion. 

No.  36.  1  iniquus.  2  inesse.  3  consilium.  4  supra  quod.  5  iter. 

'  anteire.  7  labor.  8  adesse.  0  expeditio,  inceptum.  10  obsistere,  ob- 
stare.  11  adspergere.  I5privare,  orbare,  8.  Gr.  §  229. —  Y.  Gr  §175. 
,3interesse.  14  primo,  initio.  15  Transl.  “  added  victory  to  victory .” 
16  omni  ex  parte.  17  plane,  omnino.  18  usque  ad.  19  objicere.  20  affi- 
cere  aliquem  aliqua  re.  21  alicui  aliquid  injicere. 


37.  A  Stratagem1  of  Solon. 

The  Athenians  had  quarrels 2  with  the  state  of  the  Mega- 
rians  about  the  island  of  Salam is,  as 3  both  claimed 4  it  for 
themselves.4  War  broke  out,  and  the  Megarians  conquered 
the  island,  before  the  Athenians  were  able  to  come  to  the 
assistance  of  their  friends.  The  loss 6  of  Salamis  was  a  great 


Section  III. 


35 


disadvantage  for  tlie  Athenians.  Besides  they  considered  it 
disgraceful  to 6  have  been  conquered  by  so  small  a  state. 
But  the  Athenians  then  possessed  only  few  ships.  Never¬ 
theless  7  they  several  times  renewed  the  war,  but  were  driven 
back  with  ( Abl .)  such  great  slaughter,8  that  they  aban¬ 
doned  9  the  island,  and  even  decreed,  under  the  penalty  of 
death,10  that  no  one  11  should  ever  give  advice  12  to  13  renew 
the  war.  Thus  it  happened,  that  the  Athenians  were  an 
object  of  derision  to  the  other  Greeks.  Then,  feigning  mad¬ 
ness  14  to  be  16  more  secure,  Solon  appeared  in  16  the  assembly 
of  the  people,17  and  read 18  a  poem,  in  which,  in  the  sharpest 
words,  he  showed  19  the  Athenians  the  disgrace  of  their  cow¬ 
ardice.  This  cunning  device  succeeded  excellently.  The 
nation  was  inflamed,  and  by  the  assistance  of  Pisistratus, 
with  whom  Solon  maintained  friendship,20  was  again 21 
roused 22  to  war.  The  chief  command  was  entrusted 23  tc 
Solon  ;  and  he  proved  so  good  a  general,  that  in  a  short 
time  the  Athenians  recovered  the  island.  The  same  Solon 
is  said  to  have  inserted  two  verses  in 24  the  Iliad  of  Homer, 
from  which  it  appeared  25  that  Salamis  already  belonged 26  to 
the  Athenians  at  that  time. 

No.  37.  1  dolus,  artificium.  2  controversia.  Constr.  acc.  to  S.  Gr. 
§  207.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §162.  2.  :  quum.  4  sibi  vindicare.  5  amissio. 

6  quod.  1  attamen,  sed  tamen.  8clades.  9  omittere.  10  poena  capitis 
sancire.  11  ne  quis.  12  suadere.  13  Transl.  “  that  (ut)  the  war  might  he 
renewed”  14  simulata  insania,  Abl.  15  quo,  S.  Gr.  §  251. —  Y.  Gr.  §  194. 
16prodire  in,  with  Acc.  n  contio,  with,  or  without,  populi.  lsrecitare. 
19  8.  Gr.  §  208.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  163.  20  necessitudo  est.  21  denuo,  de  in- 

tegro.  22  excitare.  23  deferre.  24  “  to  insert  in”  subjicere,  or  suppo- 
nere  alicui.  25  elucere,  apparere.  26  S.  Gr.  §  207.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  159.  2. 


38.  On  the  Love 1  of  Parents. 

Obey  your  parents,  because  they  take  care  of  you  ;  show 
obedience  to  their  commands,  for  they  have  your  welfare  at 
heart 2 ;  cherish  love  and  gratitude  to  them  during  your 
whole  life,  for  great  are  the  benefits  which  they  have  be¬ 
stowed  ou  you.  To  whom  of  all  mankind  do  we  owe  more 
than  to  them  ?  For  that  reason  children  are  often  adrnon- 


36 


Part  I. 


ished  in  Holy  Scripture  to  honor  and  love  their  parents,  to 
obey  them,  and  to  be  obliging 3  to  them.  God  often  threat¬ 
ens  4  ungrateful  and  arrogant  children  with  punishment  and 
misfortune.  “  Gratitude  towards  parents  has  no  limits,6  ” 
says6  King  Frederic ;  “it  would  be  an  object  of  reproach  7  to 
us  to  show  them  too  little,  but  never  to  show  them  too  much 
love.”  Alphonsus  IV.,  king  of  Leon  in  Spain,  gives  us  an 
example  of  filial  love.8  It  is  known,  that  after  having  given 
themselves  up  to  the  errors  of  Mahomet,  the  Arabians  spread 
in  Africa.  From  thence,  under  the  command  9  of  Musa, 
they  carried  war  into  Spain,  defeated  the  Spaniards,  under 
the  command  10  of  Taric,  with  terrible  loss11  in  the  year  711, 
and  reigned  12  now  over  a  larger,  now  over  a  smaller  portion 
ot  the  country,  until  the  year  1492.  The  Christians  had 
withdrawn  into  the  mountains,  but  they  tried  to  wrest  from 
the  enemy  larger  and  larger  13  portions  of  the  land.  Ferdi¬ 
nand  II.,  king  of  Leon,  a  small  Christian  kingdom  of  Spain, 
resigned  14  the  government,  and  Alphonsus  IV.,  his  son,  suc¬ 
ceeded  him. 

No.  38.  1  pietas.  2  cordi,  curae  est.  3  officiosus  in  aliquem.  4  mi- 

nari  alicui  aliquid.  5  terminis  circumscribere.  6  inquit,  or ,  ut  ait. 
1  vituperatio.  8 pietas  erga  parentes  ( {=“fil .  I”)  9imperator,  S.  Or. 
284.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  218.  2.  10  dux.  See  9.  11  alicui  ingentem  cladem 

afferre.  12  dominari  in  loco  (re),  in  rem  (aliquem).  13  in  dies  major,  or, 
magna  et  magna  magis.  14  either  abdicare  alone  (=“  to  resign  the  gov”) 
or,  regno  (imperio)  se  abdicare. 


39.  Chapter  II. 

When  Ferdinand,  being  much  advanced  in  years,  suc¬ 
cumbed  to  the  weaknesses  of  age,  Alphonsus  fulfilled  not 
only  the  duties  which  he  had  as  king,  but  also  those  of  a 
son,1  and  never  left  the  side  of 2  his  father,  unless  he  had  to 
attend  3  to  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom.  One  day  he  returned 
victorious4  from  a  battle,  which  he  had  fought  with  the 
Mahometans,  j  At  once  the  old  man  ordered  his  servants  to 
carry  him  to  meet 6  the  victor,  that  the  victor  might  rejoice 6 
not  only  in  the  pleasure  of  victory,  but  also  in  the  good 


Section  III. 


37 


health  of  his  father.  As  soon  as  Alphonsus  saw  his  father, 
he  sprang  from  his  horse,  hastened  to  meet 7  him,  and  suffi¬ 
ciently  showed  by  his  words  how  highly  he  esteemed  8  his 
father,  how  eagerly  he  took  care  of  him,  how  much  he  was 
attached 9  to  him,  what  great  thanks  he  owed  to  him.10  In 
vain  did  the  old  man  tell 11  him,  that  it  was  not  becoming 
for  him  to  go  on  foot,  whilst  the  others  were  on  horseback.12 
His  son  answered  :  “  The  others  are  not  your  sons.”  Scarce¬ 
ly  had  they  approached  the  royal  castle,  when  he  took  him 
in  his  arms,13  brought  him  to  his  room,  and  said  to  him  with 
the  most  heartfelt  love  :  c‘  My  father,  you  know  how  much 
you  love  me  and  how  many  benefits  you  have  bestowed  on 
me  by  your  kindness  and  love,  but  you  cannot  know  with 
how  great  love  I  am  attached 14  to  you.  It  is  not  enough  for 
me  to  accompany  you  on  foot,  I  envied  your  servants  the 
happiness  of  carrying  you.  More  than  once  I  was  desirous 
to  command  them  to  stand  still,  and  to  take  you  upon  my 
shoulders.”  16  Ferdinand  could  only  answer  these  words  with 
many  tears,  and  the  grateful  son  had  still  for  some  time  the 
pleasure 18  of  seeing  his  father  alive.17  He  emulated,  in  an 
excellent  manner,  Him  who  not  only  when  a  boy  obeyed  His 
parents,  but  still  when  He  was  fastened  to  the  cross  18  tender¬ 
ly  cared  for  His  afflicted  mother,  and  recommended  her  to 
the  care  of  Saint  John. 

No.  39.  1  officio  satisfacio,  quo  filius  (or,  ut  filius)  fungi  debeo. 

5  only  dee8se  alicui.  3  consulere,  prospicere,  providere,  S.  Or.  §  204.  2. — 
Y.  Or.  §  165.  4  victor.  5obviam  ferre  (=“  to  carry  to  meet  ’’)  alicui; 

Pass.  Constr.  6  gaudere,  laetari  (“  in,”  de).  7  obviam  proced ere,  pro- 
dire  alicui.  8  S.  Or.  §  218.  1. —  Y.  Or.  §  157.  9  deditus,  obstrictus. 

10gratiam  alicui  habere  et  referre.  11  Admonere.  12  in  equo  vehi,  se~ 
dere.  13  in  manus  accipere ;  Partic.  Constr.  14  addictum  esse  alicui. 
15aliquem  in  humeros  suos  efferre.  16  mihi  contingit,  ut  {=(iIhare  the 
pleasure  of,”  etc.).  11  habere  aliquem  secum.  18  cruci  affigere,  suffigere. 


40.  Chapter  III. 

Filial  love  is  a  law  naturally  inherent 1  in  us,  therefore 
the  ancient  nations,  who  did  not  know  the  true  God,  practiced 
it.  Who  does  not  remember  ( Subj .)  the  two  brothers  Cleobis 


38 


Part  I. 


and  Biton,  whom  antiquity  highly  praised,  because  they  had  * 
such  love  for  their  mother !  Another  noble  pair  of  brothers, 
too,  have  been  immortalized 3  on  account  of  their  filial  love ; 
Amphinomus  and  Anapus  are  their  names,4  Catana  their 
birth-place.  When  the  eruption  of  Aetna  took  place,6  they 
carried 6  father  and  mother  on  their  shoulders  (Abl.  without 
Prep.)  and  rescued  7  them  from  the  fires  of  the  mountain. 
The  poet  Claudianus,  who  lived  at  the  time  of  Honorius  and 
Arcadius,  has  described  the  memorial,  which  had  been  erected 
to  them.  Yirgil  has  glorified  Aeneas,  because  he  carried 
{Subj.)  his  father  Anchises  out  of  the  conflagration  of  Troy, 
and  the  poet  has  given  him,  for  that  reason,  the  surname 
“  Pious.”  Socrates  admonishes  his  son  most  earnestly  8  to 
love  his  mother  Xanthippe  and  to  obey  her.  He  reminds 
him  of  the  many  benefits  which  he  has  received  ( Subj .)  from 
his  mother,  of  the  love  and  of  the  care  with  which  she  pro¬ 
vided9  for  his  welfare  of  soul  and  body,  and  says  that 
though  10  she  scolded  11  him  and  was  angry12  with  him,  she 
was  very  anxious  13  for  him  and  always  wished  13  him  well. 
Epaminondas,  who  may  serve  14  us  in  many  things  as  a  pat¬ 
tern,  said,  of  all  good  things  which  he  had  obtained,16  the 
most  pleasing  was,  that  he  had  conquered  the  Lacedaemoni¬ 
ans  whilst  his  father  and  mother  were  still  alive.16 

No.  40.  1  irmatus  (=  “naturally  ink .”).  !inesse  in.  3 memoriae 
prodere.  4  S.  Gr.  §207.  3. —  7.  Gr.  §162.  3.  5ignesex  Aetnae  vertice 
erumpunt.  6  sustinere.  7eripereex.  8  summo  studio.  9/S^39,  3.  Subj. 
Pres.  10quamvis.  nmaledicere  alicui,  convicia  alicui  facere  ;  Subj. 
Pres.  13 Subj  Pres.  ™S.  Gr.  §204.  2.-7.  Gr.  §165.  14  S.  Gr.  §208. 

1. —  7.  Gr.  §163.  15  Iransl.  “which  had  happened  (Subj.)  to  him.” 

15Abl.  absol.  with  vivns  ;  S.  Gr.  §284  3. —  7.  Gr.  §218.  2. 


41.  Chapter  IV. 

The  love  of  Alexander  the  Great  for  his  mother  Olympias 
was  so  great,  that  he  must  be  reproached  for  it.  For  although 
she  seems  to  have  taken  part 1  in  the  murder  of  Philip, 
Alexander’s  father,  still  when  Antipater  afterwards  com¬ 
plained  about  her,  he  said,  “Antipater  does  not  know  that 


Section  IY. 


39 


one  tear  of  my  mother  has  blotted  out  innumerable  com¬ 
plaints  against  her.”  How  great  a  love  Pliny  the  Younger 
had  2  for  his  mother  has  been  elsewhere  related.  Solon,  who 
is  reckoned3  among  the  seven  wise  men,  would  not  assign 
any  punishment  for 4  him,  who  had  killed  his  father,  because 
he  thought  that  this  crime  was  against  human  nature.  As 
Diogenes  of  Laerte 5  in  Cilicia,6  who,  under  Septimius 
Severus,  collected  many  remarkable  things  about  •  enowned 
philosophers,7  relates,  Solon  gave  the  law,  if  one  did  not  sup¬ 
port  his  parents,  he  should  be  declared  infamous.  Aeschines 
has  recorded  that  he  who  had  beaten  his  father  or  mother,  or 
did  not  support  them,  or  did  not  give  them  a  lodging,  was 
not  allowed  to  practice  oratory  8  at  Athens.  If  a  public  office 
was  about  to  be  conferred  upon  any  one,  inquiries  were  first 
made,  whether  he  had  shown  his  parents  due8  love.  The 
Romans  ordered  the  parricide  to  be  sewed  alive  in  a  sack  and 
so  thrown  into  the  river. 

No.  41.  1  socium  esse  alicujus  rei.  2  esse.  3  annumerare,  or,  qui  fuit 

unus  ex  septem .  4  supplicium  constituere  in.  5  Laertius.  6  Cili- 

ciensis.  1  multa  dicta  factaque  nobilium  philosophorum.  s  aggredi  ad 
dicendum.  9  Transl.  “shown  his  parents  love,  as  he  owed  (debere).” 


SECTION  IY. 

Use  of  the  Genitive. 

(S.  Gr.  §210-219.— Y.  Gr.  §  122.  123.  132-134.  156-160.) 

42.  Socrates  and  the  Sophists.1 

Socrates  is  doubtless 3  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  ancient 
Greece.  His  memory  is  very  dear  to  us  for  this  reason,  that 
the  love  of  truth  and  virtue  alone,  and  not  the  love  of  money 
and  glory,  led  him  to  the  pursuit  of  wisdom.  Other  philoso¬ 
phers,  like  Hippias,  and  Gorgias,  and  Prodicus,  the  sophists, 


40 


Part  I. 


whom  the  multitude 3  believed  to  be  men  of  talent  and  excel¬ 
lent  teachers,  were  influenced  more  by  the  desire  of  gold 
than  by  the  love  of  wisdom,  and  acquired4  great  riches. 
And  these  riches,  of  which  they  were  so  desirous,  were  for 
them  incentives 5  rather  to  vice  than  to  virtue.  But  Socrates 
was  a  great  lover 6  of  poverty,  and  remained  poor  throughout 
his  life,  although  he  was  a  man  of  acknowledged  virtue  and 
great  wisdom,  and  had  many  rich  pupils  and  friends,  who 
were  ever  ready  to  gratify  his  desires.  For  Plato,  Criton, 
and  Alcibiades  were  men  of  the  greatest  liberality  and  of 
wonderful  generosity  7;  but  Socrates  despised  all  their  gifts, 
however 8  great  and  precious  they  were,  and  preferred  poverty 
to  riches.  But  of  those  sophists  only  the  names  have  been 
bequeathed  to  us9;  for  men  of  this  kind,  who  have  lived  only 
for  themselves,  and  been  as  ignorant  of  true  wisdom  as 10  of 
virtue,  are  unworthy  to  be  remembered  by  posterity.11  But 
the  doctrines  of  Socrates,  which  are  so  full  of  wisdom  and 
incentive  to  virtue,  remain  and  will  remain,  and  the  admira¬ 
tion  paid  to  him  will  never  be  diminished. 

No.  42.  ^ophista.  2  sine  dubio.  3vulgus.  4  sibi  acquirere,  sibi 
'jomparare.  5  incitamentum  ;  11  to,”  Oenit.  6  Superlat.  of  amans.  1  be- 
nignitas.  *  quamvis,  with  Subj.  *  superesse.  Wttas-as,”  tam — quam. 
u  posteri. 


43.  Aeneas  Leaves  Troy. 

When  Troy  had  been  conquered  by  the  Greeks,  a  large 
number  of  Trojans  were  killed  within  1  the  city,  and  but  few 
of  the  princes  with  their  relatives  escaped  death.  Of  these 
Aeneas,  the  son  of  Anchises,  is  the  most  illustrious.  Next5 
to  Hector,  Aeneas  had  always  been  the  bravest  of  the  Trojan 
heroes ;  he  was  likewise 3  skilled  in  warfare,  full  of  prudence,4 
and  in  all  things  ever  mindful  of  the  gods.  He  therefore 
most  bravely  defended  the  citadel,  as  long  as6  it  could  be 
done.  But  when  it  had  fallen,  and  the  Greeks,  greedy  for 
slaughter  and  booty,  had  broken  into  it,  he  resolved  to  leave 
the  city.  With  a  small  body 8  of  brave  men  he  therefore  col¬ 
lected  the  scattered,7  and  set  out 8  on  a  voyage,  full  of  hard- 


Section  IY. 


41 


ships  and  perils.  With  his  old9  father,  whom  he  carried  16 
on  his  shoulders,  with  the  penates  and  the  tutelary  gods 11  of 
Troy,  with  his  wife  Creusa  and  his  son  Ascanius,  he  himself 
and  his  brave  friends  proceeded  12  through  the  streets  of  the 
city  and  through  many  dangers  reached  13  Mount  Ida.  Not 
till 14  then  did  he  miss15  his  wife.  Unacquainted  with  the 
streets  of  the  city,  she  bad  wandered  away  from  her  relatives. 
Fearing  no  16  danger,  Aeneas  at  once  returned  to  seek  her. 
But  he  did  not  find  her ;  still  he  brought  back  some  consola¬ 
tion.  For  the  shade  17  of  Creusa  appeared  18  to  him,  and  said, 
that 19  she  had  been  assumed  20  into  heaven  by  the  gods,  and 
been  made  partaker  of  divine  honors.  Then  Aeneas  went, 
with  his  friends,  on  board  21  the  ships,  and  set  sail 22  to  acquire 
for  himself  a  new  home  in  another  part  of  the  world. 

No.  43.  ’in.  2secundum.  z“he — likewise”  idem.  4consilium. 
5  quamdiu.  6manus.  1  dispergere.  8ingredi.  9  senex.  10  sustulisse  ; 
**  on”  Ail.  11  dii  tutelares  12  transgredi.  13pervenire.  14  demum,  to 
be  placed  after  the  emphatic  word.  16  desiderare.  16  Transl.  “  nothing  of  ” 
17  umbra,  imago.  18videri.  19  Acc.  with  Inf.  20tollere.  21  “  to  go  on 
board,”  couscendere.  22  solvere,  proficisci,  also  vela  dare. 


44.  Archytas  of  Tarentum. 

Archytas  of  Tarentum  lived  about 1  the  year  400  before 
the  birth  of  Christ.  He  was  very  fond2  of  wisdom  and 
eager  to  acquire  it,  and  possessed  not  only  a  most  extensive  3 
knowledge4  of  philosophy  and  mathematics,6  but  was  also 
much  skilled  in  political  and  military  affairs  {Sing.)  There¬ 
fore  he  was  seven  times  elected  general  by  his  fellow-citizens. 
Once  he  commanded  the  army  in  a  war  against  the  Messa- 
nians,  and  in  every  point  he  fulfilled  the  duty  of  an  able 
general.  Finally,*  after  several  years,  he  returned  as  coa- 
queror  to  Tarentum.  Having  resigned  his  command,7  he 
betook  himself,  desirous  of  leisure,  to  his  country  house. 
There  he  soon  perceived  that  the  steward 8  had  been  most 
negligent  in 9  all  his  affairs,  and  he  was  excited  with  indig¬ 
nation  and  anger.  ‘  But  not  even  in  his  anger  10  did  he  fail 
to  control  his  passion 11 ;  he  considered  it  as  characteristic  of 


42 


Past  I. 


the  foolish  (Sing.)  to  punish  in  anger,15  and  said  to  the 
steward  :  “  You  must  thank  13  the  gods  that 14  I  am  angry  ; 
or  else16  I  would  kill  you  with  my  own  hand.”  Such  a 
control 16  of  anger  17  is  the  sign  of  a  perfect  man,  whom  all 
justly  admire.  For  nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to  be 
mindful 18  of  justice  even  in  passion,18  and  never  to  forget 
what  is  the  duty  of  a  good  man. 

No.  44.  ’circa.  i<(very  fond,”  Superlat.  of  amans.  3amplus. 
4  notitia.  5  artes  mathematicae.  6  See  43.  14.  7  imperio  se  abdicare. 
8villicus.  9  Genit.  10iratus.  11  impotens  rationis  (==  “ fail  to  control 
passion  ”).  12  Acc.  of  iratus.  13  gratias  agere.  14  quod.  15  aliter. 
16  continentia.  17  iracundia.  18  Accusat.  19  perturbatio. 


45.  Hippias  and  Darius. 

Expelled  from  Athens,  Hippias  could  not  forget  his  term 
of  sovereignty.1  Therefore  he  betook  himself  first  to  the 
Spartans  and  Corinthians  to  be  restored  to  his  power  by 
their  assistance.  The  Spartans,  at  least,  were  ready  to  fulfil 
his  desire 3 ;  but  Sosicles  of  Corinth  reminded  them  of  the 
disgrace  and  infamy  which  they  would  reap 3  from  the  other 
Greeks  if  they  came  to  the  aid  of  a  tyrant  against  a  free 
people.  “  Remember  our  common  country,”  he  said,  “  and  4 
you  will  not  be  able  to  restore  him,  who,  entirely  forgetful 
of  his  duty,  has  oppressed  his  country.”  All  assented  to 
Sosicles,  and,  repudiated  by  the  Greeks,  Hippias  went,  full 
of  indignation,  to  Asia,  to  ask  aid  of  the  enemies  of  Greece 
against  the  Athenians.  There  he  lived  some  years  at  Sardes 
with  the  satrap6  Artaphernes,  by  whom  he  was  sent  to 
Darius,  king  of  the  Persians.  The  latter*  received  him 
kindly  and  promised  him  aid.  At  the  same  time  the  news 
was  brought  to  Darius  that  the  Greeks,  who  inhabited  Asia 
Minor,  had  raised  a  sedition  with  the  aid  of  the  Athenians 
and  destroyed  Sardes  by  fire.7  Then  the  king’s  wrath  burst 
forth 8  and  was  daily  inflamed  by  Hippias.  Darius  threat¬ 
ened8  the  Athenians  with  ruin  ;  and  that  he  might  not  forget 
his  wrath,  a  slave  was  to  exclaim  10  to  him  thrice  a  day  dur¬ 
ing  11  his  meal :  “  Sire,  remember  the  Athenians !  ”  Thus 


Section  IV. 


43 


it  happened  that  Darius  soon  sent  an  army  to  Greece.  But 
it  was  repulsed  with  (. All .)  such  great  slaughter,  that 
throughout  his  whole  life  he  could  never  forget  it,  although 
he  was  never  reminded  by  any  one  of  that  disastrous 
war. 


No.  45.  1  only ,  dominatio.  2  concupiscere,  petere.  3  Periphr.  Con- 
jug.  4  “and”  is  to  be  left  out,  or  to  be  replaced  by  jam,  8.  Or.  §  264. 
NoteZ.  5satr&pes,  1.  Decl  6  hie,  or  Relat.  Pron.  Mncendium.  *ex- 
ardescere.  9  minitari  alicui  aliquid.  10  acclamare,  succlamare.  11  inter. 

46.  Ingratitude 1  of  the  Athenians. 

The  Athenians  have  often  shown  themselves  very  ungrate¬ 
ful  toward  their  best  citizens.  Miltiades  and  Themistocles, 
who  had  freed  the  state  from  the  danger  of  the  Persians  and 
had  always  been  much  attached 2  to  the  country,  were,  with¬ 
out  just  cause,  accused  and  found  guilty 3  of  treason ;  the 
one  was  fined  a  sum  of  money 4  and,  not  being  able  to  pay  it, 
thrown  into  prison.6  The  other  was  condemned  to  death, 
and  saved  his  life  at  that  time,  indeed,  by  a  hasty  flight,  but 
afterwards  perished  in  exile  in  a  miserable  manner.  And 
what,  after  all,*  was  it  that  was  imputed  as  a  crime  to  Aris¬ 
tides?  He’  was  found  guilty,  as  it  were,  of  justice,  and 
sent  into  exile,  because  he  was  more  righteous  than  *  the 
restA  The  same  was  the  lot  of  Cimon,  who  was  accused®  of 
friendship  with  the  Spartans,  and  had  to  leave  his  country. 
Alcibiades  was  arraigned  as  a  violator  of  religious  rites 10  and 
condemned  to  death,  a  punishment  which  he  escaped  only 
by  prudence  and  determination.11  Nevertheless  he  never 
entirely  swerved  12  from  the  love  of  his  country.  Phocion, 
too,  in  extreme  old  age,13  was  summoned  to  court  on  account 
of  treason.  Though  many,  mindful  of  the  merits  of  the 
man,  pitied  him,  he  was  nevertheless  condemned  to  death 
without  being  heard.14  Even  Socrates,  though  no  less  dis¬ 
tinguished  for  his  love  of  piety,  than  for  his  zeal  in  the 
pursuit  of  wisdom,  was  not  acquitted  of  impiety,  but  punished 
with  death 


44 


Part  I. 


No.  46.  1  iDgratus  animus.  2  amans,  Superlat.  3  eondemnare.  4  pe 
cunia  (=  a  sum  of  m.”).  5  in  vincula,  or  in  carcerem  conjicere. 

6  tandem.  1  hie.  8  praeter.  9  insimulare.  10  violata  religio  (=  “  the 
viol,  of  rel.  rites”).  11  consilium.  12discedere.  13admodum  senex. 
14  indicta  causa. 

47.  Virtue  is  the  Highest  Good. 

The  best  men  have  always  esteemed  virtue  and  wisdom 
higher  than  all  other  things  which  men  are  accustomed  1  to 
esteem  highly.  Epicurus,  indeed,  valued  pleasure  more  than 
virtue,  though  he  said  that  even  virtue  ought  not  to  be 
undervalued.  But  if  we  wish  to  fix2  the  value  of  any  thing, 
we  must  consider3  what  are  its  results,  and  for  how  much  it 
can  be  acquired.  What,  then,  does  virtue  produce?  It 
makes  man  happy ;  it  gives  him  that  peace  of  soul  which 
he  will  not  be  able  to  buy  elsewhere  either  for  a  low  or  high 
price.  And  what  are  the  results  of  pleasure?  An  honest 
and  moderate 4  pleasure  no  doubt  can  be  useful ;  but  it  easily 
oversteps  due  bounds6  and  causes  weariness6  and  regret. 
No  one  has  ever  regretted  virtue,  but  very  many  have 
regretted  pleasure.  What  does  virtue  cost?  Yery  much, 
no  doubt 7 ;  for  he  who  wishes  to  possess  it  must  apply 
himself 8  to  it  alone  throughout  his  whole  life.  He  must 
devote9  himself  entirely  to  virtue,  and  only  for  this  price 
can  he  buy  it.  And  what  price  must  we  pay  for  pleasure  ? 
Mostly  a  very  low  price,  if  at  least 10  we  have  regard  to  the 
money  or  labor  by  which  it  is  purchased.  For  most  pleasures 
can  be  acquired  for  little11  money  and  without  labor ;  and 
all  money  is  by  far  less  worth  than  man  himself.  But  if 
the  loss 12  of  health,  peace,  and  honesty  which  very  often 
follows  pleasure  is  taken  into  consideration,13  it  often  in 
fact 14  costs  very  much.  Yirtue,  therefore,  must  always  be 
esteemed  highest,  as  it  not  only  costs  more  than  pleasure  and 
other  things,  but  also  produces  better  men. 

No.  47.  1  solere.  2  statuere  ;  “  we  wish,”  Fut.  of  velle.  8  id  spectare. 
Fut.  of  Feriphr.  Conjug.  4modicus.  5  modum  excedere  ( =  “  to  step 
over  the  b.”).  6kssitudo.  7sinedubio.  8studere,  0  dedere,  dai  u 


Section  IV. 


45 


108iquidem.  11  exiguus,  parvus.  12amissio.  13  spectare  (=  “  to  taka 
into  cons”).  14  re  vera. 

48.  Shortness  of  Human  Life. 

The  philosopher  Theophrastus  had  1  at  first  Plato  and  af¬ 
terwards  Aristotle  as  teachers.  To  the  latter  especially  he 
was  so  acceptable,  that  he  gave  him  the  name  of  Theophras¬ 
tus,  which  means  2  a  “  Divine  Speaker.”  He  was  highly 
esteemed  by  several  kings,  but  especially  by  the  Athenians, 
as  was  evident  when  he  was  impeached  for  impiety ;  for 
he  was  not  only  acquitted  of  that  crime,  but  successfully 3 
defended  his  accuser  against 4  the  threats  of  the  Athenians. 
His  books  contain  many  wise  sayings,5  but  what  he  is  re¬ 
ported  to  have  spoken  on  his  death-bed 6  about  the  shortness 
of  life  is  not  worthy 7  of  so  great  a  man.  For  he  blamed 
nature  for  having  given  the  deer  ( Plur .)  and  the  crows8  a 
long  life,  but  a  short  one  to  men.  He  thought  that  it  could 
be  of  no  interest  to  beasts  how  long  they  lived,  but  that  it 
was  of  very  great  interest  to  us.  Similar  complaints 9  are 
often  heard,  but  they  are  in  no  way  10  just.  For  of  what  im¬ 
portance  is  it  to  us  how  long  beasts  live  when  the  life  of  man 
is  in  question  ? 11  This 12  can  as  little  13  .be  compared  to  the 
life  of  beasts  as  to  that  of  oaks  and  beeches.  But  if  we  con¬ 
sider  the  life  of  man  alone,  it  matters  little  how  long  he 
lives ;  but  it  matters  very  much  how  well  he  lives.  If  you 
always  strive  14  to  become  wiser  and  better,  even  in  this  short 
life,  time  will  not  be  wanting 16  to  you  ;  but  if  you  imagine 
that  it  is  of  no  importance  how  you  live,  even  the  longest  life 
will  be  of  no  value  to  you.  But  what 16  is  more  desirable,17 
to  have  been  a  good  man,18  or19  to  have  become  an  old 
one  ? 18 

No.  48.  1  uti,  8.  Or.  §231,  end. —  Y.  Or.  §176.  1.  2valere.  8  felici 
ter.  4  a.  6sapienter  dicta.  6moriens.  1 8.  Or.  §223. —  Y.  Or.  §136. 
fcornix.  9  querela,  querimonia.  10nequaquam.  11  agi(=“  to  be  in  qu”) 
19  Relat.  13  “as  little  —  as”  non  magis — quam.  14operam  dare,  ut. 
15deficere.  16quis,  or  uter?  11  expetendus.  nAccusat.  19  an ,  8.  Or 
§176.  2.-Y.  Or.  §120. 


46 


Part  L 


49.  What  Great  Honor  has  been  Paid  ( Subj. .)  to  Learned  Men. 

Men,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  talent,  learning,  and 
wisdom,  have  been  highly  esteemed  in  all  ages,  either  (sive\ 
during  their  lifetime,  or  (pive)  after  their  death.  Alexander 
the  Great  was  very  fond  of  Grecian  literature,  but  cherished 
most  of  all 1  the  poems  of  Homer,  which  he  always  carried 
with  him,  and  which  on  retiring  to  rest  at  night  he  put  un 
der  his  pillow  along  with  his  sword,  calling  them  an  instruc¬ 
tion  2  in  warlike  bravery.  To  his  father,  who  once  asked 
him  why  he  esteemed  this  poet  higher  than  all  others,  he 
answered :  “  As  not  every  dress  is  becoming  to  a  king,  so 
also  not  every  poem.”  On  finding  among  the  booty  of  Da¬ 
rius  a  precious  box,3  adorned  with  gold,  diamonds,  and  pearls, 
destined 4  to  keep  ointments,  he  ordered  it  to  be  used 6  for 
preserving  the  poems  of  Homer,  that  the  most  magnificent 
product 6  of  the  human  mind  might  be  enclosed 7  in  a  prec¬ 
ious  work  of  art.  Alexander  said  to  a  messenger 8  who  ar¬ 
rived,  at  full  speed,8  with  the  news  of  the  happy  issue  of  an 
important  affair :  “  What  is  the  information  that  causes  you 
to  come  at  such  speed  ? u  Has 11  Homer  risen  from  the 
dead  ?  ”  12  Hence  it  clearly  follows  that  the  king  of  Mace¬ 
donia  esteemed  Homer  as  highly  as 13  any  one  ever  has  es¬ 
teemed  him.  When  the  Thebans,  who  had  been  oppressed 
by  a  Macedonian  garrison,  had  tried  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of 
servitude,14  the  same  Alexander  gave  orders  to  destroy  their 
city  and  to  sell  the  prisoners ;  yet  poetry  was  of  such  value 
in  his  eyes  that,  besides  the  temples  of  the  gods,  he  spared 
the  house  and  the  descendants  of  the  celebrated  poet 
Pindar. 

No.  49.  1  Tr a nsl.  “  very  highly.”  9praeceptio.  3  theca,  or  scrinium. 
4factus.  5adhiberead.  6  opus.  7  concludere,  or  includere;  the  former 
with  in  and  Acc.,  or  Abl.  instrum .,  the  latter  with  in  and  Acc.,  or  in  ana 
Abl.,  or  Abl.  instrum.  8eques.  9  citato  equo,  admisso  equo.  10  Transl. 
“  which  is  (Subj.)  worthy  of  such  a  speed”  11  Begin  with  nisi  forte,  foil 
by  Indie.  ,2reviviscere  (—  “  to  rise  from  the  d .”)  13  Correlat.  14  jugur* 
servije  dejicere. 


Section  IV. 


47 


50.  Chapter  II. 

In  his  frequent  correspondence  Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syra¬ 
cuse,  requested  Plato,  a  philosopher  of  acknowledged  superi¬ 
ority  and  excellence,  to  visit  him.  When  the  latter  had 
complied  with  his  wish,1  Dionysius  sent  a  festooned  bark  to 
meet  him ;  he  himself  welcomed  him  when  he  landed,2 
placed  him 3  in  a  carriage,  and  drove  it 4  himself.  Such 
great  respect  did  Dionysius  pay  to  Plato,  although  he  knew 
that  he  was  a  friend  of  Dion.  Zeno,  born  at  Cittium,  in  the 
island  of  Cyprus,  in  the  year  362  B.  0.,  starved  himself, 
when  98  years  old,  because  he  was  troubled  with  severe  pain 
in  his  finger,  which  he  had  broken.  And  yet  Zeno  and  his 
disciples  say  that  it  is  not  the  characteristic  of  a  wise  man  to 
be  moved  by  anything 6 ;  that  he  is  a  king,  although  he  may 
serve  in  slavery  6 ;  happy,  although  he  were  cast  into  the  red- 
hot  bull  of  Phalaris.  In  the  beginning  Zeno  was  a  mer¬ 
chant  7 ;  but  having  lost 8  his  whole  property  through  ship¬ 
wreck,  he  abandoned  business,9  and  devoted  himself  to  the 
study  of  philosophy.  Yet  others  say  that  he  possessed  suffi¬ 
cient  property  to  live  upon.  After  having  prepared  his  mind 
for  20  years  for  the  pursuit  of  wisdom,  he  commenced  to  ex¬ 
pound  his  tenets 10  in  the  Stoa,  a  most  celebrated  hall  at 
Athens,  which  Polygnotus,  Panaenus,  and  Mycon  had  adorn¬ 
ed  with  paintings ;  therefore  his  philosophy  was  called  the 
stoic,  and  his  followers  Stoics.  Zeno  was  very  highly  es¬ 
teemed  at  Athens  by  rich  and  poor.  Antigonus  Gonatas, 
king  of  Macedonia,  heard  him  as  often  as  he  came  to  Athens, 
and  he  was  so  full  of  sincere  veneration  for  him  that  he  very 
often  followed  the  opinion  of  the  philosopher  and  wished  to 
draw  him  to  his  court.  Zeno  himself  did  not,  indeed,  com¬ 
ply  with  his  wish,11  but  sent  him  two  of  his  disciples.  With 
the  people  of  Athens  the  philosopher  enjoyed  such  authority 
that  they  not  only  honored  him  with  a  golden  crown,  but 
also  confided  the  keys  of  the  castle  to  his  keeping.12 

Attracted  by  the  name  and  glory  of  Titus  Livy,  the  cele¬ 
brated  historian,  a  certain  man  of  Gades  came,  as  Pliny  tells 


48 


Part  I. 


us  in  the  second  book  of  his  letters,  from  the  extreme  limits 
of  Europe  to  Italy,  in  order  to  see  him,  and  after  seeing  him 
immediately  returned  home. 

No.  50.  1  voluntas.  2descendere.  3  Ablat.  absol.  Part.  Perf.  Pass. 

4  jumenta  agere.  5  ulla  res.  6  servitutem  servire.  7  mercaturam  facere. 
8  detrimentum  facere  alicujus  rei;  Abl.  absol.  9  a  negotiis  recedere. 
,0praecepta  tradere.  11  See  1.  12  Transl.,  “  gave  him  the  keys  of  the 

castle  to  keep  ( them  ”) ;  S.  Gr.  §  281.  3. —  T.  Gr.  §  219.  3  ( Fut .  Part. 
Pass.) 


SECTION  Y. 

Use  of  the  Ablative. 

(S.  Gr.  §220-235.— Y.  Gr.  §123-126.  178.  136.  138-140. 

174-177.  128.) 

51.  The  Oldest  Sibylline  Books. 

Nine  books  were  offered  to  King  Tarquin  the  Proud  by  an 
unknown  old  woman  that  he  might  purchase  them.  But  as 
she  asked  an  immoderate  sum,  the  king  declined 1  to  buy 
them  at  that  price.  The  woman  at  once  left,2  and  burned 
three  of  her  books ;  but  returned  and  offered  the  king  the 
remaining  six.  “  At  what  price  will  you  sell  them  \  ”  asked 
the  king.  “  For  the  same  price  which  I  asked  for  the  nine.” 
Offended  at  this  folly,  Tarquin  refused 3  the  woman  a  second 
time,  and  departing  she  again  burned  three  more  books,  but 
returned  a  third  time  and  asked  Tarquin  whether  he  was 
ready  to  buy  the  three  remaining  books  for  the  same  money. 
Astonished  at  the  novelty  of  the  thing,  the  king  ordered  4  the 
augurs  to  be  summoned  to  his  presence,  that  the  books  might 
be  examined  by  them.  They  5  obeyed  the  command  8  of  the 
king,  and  soon  perceived  that  in  those  books  the  oracles  of 
the  Sibyl  of  Cumae  were  contained.  Much  pleased  with  this 
discovery,7  they  brought 8  the  matter  before  Tarquin.  The 


Section  Y. 


49 


.  V 

king,  therefore,  on  the  advice  of  the  Augurs,  bought  those 
three  books  for  the  same  price  which  the  old  woman  had 
asked  for  the  nine ;  and  at  once  the  woman  disappeared  and 
was  never  seen  again.9  By  order  of  the  king  the  books  were 
deposited  in  a  sacred  place,10  and  very  carefully  11  guarded  19 
by  two  men.13  Thus  the  oldest  Sibylline  books  came  to  Borne. 
Later  on  also  other  oracles  of  the  Sibyl  were  discovered  ;  but 
these  were  of  less  authority  with  the  Boman  people  than 
those  which  were  contained  in  the  books  bought  by  Tarquin. 

No.  51.  1  nolle.  “abire.  3repudiare.  4jubere,  with  Acc.  and  Inf. 

5  hie,  or  Relat.  6  8.  Gr.  §203.  1.  (dicto  audiens  sum  alicui — “  I  obey 
somebody's  command").  7  inventum.  8deferre  ad  {“before"),  “non 
tunplius  =  “  not — anymore").  10sacrarium.  11  diligentia.  12servare. 
13  duumviri. 


52.  Socrates’  Frankness  of  Speech. 

Though  Socrates  had  been  accused  of  a  capital  crime,  he 
spoke  with  such  frankness  before1  his  judges  that,  trusting 
in  his  innocence,  he  seemed  to  despise 9  their  kindness  and 
commiseration.  So  it  happened  that  the  judges,  influenced 
more  by  hatred  than  by  evidence,  first  convicted  him  of  im¬ 
piety.  Then,  according  to  Athenian  custom,  they  asked  him 
of  what  punishment  he  deemed  himself 3  worthy.  Where¬ 
upon  4  Socrates  answered:  “You  have  condemned  me  un¬ 
justly  ;  for  5  I  have  not  committed  any 0  crime,  but  with 
constant  fidelity  discharged  7  the  duties  of  a  good  citizen. 
Therefore  I  deem  myself  worthy,  not  of  punishment,  but  of 
the  highest  reward,  which  is  usually  granted  to  the  best  old 
men.  Not  from  love  of  life,  but  from  the  consciousness  of 
my  innocence  have  I  said  this ;  not  that  I  might  free  myself 
from  the  danger  of  death,  but  for  your  sake,  that  you  might 
not  give  a  verdict 8  unworthy  of  such  men.”  Socrates  trusted 
too  much  to  his  innocence.  Many,  indeed,  of  the  judges 
acknowledged  that  he  was  free  of  all  guilt,  and  they  en¬ 
deavored  9  to  save  0  him  from  punishment.  Some,  too,  were 
moved  with  pity  for  the  old  man.  But  most  of  them,  partly 
from  disgust 11  at  the  haughtiness 19  of  Socrates,  partly  from 


50 


Part  I. 


fear  of  the  multitude,  which  seemed  to  demand  the  death  of 
the  accused,  condemned  him  to  death.  Socrates  was  satisfied 
with  the  sentence.  He  thanked  13  those  of  the  judges  who, 
out  of  love  of  justice,  had  acquitted  him,  and  the  others  he 
forgave  the  injury.14  Then,  trusting  in  the  consciousness  of 
his  virtue,  he  returned  to  prison.  Afterwards,  when  his 
friends  endeavored  1&  to  free  him  by  bribing  the  guards,16 
induced  by  his  reverence  for  the  laws  of  the  country,  he 
refused 17  to  leave  the  prison.  Some  days  later  he  cheerfully  18 
drank 19  the  poison,  and  died 20  with  a  firmness 21  worthy  of 
so  great  a  man. 

No.  52.  1  apud.  2repudiare,  aspernari,  contemnere.  3  8.  Gr.  §287. 
2. —  T.  Gr.  §149.  3.  4  ad  quod.  5neque  enim.  6  by  quidquam,  8.  Or. 
§212.  2. — T.  Or.  §133.  1.  7persequi.  8  judicium  facere.  9studere, 
cupere.  10 liberare.  11  taedium,  “at,”  Oenit.  12fastus,  superbia. 
1Rgratias  agere.  14injuriam  condonare  alicui.  15  See  48,  14.  16  Transl. 

“  through  bribed  (pecunia  corrumpere)  guards.”  17recusare,  8.  Gr. 
§  253. —  T.  Or.  §196.  I8hilaris,  or  laetus,  or  both ,  connected  by  et. 
19  haurire.  20obire  mortem.  21  Transl.  “ with  that  firmness ,  which  was 
worthy  ”  etc. 

53.  Anacharsis. 

Anacharsis,  by  nation  a  Scythian,  descended  from  renowned 
ancestors,  and  even,  as  many  think,  from  the  royal  family. 
He  is  said  to  have  lived  nearly  600  years  before  the  birth  of 
Christ.  The  Scythians  were  then,  indeed,  justly  considered 
to  be  uncivilized  1  and  totally  wanting  in  culture,  though 
they  far  surpassed  the  Greeks  in  purity  of  morals.2  But  of 
Anacharsis  ancient  writers  report,  that 3  he  was  not  only  of 
a  kind  disposition,4  but  possessed  great  mental 6  powers  and 
an  insatiable  desire  for  knowledge.  Out  of  a  great  zeal  for 
wisdom  he  left  his  country  and  travelled  to  Greece,  which 
was  reputed  to  abound  in  wise  men.  At  Athens  he  met 
Solon,  and  is  reported  to  have  said  to  him  :  “  Solon,  I  need  a 
helper  and  teacher  in  wisdom,  and  I  am  willing  to  make6 
friendship  with  you.”  But  Solon,  who  was  then  occupied 
in  framing  a  constitution,7  replied :  “  If  you  are  destitute  of 
friends,  seek  them  among  your  countrymen 8 ;  for  in  my 


Section  Y. 


51 


judgment  it  is  better  to  establish  friendships  at  home  than 
with  foreigners.  ”  9  “  Well,  then/ ”  10  said  Anacharsis,  “}7ou 

yourself  are  now  at  home,  and  therefore  make  friendship 
with  me  here.”  Solon,  delighted  with  the  man’s  ingenuity, 
received  Anacharsis  into  his  house,  and  recognized  in  him  a 
man  who  was  ( Subj .)  endowed  with  many  virtues  and  most 
worthy  of  the  friendship  of  the  best  men.  By  his  talents 
and  wisdom  he  won,11  in  a  short  time,  such  general 12  admira¬ 
tion  at  Athens  that,  by  some,  he  was  even  reckoned  among 13 
the  seven  sages.  Satisfied  with  a  short  stay,14  he  returned 
home  to15  instruct16  his  countrymen,  at  whose  ignorance  he 
was  grieved,17  in  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired  at  Athens. 
But  soon  18  after  his  return  into  his  native  country  he  is  said 
to  have  been  killed  by  his  own  brother  Saulius. 

No.  53.  ^udis,  indoctus.  Mntegritas  vitae.  3  8.  Gr.  §268.  3. —  Y. 
Gr.  §206.  1.  4  indoles.  5  animus.  6  facere,  inire.  7  in  scribendis  legi- 

bus  occupatum  esse.  8tuus,  also  popularis.  9exteri.  10  age  vero. 
11movere.  12  by  the  Genii .  Plur.  omnium.  13  in  numero — haberi. 
14  commoratio.  15 ut.  16docere.  17dolere,  S.  Gr.  §194.  4,  “ at,”  Acc. 
See  Y.  Gr.  §178.  1.  18paulo,  baud  ita  multo,  non  multo. 


54.  Some  Remarks  1  on  the  War  which  was  Waged  by  the 

Romans  with  Pyrrhus. 

/ 1  a  LW  i 

L 

f  p  ’ 

1.  Battle  at  Heraclea. 

In  the  Tarentine  war  the  Romans  not  only  displayed* 
remarkable  bravery,  but  also  acquired  for  themselves  the 
greatest  renown  by  their  magnanimity  3  and  perseverance.4 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  who  had  come  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Tarentines,  was  both  personally  brave  5  and  well  skilled 
in  the  art  of  war.  He  also 6  had  the  bravest  soldiers,  whose 
valor  had  already  been  tested  in  many  battles.  Besides,  his 
hope  rested  on  the  elephants,  which  he  had  brought7  with 
him,  animals  which  the  Romans  had  never  seen  before.  At 
Heraclea  in  Lucania  the  first  battle  was  fought.  The 
Romans  displayed  the  greatest  bravery,  and  they  would,  no 
doubt,  have  gained 8  the  victory,  if  they  had  not  been 


52 


Part  I. 


frightened  by  the  impetuosity 9  and  fierceness  of  the  ele¬ 
phants,  and  in  this  manner  been  deprived  of  the  hope  of 
victory.  Thus  the  Homans  suffered 10  a  great  defeat.  But 
Pyrrhus,  too,  had  bought  the  victory  dearly.  The  best 
leaders  and  many  very  brave  soldiers  had  fallen  in  the 
battle.  The  army  seemed  to  have  lost11  courage12  and  the 
hope  of  future  victories.  He  himself,  admiring  the  bravery 
of  the  Romans,  is  said  to  have  exclaimed :  “  How  easy 
would  it  be,  if  I  had  13  these  soldiers,  or  if  the  Romans  had 
me  as  leader,  to  obtain  the  dominion  of  the  world !  ” 14 
Some  days  after  the  battle  at  Heraclea  the  Romans  sent  C. 
Fabricius  Luscinns,  a  senator  of  great  courage  and  singular 
self-possession,15  with  two  others  as  ambassadors  to  Pyrrhus 
to  16  arrange  with  him  about  exchanging  the  captives.17  The 
king,  who  wished  to  have  such  brave  men  as  friends,  had  hoped 
that,18  after  the  defeat  at  Heraclea,  the  Romans  would  wish 
rather  to  enjoy  peace  than  to  continue 19  the  war.  Therefore 
he  believed  that 18  the  ambassadors  would  sue  for  peace. 

No.  54.  1  quidam.  2  uti.  3  animi  magnitude).  4  constantia.  5  manu 
fortis.  6  idem.  7  ducere.  8  potiri.  9  impetus.  10  affici,  S.  Or.  §  229. 
—  Y  Or.  §178.  2.  11  orbatum  esse,  8.  Gr.  §  229. —  Y.  Or.  §175. 
12  bonus  animus.  13  uti.  34orbis  terrarum.  15  constantia.  16qui,  with 
Sulj.  17  agere  de  redimendis  captivis.  18  Acc.  with  Inf.  19  persequi. 

55.  2.  Fabricius . 

When  Pyrrhus  had  admitted  the  ambassadors  to  his 
presence  (ad  se)}  he  was,  by  the  speech  of  Fabricius,  at  once 
deprived  of  all  hope  of  peace.  But  as  he  had  heard  that 
Fabricius  was  very  poor,  he  endeavored,  by  presents  and 
promises,  to  win  him  over  to  himself 1 ;  but  Fabricius  re¬ 
jected  everything.  On  the  following  day  Pyrrhus  tried 2  to 
shake 3  the  courage  of  the  man  by  a  sudden 4  fright,  and  used 
the  following  artifice.6  He  placed  an  elephant  of  enormous 
size  behind  a  curtain.8  At  a  given  signal 7  the  beast  uttered  * 
a  terrible  roar,9  and  at  the  same  time  put  its  trunk  10  around 
the  head  of  Fabricius.  But,  quietly  smiling,11  the  courage¬ 
ous  man  said  to  the  king :  “  Neither  could  you  yesterday  by 


Section  V. 


53 


your  gold,  nor  will  you  to-day  by  this  elephant  obtain,  that 
I  faithlessly  discharge  the  office  laid 12  upon  me  by  the  state.” 
Pyrrhus  admired  the  magnanimity  of  the  man  and  returned 
many  of  the  captives  to  him  without  ransom.13  So  much 
did  he  deem  virtue  worthy  of  honor  even  in  an  enemy. 
Hereto  an  illustrious  example  of  integrity  14  may  be  added, 
which  was  given  by  the  same  Fabricius  two  years  afterwards. 
When  he 15  was  elected  consul  after  the  battle  at  Asculum  in 
Apulia,  and  sent  with  an  army  against  Pyrrhus,  to  ward  him 
off  18  from  the  Roman  territory,  he  pitched  his  camp  17  in  a 
favorable  place,  not  far  from  the  enemy.  There  a  messenger 
came  to  him  from  JSTicias,  the  physician  of  the  king,  and 
handed 18  him  a  letter,  in  which  the  physician  promised 
to  18  kill  Pyrrhus  by  poison,  if  a  reward  were  given  him. 
Fabricius  shrank  from  so  great  a  crime,20  and  at  once  sent 
Nicias’s  letter  to  the  king.  Astonished21  at  his  integrity  the 
king  exclaimed  :  “  This  is  that  Fabricius  who  can  no  more 
be  turned  from  the  path  of  integrity  than  the  sun  from  its 
course.” 

No.  55.  1  sibi  c  mciliare.  5  tentare,  with  ut,  or  conari,  with  Inf. 
3  concutere,  perturbare.  4  repentinus.  5  ars.  6  aulaeum.  7  signo  dato. 
•edere.  *mugltus.  10  proboscis,  Idis.  11  subridere.  12  deferre,  “upon,” 
Bat.  13pretium.  14honestas.  15qui  quum.  16arcere,  prohibere. 
17 castra  ponere.  18reddere(=  “to  hand”).  19  Acc.  with  Inf.,  S.  Gr. 
§  268.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  206.  2.  20scelus.  21  obstupefieri. 

56.  3.  Cineas  Goes  to  Rome. 

Hot  long  after  the  battle  at  Heraclea  Pyrrhus  sent  Cineas, 
a  man  of  remarkable  prudence  and  great  eloquence,  to  Rome 
to  conclude 1  peace  with  the  Romans.  Cineas  tried  first  to 
bribe  the  noblest  Romans  with  gold ;  but  he  soon  desisted 
from  this  plan,  for  he  found  no  one  whose  house  was  open 2 
for  presents.  Then  he  delivered  a  brilliant  speech  in  the 
Senate,  in  which,  with  admirable  eloquence,  he  recommended 
the  peace  proposed  by  Pyrrhus.  Some  of  the  Senators  had 
already  been  won  over 3  by  Cineas,  when  Appius  Claudius 
Caecus  was  carried 4  in  a  litter 6  into  the  Senate,  and  spoke 


54 


Part  I. 


thus :  “  Not  without  sadness  *  have  I  long  been  destitute  of 
the  light 7  of  my  eyes ;  but  now  I  wish  also  to  be  deaf  of  my 
ears  in  order  that  I  may  not  hear  what  is  unworthy  of  the 
Roman  Senate.”  With  such  dignity  did  blind  Appius,  in 
his  old  age,  discharge  the  Senatorial  office.8  At  his  advice 
the  Senate  rejected  the  conditions  of  the  king  and  replied  to 
Cineas :  “  Before  Pyrrhus  has  left 9  Italy,  there  will  be  no 
negotiation  10  about  peace  with  him.”  Cineas  perceived  that 
the  Roman  Senate  could  be  moved  by  no  artifices,  and  he 
therefore  desisted  from  all  further  attempts.11  Thus,  with¬ 
out  bringing  the  affair  to  a  close,12  he  returned  to  Pyrrhus. 
But  he  faithfully  and  conscientiously 13  told  the  king  all  that 
he  had  seen  and  heard.  He  could  not  abstain  from  prais¬ 
ing  14  the  Romans,  but  with  much  frankness  said  that  the 
city  had  appeared  to  him,  as  it  were,15  a  temple,  and  the 
Roman  Senate  an  assembly 16  of  kings.  With  such  great 
admiration  had  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people  impressed  17 
him. 

No.  56.  1  componere.  2  patere,  apertum  esse,  Imperf.  Subj.  3  capere. 
4  portare,  deferre,  Perf.  Indie .  5  lectlca.  6  luctus,  maeror.  7  lumen. 

*  munus  senatorium.  9  discedere  ex  ;  II.  Fut.  10  agitur  de  (=  “  there  is 
a  negotiation  about").  11  desistere  a  tentationibus.  12  infecta  re.  13  by 
the  Subst.  fides,  and  religio.  14  Transl.  “ from  the  praises  of."  15tan- 
quam.  16  consilium,  consessus,  with  quidam.  17  afficere. 

57.  4.  End  of  the  Tarentine  War. 

After  Pyrrhus 1  had  punished  the  physician,  whose  propo¬ 
sals  2  Fabricius  had  so  generously 3  rejected,4  with  that  (is) 
death,  which  he  had  so  justly  deserved,  out  of  gratitude5  to 
the  Romans  he  sent  back  all  the  captives  without  ransom. 
But  they  did  not  wish  to  be  surpassed  by  him  in  magnanim¬ 
ity,  and  returned  to  him  an  equal  number  of  their  captives. 
From  this  time  Pyrrhus  tried,  in  an  honorable  manner,  to 
depart  from  Italy.  By  those  two  victories,  too,  he  had  been 
so  much  weakened,8  that  he  did  not  dare  to  engage  7  with  the 
Romans  in  a  third  battle.  Therefore,  invited  by  the  Sicilians, 
he  went  to  Sicily  to  free  that  island  from  the  dominion  of 


Section  V. 


55 


the  Carthaginians,  who  had,  about  that  time,  taken  possession 
of  a  large  part  of  the  island.  But  though  Pyrrhus 8  obtained 
several  victories  in  Sicily,  yet  two  years  later,  induced  by  the 
entreaties  of  the  Tarentines,  he  returned  to  Italy  by  the  same 
route.  The  Consul  Manius  Curius  JDentatus,  a  man  who 8 
was  equal  to  Fabricius  in  moderation  10  and  integrity,  marched 
with  an  army  against  him.  In  the  year  275  B.  C.  he 
attacked  11  the  king  near  Beneventum,  and  defeated  him  in 
so  great  a  battle,  that  Pyrrhus  at  once  resolved  to  abandon 
the  war  and  to  depart12  from  Italy.\  With  a  small  part  of 
his  army  he  fled  in  ships  to  Greece,  where,  whilst  besieging 13 
Argos,  he  was  soon  afterwards  killed  by  the  blow  14  of  a  stone. 
Three  years  after  the  departure  16  of  Pyrrhus,  the  Homans 
conquered  the  city  of  Tarentum,  and,  by  this  victory, 
gained,16  simultaneously,  the  dominion  of  the  whole  of 
Lower  Italy.  This  happened  in  the  year  272  B.  C.,  ten 
years  after  the  war  with  the  Tarentines  had  been  begun.17 

No.  57.  Pyrrhus  postquam,  S.  Gr.  §  245.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  181.  2  con¬ 
ditio.  3  tanta  (cum)  animi  magnitudine.  4  repudiare,  respuere.  5  gratus 
animus.  6  debilitare,  frangere.  7  confligere.  8  Sed  Pyrrhus  qua  m vis. 
9  8.  Gr.  §  238.  5. —  Y.  Gr.  §152.  1.  10  temperantia,  continentia.  11  ag- 

gredi.  12  decedere.  13  by  a  clause  “when  he  besieged”  8.  Gr.  §  256. 
/.  4.,  quum,  Impf.  Subj.  14  ictus.  15decessus,  profectio.  16  Transl. 
“by  which  v.  they  gained.”  17  coepisse. 


58.  How  Pisistratus  Obtained1  Absolute  Power.5 

A  few  years  after  the  death  of  Solon  violent  dissensions 
arose  among  the  citizens  of  Athens.  In  these  quarrels  Pisis¬ 
tratus,  who  was  far  more  than  the  other  nobles  in  favor 3  with 
the  people,  reobtained  absolute  power.  He  used  his  power 
with  great  moderation ;  still  the  Athenians  could  not  endure 
the  loss 4  of  liberty.  The  leaders 6  of  the  nobles,  Megacles 
and  Lycurgus,  who  had  been  at  variance,  made  a  mutual  al¬ 
liance  and  expelled  Pisistratus  from  the  city.  But  as  Lycur¬ 
gus  seemed  to  become  more  powerful  than  Megacles,  the 
latter 6  secretly  informed 7  Pisistratus  that 8  he  was  willing  to 
lead*  him  back  into  the  city  upon  condition  that  he 10  should 


56 


Part  I. 


marry 11  his  daughter.  The  condition  was  accepted.  Mega- 
cles  prepared  in  the  city  what  was  necessary.  But  Pisistra¬ 
tus,  in  order  to  be  able  to  enter 12  the  city  without  danger, 
used  a  stratagem,  which  Herodotus  not  unjustly  considers 
very  strange.13  There  was  then 14  a  woman  of  enormous 
/;ize,  Phya  by  name,  who  was  nearly  by  one-third  taller  than 
Pisistratus  himself.  He  dressed  this  woman  in  a  cuirass 16 
and  put  a  spear  in  her  hand  and  a  helmet  on  her  head,  so 
that,  in  her  whole  equipment,16  she  resembled  Minerva. 
Having  accoutred  the  woman  in  this  manner,  Pisistratus 
placed  her  by  his  side  on  a  magnificent  chariot,  which  was 
drawn 17  by  the  handsomest  horses.  Heralds 18  were  sent  ahead 
into  the  city,  who  everywhere,  and  with  great  clamor,  thus 
exhorted  19  the  people :  “  Receive  (ye)  Pisistratus  with  a  good 
heart,20  whom  our  goddess  Minerva  holds  dearer  than  the  rest 
of  men,  and  herself  leads  back  into  her  castle.”  This  report 
was  spread  throughout  the  city  and  believed  by  many.  The 
woman  enjoyed  the  honors  of  the  true  goddess  on  that  day 
until 21  Pisistratus  had  again  taken  possession  of  the  sover¬ 
eignty.  What  happened22  to  her  later  has  not  been  re¬ 
corded. 

No.  58.  1  Perf  Subj.  atyrannis,  dominatio  (=  “ abs  power”). 

3gratiosus.  4  by  non  posse  oarere  Imperf.  5  princeps.  6  hie.  ’’renun- 
tiare  alicui.  8  Acc.  with  Inf.  9  Periphr.  Conjug.  10  ille.  nuxoiem 
ducere,  in  matrimonium  ducere.  ,2pervenire.  13  minis,  mirabilis 
14igitur.  enirn.  ,5lor!ca.  |fi  apparatus.  ,7vebere.  18  praeco.  19adhor 
tari ,  Subj  unci.  20  animus,  voluntas.  21  dum,  with  Perf.  22  Perf Subj 


59.  Chapter  II. 

Herodotus  himself,  to  whom  we  owe  this  story,  holds  so 
stupid  1  a  folly 2  unworthy  of  the  Athenian  people.  For  he 
adds:  “The  Greeks  are  wiser  than  all  other  nations,  and  the 
Athenians  more  prudent  than  the  rest  of  the  Greeks.  But 
the  shrewder  men  are,  the  more  unworthy  of  them  must  it 
be  deemed  if  they  suffer  themselves  to  be  duped  3  in  such  a 
manner.”  Pisistratus  married,  indeed,  as  he  had  promised, 
the  daughter  of  Megacles,  but  treated  her  with  such  con- 


Section  Y. 


57 


tempt  that,  inflamed  with  anger,  Megacles  tried  to  deprive 
him  again  of  the  sovereignty.  When  Pisistratus  perceived 
this  and  believed  4  himself  weaker  than  his  adversaries,  he 
left 5  the  city  of  his  own  accord  and  established  his  abode  at 
Eretria.  Here  then  his  sons  and  friends  assembled.  Follow¬ 
ing  their  advice,  Pisistratus  resolved  to  raise  an  army  and  re¬ 
cover  the  lost  sovereignty  by  force.  But  it  was  not  until 
eleven  years  later,  when  he  seemed  to  have  gathered  suffi¬ 
cient  strength,  that  Pisistratus  marched  into  Attica  and 
pitched  his  camp  in  the  plain  of  Marathon.  When  this  was 
announced  (Plupf.)  at  Athens  many  citizens,  to  whom  the 
tyrannis  was  more  agreeable  than  popular  sovereignty,  left 
the  city  and  went  over  to  Pisistratus.  Thus  his  troops  were 
greatly  increased,  so  that  he  defeated  the  army  which  had 
been  sent  by  the  nobles  against  him.  This  victory  he  used 
very  prudently.  He  despatched  swift  couriers  to  all  parts  of 
Attica  to  announce  that  no  one  should  be  punished  who 
would  lay  down  his  arms  and  return  to  his  business.6  This 
was  almost  universally  done,  as  the  people  wished  rather  to 
enjoy  peace  than  to  continue  the  war.  Thus  Pisistratus  ob¬ 
tained  the  tyrannis  a  third  time  and  kept  it  until  his  death. 
He  died  in  the  year  528  B.  C.,  and  left  the  sovereignty  to  his 
sons  Hippias  and  Hipparchus. 

No.  59.  ^tolidus.  ’  simplicitas.  Ziithey  suffer  themselves  to  be  de¬ 
ceived,"  by  the  Pass,  of  decipere  only.  4 habere.  5decedere  ex.  6ne- 
gotium,  opus;  Plur. 


60.  God's  Nature  Cannot  be  Comprehended 1  by  Men. 

1  'When  Hiero,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  with  whom  the  celebrated 
poets  Pindar  of  Thebes,  Simonides  of  Cea,  Aeschylus,  born 
at  Eleusis  in  Attica  in  the  year  525,  Epicharmus,  born  in  the 
island  of  Cos,  and  Bacchylides,  the  son  of  Simonides’s  sister, 
were  staying  for  some  time,  one  day  asked  Simonides  what 
or  of  what  nature  God  was,  the  latter  demanded  one  day  for 
deliberation.2  When  on  the  following  day  Hiero  repeated 
the  question,  he  demanded  two  days.  Having  frequently 


68 


Part  I. 


doubled  the  number  of  days,  the  king  asked  in  astonish¬ 
ment  why  he  did  so.  “  Because  the  more  I  think  over 
the  matter,”  said  he,  “  the  more  obscure  it  seems.”  When 
at  Hippo  St.  Augustine  wrote  his  book  on  the  Most  Holy 
Trinity,3  and  exerted  himself  in  vain  to  comprehend  a  doc¬ 
trine  which  exceeds 4  human  reason  and  to  adapt  it  to  hu¬ 
man  intelligence,5  he  used  to  wralk  for  some  time  on  the  sea¬ 
shore,  in  order  to  relax  his  mind  fatigued 6  by  this  difficult 
study.  One  day,  so  it  is  recorded,  he  saw  a  lovely  little  boy 
sitting  on  the  beach  who  had  dug  a  small  hole 7  in  the  sand 
and  was  busying  himself 8  with  great  eagerness  in  scooping 
water  from  the  sea  with  a  spoon  and  pouring  it  into  the  tiny 
hole.  Augustine,  who  with  delight  had  for  some  time 
watched  the  child’s  play,  finally  asked  him  why  he  exerted 
himself  so  much  to  fill  that  small  hole  with  sea- water.  “  I 
wish,”  answered  the  boy,  “  to  enclose 9  the  whole  sea  in  this 
small  space.”  “  You  will  never  succeed,”  replied  the  bishop, 
“  however  eagerly  you  labor.”  “  Still,  I  believe 10  I  shall 
more  easily  accomplish  this,”  said  the  boy  with  gravity, 
“  than  you  will  succeed  in  comprehending  the  doctrine  of 
the  Most  Holy  Trinity.”  Then  he  disappeared.  “  He  who 
investigates  the  Majesty  of  God  will  be  overwhelmed  by  its 
splendor,”  says  Holy  Scripture.  “  How  will  man,”  says  St. 
Basil,  “  who  cannot  even  fully  explain  the  nature  of  an  ant, 
be  able  to  entirely  comprehend  the  nature  of  God  ?  ”  Yet, 
though  we  are  not  able  to  comprehend  it,  we  are  bound  to 
use  our  reason  more  and  more  to  learn  and  admire  the  perfec¬ 
tions  11  of  God;  for  what  surpasses 4  reason  is  not  opposed  to  it. 

No.  60.  !perspicere;  Ace.  with  Inf.  2  deliberare ;  “for”  causa 
( Oenit .  of  Gerund.)  3  Trinitas.  4  progredi  ultra,  or  superare.  6  accom- 
odare  ad  humanam  intelligentiam.  6  defatigatus.  7  scrobiculum 
(=  “a  small  hole”)  facere,  or  fodere.  8operam  ponere,  studium  collo- 
care  in.  *  See  49.  7.  10opinor,  or  ut  opinor.  11  vires  divinae  virtutes- 
que. 

61.  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  the  Elder. 

We  may  rightly  1  count a  M.  Porcius  Cato  among  the  most 
remarkable  men  of  Home.  He  was  born  ( Plujpf .  of  nascor) 


Section  V. 


59 


in  the  country  of  the  Sabines,  distinguished  for  its  ancient 
severity  of  life  and  manners,  and  was  educated  in  the  neigh¬ 
borhood  of  that  villa,  which  Manius  Curius  Dentatus,  noted 
for  his  great  moderation  and  illustrious  as  conqueror  both  of 
the  Samnites  and  of  Pyrrhus,  had  once  inhabited.  This  M. 
C.  Dentatus  and  Fabius  Maximus  Cunctator,  the  latter  of 
whom  greatly  favored  ancient  Roman  customs,  Cato  had 
taken,  as  it  seems,  as  models  for  imitation.3  He  was  possessed 
of  all  the  moderation,  industry,  and  ability  of  the  early  Roman 
times,  as  also  of  their  severity  4;  yet  he  was  not  always  con¬ 
sistent  with  himself.5  When  Scipio,  in  the  year  203,  pre¬ 
pared  in  Sicily  for  the  war  against  Carthage,  Cato,  his 
quaestor,  was  one  of  his  principal  accusers.  People  said  that 
he  was  going  about 6  in  the  gymnasia  in  Grecian  attire,  and 
was  employing  himself 7  with  Greek  books  and  studies ;  that 
his  army  also  was  becoming  effeminate  by  luxury,  and  was 
enjoying  the  attractions  of  Syracuse ;  that  Hannibal  and 
Carthage  were  forgotten.  Two  tribunes  of  the  people, 
together  with  a  praetor  and  ten  legates,  were  sent  to  Sicily, 
in  order  to  inquire  into  the  accusations  on  the  spot,8  and, 
should  9  it  be  necessary,  to  depose  10  Scipio  from  his  office 
and  bring  him  to  Rome.  But  Scipio  was  found  innocent. 
The  hatred  by  which  Cato  was  animated  against  the  Scipios 
has  been  touched  upon  in  another  place.  When  the  Atheni¬ 
ans,  in  the  year  155,  had  sent  as  deputies  the  three  most 
illustrious  philosophers  of  that  time,  the  Academician 
Carneades,  the  Peripatetic  Critolaus,  and  Diogenes  of  Baby¬ 
lon,  to  Rome,  and  all  the  young  men,  desirous  of  learning, 
wished  to  enjoy  their  company  and  their  instruction,  Cato 
made  a  motion  in  the  senate  11  to  dismiss  those  Greeks  as  soon 
as  possible,  that  the  youths  might  not  be  corrupted  12  by  them. 
As  Carneades  had  a  particular  habit  of  speaking  in  the  same 
way  for  and  against  a  thing  13  with  an  astonishing  copiousness 
and  power  of  thought  (Plur.\  Cato  feared  that  the  love  of 
probity  would  disappear ;  if  that  man  spoke,  it  was  not  easy 
to  distinguish  14  what  amount 19  of  truth  there  actually  was. 
u  Believe,”  he  wrote 18  to  his  son,  “  that  a  prophet  has  said,  if 


60 


Part  I. 


that  nation  brings17  us  its  sciences,  it  will  ruin  everything; 
but  still  more,  if  it  sends 17  us  its  physicians.55 

No.  61.  1  jure  optimo.  2  in  mimero  habere,  ducere,  reponere.  3ali- 
quern  sibi  proponere  ad  imitandum,  or  aliquem  sibi  exemplum  propo- 
nere  ad  imitandum.  4acerbitas.  5  sibi  constare.  6circumire;  “in  the, 
g.”  Ace.  1  operam  ponere,  studium  collocare  in  (“with”).  8 in  re 
praesenti.  9  Transl.  “if  it  were  n.”  10  abrogare  imperium  alicui. 
11  referre  ad  senatum.  12  depravare.  13  de  omni  re  in  utramque  partem, 
or  in  contrarias  partes  disputare ;  or  disputare  pro  omnibus  et  contra 
omnia.  14  internoscere.  15  Transl.  “  how  much  of  tr.”  16  inquit.  17 II. 
Fut. 


62.  Chapter  II. 

Yet  when  he  was  serving  under  Fabius  Maximus,  and, 
after  the  taking  of  Tarentum  in  the  year  209,  became 
acquainted  with  the  Pythagorean  Nearehus,  he  had  frequent 
intercourse  with  that  learned  man,  and  did  not  deny  that  he 
owed  much  to  him.  Towards  the  end  of  his  life  he  learned 
the  Greek  language,1  read  the  books  composed  in  it,9  and 
made  use  of  the  knowledge  acquired  from  them  in  his  own 
works.  When,  in  the  year  195,  he  was  sent  as  consul  to 
Spain,  where  he  conquered  the  nations  on  this  side  of  the 
Ebro  that  had  fallen  off,  he  slept  on  goatskins,  and  was  con¬ 
tent  with  the  same  food  and  wine  as 3  the  sailors ;  he  also 
used  to  say  that  that  state  was  in  a  bad  condition 4  in  which 
a  fish  was  as  dear  as 5  an  ox.  Nevertheless,  when,  by  the 
administration  of  public  offices,  he  had  become  rich,  he  him¬ 
self  gave  sumptuous  banquets.  He  showed  himself  kind 
towards  his  slaves.  He  worked 6  and  dined  with  them,  and 
did  not  punish  them,  though  they  were  negligent  in  some 
things.7  Yet  he  advises  his  son  to  buy  slaves  cheaply,  when 
still  very  young,  to  let  them  learn  something  from  other 
slaves,  and  then  to  sell  them  dearly,  in  order  to  increase  the 
property.  Nay,  in  his  later  life-time  he  whipped  those  who 
made  some  mistake  whilst  serving  at  table,  drove  away  those 
who  were  weakened  by  age,  or  sold  them,  on  finding  a  pur¬ 
chaser.  Though  Plutarch  extols  Cato  with  great  praises,  yet 
he  cannot  help  blaming  him  in  this  one  point :  “  As  if  there 


Section  V. 


61 


was  no  longer  room  for  kind  feeling,  says  he,  when  there  was 
no  more  advantage  to  be  derived  from  them ;  as  if  equity 
was  not  more  comprehensive 8  than  justice.  Even  dogs  and 
other  animals  are  still  fed,  though  one  cannot  use  them  any 
longer.  The  Athenians  fed  the  mules  which  they  had  used 
for  the  building  of  the  temple  of  Athene,  though  they  were 
freed  from  all  labor  afterwards.”  Cato  was  accused,  during 
his  life,  forty-four  times,  at  one  time  of  this,  at  another  of 
that 9  crime,  but  always  acquitted.  He  finally  placed  such 
great  confidence  in  his  innocence,  that  once,  when  he  was 
publicly  examined,10  he  demanded  for  himself  Tib.  Gracchus 
as  judge,  with  whom  he  was  at  variance 11  on  account  of  the 
administration  of  the  commonwealth.  We  have  said  that 
Cato  served  in  the  Punic  war,  and  that  he  successfully  fought 
against  the  Spaniards ;  but  he  marched  also  to  13  the  East,  to 
fight  the  enemies  of  his  country.  For  when  Antiochus  the 
Great  had  invaded  Greece,  and  the  consul  Acilius  Glabrio 
was  determined  to  attack  him  at  Thermopylae,  in  the  year 
191,  Cato,  who  was  with  the  army  as  lieutenant,  ascended 
the  mountains  by  unknown  and  badly  guarded  paths,  and 
attacked  the  king  in  the  rear,13  who  then  fled  to  Asia,  where, 
in  the  following  year,  L.  Cornelius  Scipio,  the  brother  of 
Africanus,  defeated  him  at  Magnesia  on  the  Sipylus,  whence 
he  acquired  the  surname 14  of  Asiaticus. 

No.  62.  1  linguam  discere.  2  sermone  aliquo  librum  componere. 
3  S.  Or.  §  170.  2.,  and  §  238.  2.  a — Y.  Or.  §  115.  3.  4  male  se  habere,  or 
male  agi  cum.  5  See  3.  6  Opus  facere.  1  Transl.  “  neglected  something.'* 
8amplus.  9 alias  alius  (=  “ atone  time  this,  at  another  that"),  S.  Or. 
§238.  7.  3. — Y.  Or.  §153.  10  publicam  quaestionem  habere  de  aliquo, 

or  in  aliquem.  11  dissidere  ab,  or  cum  aliquo.  12  in,  or  ad,  with  versus. 
S.  Gr.  §  164.  15.  2. — Y.  Or.  §93.  4.  13  a  tergo  aliquem  adoriri.  14  cog¬ 

nomen  trahere. 


62 


Part  I. 


SECTION  VI. 


Miscellaneous  Examples  on  the  Cases* 

Use  of  Prepositions. 

(S.  Gr.  §161-164.— Y.  Gr.  §91-94.) 

63.  Description  of  the  City  of  Rome. 

The  city  of  Rome  is,  without  doubt,  the  most  famous  city 
of  antiquity,  of  which  at  least  we  have  sufficient  knowledge,1 
and,  therefore,  beyond  all  others,  it  is  most  worthy  of  a  more 
accurate  description.  Romulus  had  built  the  city  on  the  Pal¬ 
atine  hill,  and  called  it  after  his  name.  This  is  said  to  have 
happened  in  the  year  754  B.  C.,  on  the  21st  of  April,  on 
which  day,  in 2  honor  of  Pales,  the  goddess  of  shepherds,  the 
Palilia  were  celebrated.  The  same  day  was  always  considered 
the  birthday 3  of  Rome.  Thus  at  first  the  city  covered  only 
that  one  mountain.  But  even  before  the  death  of  Romulus 
the  Capitoline  and  simultaneously  the  valley,  which  is  situ¬ 
ated  between  the  Palatine  and  Capitoline,  were  added  to  it. 
To  this  valley  the  name  of  the  Roman  Forum  was  given. 
Thus  the  city  became  more  spacious  even  under  Romulus. 
By  Numa  Pompilius  nothing  was  added  to  its  extent.  The 
third  king  of  the  Romans,  Tullus  Hostilius,  connected  Mount 
Coelius,  and  the  fourth,  Ancus  Marcius,  Mount  Aventine, 
wTith  the  city.  Finally 4  under  Servius  Tullius,  the  sixth  king, 
the  city  was  much  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  three  hills,6 
the  Quirinal,  the  Viminal,  and  the  Esquiline,  which  are  said 
to  have  been  previously  cultivated.  At  that  time,  then,  the 
whole  city  embraced  seven  hills,  and  this  extent 8  it  kept  for 
many  centuries.  This  is  the  reason  why  even  in  our  days 
Rome  is  called  by  many  writers 7  the  city  of  the  seven  hills,8 
although  later,  especially  under  the  emperors,  it  received 9  a 
far  greater  extent,  and  covered  several  other  hills.  Among 10 


Sbotion  YI. 


63 


these  the  Vatican  is  most  worthy  of  mention,  of11  which 
more  will  be  said  later  on. 

No.  63.  1  satis  cognovisse  de  (==  “  to  have  suff.  knowl.  of”).  2  in,  with 
Acc.  3  dies  natalis.  4  denique  {after  the  emphatic  word).  5Transl.“by 
three  hills  added  6  amplitudo,  ambitus.  7  auctor.  8  by  the  Adj.  septi- 
collis.  8  nancisci,  adipisci.  10  ex.  11  de. 


64.  Chapter  II. 

In  the  days  of  King  Tarquin  the  Prond  the  whole  city  had 
the  shape  of  a  semicircle,1  almost  in  the  middle  of  which 
Mount  Capitoline  was  situated.  Towards  the  West  and 
North  the  Tiber  enclosed  2  the  city ;  on  the  other  sides 3  were 
the  six  above-mentioned  hills,  distant  from  the  Capitoline  at 
almost  equal  intervals ;  touching  the  Tiber  on  the  North  was 
the  Quirinal ;  next  to  this  the  Yiminal,  then  the  Esquiline, 
the  Coelius,  the  Palatine,  and  lastly  the  Aventine,  which  ex¬ 
tended  to  the  Tiber  on  the  South.  Komulus  had  surrounded 
the  city  with  a  wall.  But  this  seems  to  have  been  neither 
strong  nor  high,  if  indeed 4  Remus  was  able  to  leap  over 6  it. 
King  Servius  Tullius  built  the  first  walls 6  which  are  worthy 
of  this  name.  They  took  in  all 7  the  seven  hills,  and  had  a 
circuit  of  nearly  10,000  Roman  paces,  equal  to  ten  English 
miles.8  But  outside  the  walls,  too,  the  city  was  enlarged.  In 
the  year  73  A.  D.®  its  circuit  is  said  to  have  been  13,500 
paces,  as  is  recorded  10  by  ancient  writers.  Rome  received  its 
greatest  extension  under  the  emperor  Aurelian,  who,  about 
the  year  270  A.  D.,  surrounded  the  city  with  new  and 
strong  walls.  Aurelian  seems  to  have  fortified  the  city 
from  fear  of  the  barbarians,  who  even  then  often  in¬ 
vaded  the  Roman  territory.11  By  these  new  walls  Rome 
became  not  only  much  stronger,12  but  was  enlarged  to  a 
considerable 13  extent.  For  the  walls  of  Aurelian  em¬ 
braced,  besides  those  seven  hills,  mounts  Pincius,  Vatican, 
and  Janiculum,  and  together  with  these  the  Campus  Martius. 
Thus  at  that  time  the  city  seems  to  have  had  a  circuit  of  22 
or  23  miles.14  However,  by  some  writers  it  is  said  16  to 


64 


Part  I. 


liave  been  much  larger,  and  the  matter  will  always  remain 
doubtful. 

No.  64.  1  orbis  dimidiatus.  2  claudere.  3  pars,  Abl.  without  Prep. 
4si  quidem.  6  transilire.  6moenia.  7  universus.  8  milliarium  Britanni- 
cum.  v A.  D.  ==  after  the  birth  of  Christ,  post  Christum  natum.  ^me¬ 
moriae  prodere,  tradere  (Per/.).  11  fines.  12  munitus.  13 magnus,  insignia. 

mille  passus  (=  mile).  15  perhibere. 

65.  Chapter  III. 

The  city  founded  by  Romulus  had  three  or,  as  some  relate, 
four  gates.  Of  these  but  one  was  left  w’hen  the  Servian 
wall  was  built,  the  porta  Carmentalis,  and  this,  therefore,  is 
the  oldest  gate  of  Rome.  But  besides  this  one  several  others 
are  often  mentioned 1  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients. 
Pliny  says  that  in  his  days  the  gates  were  37  in  number, 
besides  7  old  gates  which  had  ceased 2  to  be  used.  Of  the 
number  of  houses  and  inhabitants  in  earlier  times,  nothing 
certain  is  known.  Not  until 3  the  days  {Abl.)  of  Theodosius 
was  a  census  of  the  city  taken,4  from  wdiich  it  appears  6  that 
it  then  had  48,382  edifices.  Of  these  1,780  were  very  large 
buildings,6  46,602  common 7  dwellings.  What  the  number 
of  inhabitants  was  is  not  mentioned 8  in  that  census.  The 
greatest  number  of  citizens  who  have  ever  been  counted 9  by 
the  censors  is  about  300,000 ;  as,  however,  the  women,  boys, 
and  slaves  were  not  counted,  the  whole  10  number  of  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  city  seems  to  have  been  two  or  three  millions. 
There  were  several  bridges  across 11  the  river  Tiber,  of  which 
the  lowest  and  oldest,  built 12  by  Ancus  Marcius,  was  a 
wooden  one,  and  was  called  the  pons  Sublicius.  A  little 
further  up  13  was  the  senatorial  bridge,  which  the  senators 
were  accustomed  to  use  in  solemn  processions.14  Then  fol¬ 
lowed  five  others.  Outside  of  the  walls,  and  furthest 15  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  was  the  pons  Milvius.  The  streets 
of  the  city  were  altogether  wanting  in  regularity.16  Each 
street  had  its  name,  as  the  sacred  road,  the  broad  street,  the 
Subura,  and  others.  The  famous  Appian  road,  which  the 
censor  Appius  Claudius  had  constructed  17  in  the  year  312 


Section  VI. 


65 


B.  C.,  was  not  in  the  city  itself,  but  led  from  the  porta 
Capena  to  Brundisium.  Of  public  places  the  most  famous 
were  the  Plain  of  Mars  and  the  Roman  Forum.  In  the 
latter  the  assemblies 18  of  the  people  were  held.  There  also 
the  famous  columna  rostrata  was  erected  and  adorned  with 
the  beaks  of  the  ships  which  Duilius  had  taken 19  from  the 
Carthaginians  in  the  first  naval  victory. 

No.  65.  1  commemorare,  nominare.  2desinere.  3  demum  (=  “  Not 

until  ”) ;  see  43,  14.  4  conficere.  6  Pass,  of  cognoscere,  or  intelligere. 
domus.  1  vulgaris,  communis.  8  tradere.  9  censere.  10  universus. 
11  in,  with  Abl.  12  facere.  13  superior,  8.  Or.  §  236.  2. —  7.  Or.  §  137.  5. 
14  pompa  (==  “  solemn  proc”).  15longissime  remotus.  16certus  ordo. 
'7  struere.  18  See  37,  15.  19  capere. 


66.  Chapter  IV. 

In  its  earliest  days  Rome  had  a  very  1  common  look.  The 
city  consisted  of  wretched2  huts3  rather  than  of  houses, 
which,  until  the  war  of  Pyrrhus,  were  covered  either  with 
straw  or  with  shingles.4  However,  temples  and  other  public 
buildings  which  were  an  ornament  to  the  city  were  erected 6 
already  by  the  kings.  Prominent  amongst  these 6  buildings 
was  the  Capitol  with  the  temple  of  Jupiter.  Erected  by  Tar- 
quin  the  Proud,  it  was  indeed  often  destroyed  by  fire,7  but 
has  always  been  rebuilt8  with  the  greatest  splendor.  The 
Circus  Maximus,  where  the  public  games  were  held,9  the 
sewers,10  large  underground  11  canals  in  which  the  sewage12 
was  carried  13  out  of  the  city  into  the  Tiber,  and  the  oldest 
walls,  which  have  already  been  mentioned,  were  (. Perf '.) 
likewise  built  by  the  kings.  While 14  thus  in  the  most 
ancient  times  public  edifices  were  more  and  more  adorned, 
the  private  houses  of  the  Romans  remained  very  common 
until  the  second  century  B.  C.  Two  reasons  can  be  given  16 
for  this 18  fact.  In  the  first  place,  the  ancient  Romans  led 
such  simple  lives,  that  they  easily  dispensed  with  17  splendid 
and  beautiful  houses.  Secondly,  in  the  earliest  days  of  the 
republic,  the  noble  Romans  generally  did  not  live  18  in  the 
city,  but  in  their  country  houses,19  so  that  the  houses  of  the 


66 


Paut  I. 


city  were  mostly  inhabited 20  by  citizens  of  lower  rank.21 
Thus,  in  the  city  itself,  only  the  temples  of  the  gods  and 
other  buildings,  which  were  for  public  use,  were  erected 
with  great  splendor,  whilst  individual  citizens  were,  for  a 
long  time,  content  with  their  huts. 

No.  66.  1  admodum.  2  vilis.  3casa,  tugurium.  4scandula,  with 

Adj.  ligneus.  5exstruere.  6  Transl.  “  in  this  number .”  7  incendium. 
8restituere.  9  dare,  edere.  10  cloaca.  n  subterraneus.  12sordes.  13edu- 
cere,  deducere.  uquum  (with  Impf.  Subj.),  8 .  Or.  §  256.  7.3.  15  af- 

ferre.  16  Transl.  “of  this  thing.”  17  carere  (=  “  to  dispense  with”). 
18  habitare.  19  praedium.  20  tenere  ;  or  habitare  in,  with  Abl.  21  tenuis 
(«=  “  of  low  rank  ”). 


67.  Chapter  V. 

In  the  last  century  B.  C.  the  Homans  were  seized 1  with  a 
strong2  desire3  of  building.  The  most  distinguished  of4 
all  who  erected  buildings  in  honor  of  the  gods,  or  for  the 
good  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  pleasure  of  the  people, 
are  Pompey  and  Caesar.  The  first  theatre  of 5  stone  (Plur.) 
was  built  by  Pompey.  It  afforded  seats  to  40,000  spectators,6 
whereas  formerly  they  had  but  wooden  theatres.  At  an 
immense  outlay,7  Caesar  erected  the  gorgeous  Caesarian 
Forum,  and  in  it  a  temple  of  Venus  Genitrix,  which  far 
surpassed  all  the  others  in  splendor.  The  private  houses, 
too,  of  the  rich  were  then  built  with  great  extravagance.8 
The  first  house  to  have  been  entirely  covered9  with  marble 
was  erected  on  Mount  Coelius  by  a  certain  Mamurra,  an  ex¬ 
ample  which  most  of  the  wealthy  soon  followed.  How 
costly  many  private  dwellings  were  may  be  learned  from 
the  instance  of  Clodius,  who  is  said  to  have  bought  his 
house  for  700,000  dollars.10  But  till  the  last  period  of  the 
republic  most  of  the  houses  of  private  citizens  were  built  of 
wood  or  brick.11  When  Augustus  got  possession  of  the 
supreme  power,  Rome  had,  indeed,  been  adorned  with  many 
and  splendid  buildings,  which,  however,  belonged  12  either  to 
the  state,  or  to  some 13  very  rich  people.  By  far  the  greatest 
part  of  the  private  houses  were  still 14  of  primitive 16  simplic- 


Section  VI. 


67 


ity,  constructed  of  wood  or  brick.  But  Augustus,  in  whose 
hands  all  power  was  centred,  deemed  it  his  duty  18  to  give17 
the  whole  city  a  new  appearance.18  He  easily  understood  that 
for  this  purpose  19  he  needed 20  a  man  skilled  in  the  art  of 
building.  And  such  a  man  was  not  wanting ;  for  M.  Vitru¬ 
vius  Pollio,  who  in  the  opinion  of  all  was  deemed 21  a  most 
skilful  architect,22  was  then  living  at  Rome.  Augustus, 
therefore,  employed  him  to  carry  out23  his  plans.  Whole 
districts24  of  wretched  houses  were  pulled  down,25  and  in 
their  place  not  only  many  public  edifices  but  also  a  great 
number  of  private  houses  were  built  of  marble.  The  city 
was  thus  so  much  embellished  that  towards  the  end  of  his 
life  Augustus  was  able  to  boast,  and  not  unjustly,  that,2* 
though  he  had  found  a  city  of  brick,27  he  left  one  of 
marble.28 

No.  67.  1  capere.  Mngens.  3cupiditas.  4  ante.  5  ex.  6  Transl. 

“to  40,000  people  to  look  at  (spectare).”  1  pretium.  8  luxuria,  luxus. 
9vestire.  10  thalerus.  11  later,  Plur.  12  8.  Gr.  §  207.  2. —  Y.  Gr. 
§  159.  1.  13  singuli.  14  etiamtum.  15  priscus,  pristinus.  16  8.  Gr. 

§  215.  2.  —  Y.  Gr.  §  159.  2.  ]1dare,  or  induere.  18  species.  19  ad  hanc 
rem,  or  ad  hoc  perficiendum.  20  opus  est.  21  habere.  22  architectus. 
23exsequi,  8.  Gr.  §  288.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  228.  24vicus.  25destruere,  or  de- 
moliri.  26  Acc.  with  Inf.  21  latericius.  28  marmoreus. 


68.  Chapter  VI. 

The  next  emperors  imitated  Augustus  in  embellishing  1  the 
city.  But  Rome  received  an  entirely  new  appearance 
through  the  emperor  Nero.  For  in  July  of  the  year  64 
A.  D.  he  set  fire  to  the  city  in  many  places  at  once2  and 
greatly  3  rejoiced  at  the  flames,  which,  for  eight  days,  filled 
all  the  citizens  with  terror.  Nor  was  he  ashamed  to  impute 4 
his  own  deed  as  a  crime  to  the  Christians,  that  he  might  ap¬ 
pear  to  act  justly  in  employing 5  the  greatest  cruelty  against 
them.  This  was  the  first  persecution  of  the  Christians  at 
Rome,  from  which  few  escaped,  and  during 8  it  the  holy 
Apostles  Peter  and  Paul  were  likewise  put  to  death.  Those 
who  evaded  the  hands  of  the  tyrant  partly  concealed  them- 


68 


Part  I. 


selves  at  Rome,  partly  migrated  to  other  countries,  to  which 
they  carried  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  But  at  Rome  almost 
two-thirds  of  the  city  was  destroyed  by  that  vast  conflagra¬ 
tion.  Soon  after,  however,  Nero  had 7  it  restored  with 
great  care  and  liberality,  so  that  it  became  far  more  splendid 
and  magnificent  than  it  had  been  before  the  fire.  For  this 8 
Nero  needed  much  money.  But  as  he  had  himself  squan¬ 
dered  9  the  public  treasure,10  the  inhabitants  of  most  of  the 
provinces  were  cruelly  robbed  of  their  property.11  No  one 
was  spared,  neither  rich  nor  poor.  The  streets  of  the  city 
were  made  wider,  many  houses  were  built  of  Gabinian 
stone,13  which  was  believed  to  be  the  best,  and  adorned  with 
most  beautiful  porticos.  Moreover,  he  built  a  house  for  him¬ 
self  of  such  splendor  that  it  was  called  by  many  the  golden 
house  of  Nero.  This  structure  was,  in  fact,  worthy  of  its 
name;  for  it  was  not  only  most  splendidly  adorned  with 
gold  and  precious  stones,13  but  contained  ponds 14  and  lakes, 
plains  and  woods,  so  that,  in  extent,  it  fully  15  equalled  a 
small  town.  Not  only  then,  but  for  many  years  afterwards, 

no  building  of  such  splendor  was  seen  at  Rome. 

/ 

No.  08.  1 8.  Gr.  §  289.  2.—  7.  Or.  §  224  ( and  §  220).  2  simul.  3  mi- 
rifice,  eximie.  4  dare,  S.  Gr.  §  208.  2. —  7.  Gr.  §  163.  6  uti.  6  in. 

7  8.  Gr.  §281.  3.  Note. —  7.  Gr.  §219.  3.  eby  finis,  or  better,  ad  hoc 
perficiendum.  S.  Gr.  §288.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §223.  9  profundere.  10pecu 

nia  ( Plur .).  11  bonum  {Plur.).  12  saxum.  13 gemma  (=“  a  pr.  stone"). 

14stagnum.  15*prorsus,  omnino. 

69.  Chapter  VII. 

After  Nero  the  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus,  but  espe¬ 
cially  Trajan  and  Hadrian,  endeavored  to  make  the  city  more 
beautiful  and  magnificent.  Caesar  had  already  built  a  Forum, 
which  seemed  worthy  of  admiration,  not  so  much  for  its  own 
sake  as  for  the  sake  of  the  splendid  houses  by  which  it  was 
{Plupf.)  surrounded.1  Some  other  emperors  had  followed 
him  in  this  pursuit.  But  by  far  the  most  magnificent  and 
splendid  Imperial3  Forum  was  the  Forum  Trajanum,  which 
the  emperor  Trajan  caused  to  be  built  by 3  Apollodorus  of 


Section  VI. 


69 


Damascus,4  the  most  famous  architect  of  those  days.  On  the 
same  Forum  was  erected  the  column  Trajani,  entirely  of 
marble,  120  feet  high,  on  which  the  statue  of  the  emperor 
was  placed.  Besides  many  other  edifices,  the  emperor 
Aelius  Hadrianus,  who  was  Trajan’s  successor,5  built  the 
famous  Mausoleum,  a  most  splendid  tomb,  which,  for 
its  immense  magnitude,  is  usually  6  called  moles  Hadriani. 
Long  afterwards  the  so-called  Castle  of  S.  Angelo 7  was 
erected  on  the  foundations  of  that  building.  But  there  still 
remained  8  such  extensive  parts  of  the  old  structure  that  Ha¬ 
drian  himself  is  not  unjustly  considered  the  builder  of  the 
Castle  of  S.  Angelo.  The  Aelian  bridge,  which  leads 9  from 
the  city  to  the  moles  Hadriani,  was  likewise  put  up  by  the 
same  emperor  and  called  after  his  name.  Besides  the  col¬ 
umn  Trajani  there  were  at  Home  still  many  other  magnifi¬ 
cent  pillars,  one  of  which,  erected  by  the  emperor  M.  Au¬ 
relius  Antoninus,  must  be  specially  mentioned.10  To-day 
the  statue  of  St.  Paul  is  seen  11  on  the  column  Trajani,  and 
St.  Peter’s  statue  on  the  pillar  of  Antoninus.  Of  other  pillars 
the  Egyptian  Obelisks,  which  had  been  erected  in  many 
parts  of  the  city,  are  most  deserving  of  mention.  Augustus 
had  brought  the  first  Obelisk  to  Rome  and  placed  it  in  the 
Campus  Martius.  Later  on  still  more  Obelisks  were  trans¬ 
ferred  by  him  and  other  emperors  from  Egypt  to  Italy  and 
Rome,  where  they  were  greatly  admired. 

No.  69.  1  cingere,  circumdare.  2  imperatorius.  3  per.  4  Damas- 

cenus.  5succedere  alicui  (=“fo  be  the  succ.  of”).  6solere.  7Castel- 
lum  ADgeli.  8superesse.  9ducere.  l0Periphr.  Conjug.,  or  debere. 
11  conspicere. 


70.  Chapter  VIII. 

The  Declining 1  Splendor  of  Rome  and  its  Downfall? 

Soon  after  the  death  of  M.  Aurelius  the  whole  Roman 
empire  and  with  it  Rome  itself  began  to  decline.  Very  sad 
and  turbulent  times  followed,  in  which  the  emperors  thought 
only  of  their  own  welfare,  but  entirely  neglected  3  the  em- 


70 


Part  I. 


bellishment  of  the  city.  It  was  also  a  great  disadvantage  for 
Pome  that 4  by  the  emperor  Constantine  the  Great  the  old 
city  of  Byzantium,  to  which  the  name  of  Constantinople  was 
then  given,  was  made  the  second  capital  of  the  empire. 
Many  works  of  art  which  could  be  moved  were  transferred 
from  Pome  to  Constantinople,  and  the  emperors  stayed 5 
there  oftener  than  at  Pome.  After  the  death  of  Theodosius 
the  Great,  in  the  year  395  A.  D.,  the  Poman  empire  was 
separated  into  the  Eastern  6  and  Western  7  divisions,  each  of 
which  had  8  its  own  emperor.  The  Pomans  hoped  that  their 
emperors  would  again  live  at  Pome ;  but  ELonorius  was  tired  9 
of  the  city,  so  that  he  far  oftener  stayed  at  Pavenna.  Thus 
Pome  declined  more  and  more.  Moreover,10  the  barbarians 
soon  invaded 11  Italy,  spread  terror  on  all  sides,  and  they 
spared  neither  the  city  nor  its  inhabitants.  From  12  the  days 
of  Pomulus  to  the  downfall 18  of  the  Western  empire  Pome 
had  been  three  times  conquered  by  barbarous  nations.  The 
first  of  these  were  the  Gauls,  who,  under  the  leadership14  of 
Brennus,  took  possession  of  the  city  in  the  year  390  B.  C., 
and  are  said  to  have  destroyed  a  great  part  of  it  by  fire.  But 
at  that  time  only  wretched  edifices  were  burnt  and  better 
ones  were  soon  erected  in  their  place.  For  800  years  the 
Romans  saw  no  enemv  within  their  walls,  but  towards  the 
beginning  15  of  the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  era  barba¬ 
rous  nations  penetrated  into  Italy  and  brought 16  sufferings  17 
on  the  city  which  nobody  was  able  to  heal.  Alaric,  king  of 
the  Visigoths,  was  the  first  who  approached  18  the  city  and 
besieged  it  with  a  powerful  army.  But  for  a  long  time  past 19 
the  Pomans  had  lost  all  sense  of  shame  20  of  their  cowardice, 
and  promised  Alaric  a  large  sum  21  of  gold  and  silver  to  free 
themselves  from  the  siege.  But  as  they  did  not  pay22  what 
they  had  promised  Alaric  returned  two  years  later  and  con¬ 
quered  Rome  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  410. 

No.  70.  1  labi,  oceidere.  2excidium,  or  =  13.  3omittere.  4  quod. 

6versari,  commorari,  degere.  6  orientalis.  1  occidentals  {though  very 
rare,  as  likewise  orientalis).  8  Transl.  “  received ”  (nccipere).  ‘taedere 
(— “  to  be  tired”),  10insuper,  praeterea.  11  invadere,  irrumpere.  12  jam 
inde  a.  13  interitus,  or  =  2.  14  8.  Or.  §  284.  1.—  Y.  Gv .  §  218.  2.  ,B  either 


Section  VI. 


71 


sub,  with  Acc.  (8.  Gr.  §164.  13. —  T.  Gr.  §93),  or  Abl.  absol.,  ineunte 
fere,  etc.  16inferre.  nmalum.  18accedere.  19  jam  pridem  (==“/c»r  a 
long  t.  past").  20  Tran&l.  “ were  not  ashamed ”  (non  pudet).  21  vis, 
pondus.  22  solvere. 

71.  Chapter  IX. 

A  time  full  of  terror  and  cruelty  came1  over  Rome. 
The  soldiers  of  Alaric  ravaged  2  and  sacked  3  the  city  with  fire 
and  sword 4  for  three  days,  and  many  of  its  magnificent  orna¬ 
ments  perished.  After  six  days  Alaric  left  Rome,  and  died 
in  the  same  year  in  Lower  Italy.  But  the  city  suffered  far 
greater  damage  when,  some  years  later,  it  was  taken  for  the 
third  time.  This  came  about 5  through  Genseric,  king  of  the 
Vandals.  Following  the  example  of  Alaric,  he  came,  in  the 
year  455,  from  Africa  to  Italy,  and  took  Rome  without  diffi¬ 
culty.6  The  Vandals  sacked  the  city  for  14  days  with  the 
greatest  cruelty  7  and  ferocity.8  Temples  and  houses  were 
burnt,  works  of  art  either  destroyed 9  or  carried  away,10  and 
all  this  was  accomplished  11  with  such  barbarity  12  that  Vandal¬ 
ism  is  still  in  our  days  the  name  for  the  most  frightful 13  de¬ 
vastation.14  When  the  Vandals  had  plundered  15  everything, 

tbev  left  Rome  and  returned  to  Africa.  Genseric  took  the 

«/ 

Empress16  Eudoxia  and  her  two  daughters  with  him,  one  of 
whom  married  Hunneric,  Genseric’s  son.  Not  long  after,  in 
the  year  476,  the  Western  empire  was  dissolved  by  Odoacer, 
leader  of  the  Heruli.  The  city,  which  had  formerly  been 
the  terror  of  nations,  had  been  weakened  to  such  a  degree 
that  it  voluntarily 17  surrendered  to  the  enemy.  From  this 
time  the  sovereignty  of  Rome  was  oftener  in  the  hands  of  18 
barbarians  than  of  the  citizens.  The  city  was  altogether 
deprived  of  a  defender.  It  lay  open  19  to  every  enemy,  and 
it  was  easy  to  take  possession  of  it.  Therefore  it  was  often 
taken  and  ravaged  by  hostile  armies  during  the  following 
centuries,  and  was  more  and  more  stripped  of  its  old  splendor 
and  magnificent  ornaments.  There  were  vast  and  deserted 
districts  in  the  city  itself  without 26  men  and  houses,  filled 
with  ruins.  The  famous  Forum  Romanum  had  been  changed 
into  a  field,  in  which  herds  of  cows  pastured.  But  neverthe- 


72 


Part  I. 


less  so  many  and  great  monuments  of  ancient  art 51  remain, 
that  the  former  greatness  of  the  city  can  still  be  recognized. 

No.  71.  1  opprimere,  occupare  (==  “to  come  upon”).  2vastare. 
3diripere.  4igni  ferroque,  but  more  commonly  ferro  ignique,  or  ferro 
atque  igni.  5  fieri.  6  sine  (ullo)  labore,  nullo  negotio.  1  saevitia.  8  feri- 
tas,  ferocia.  9diruere.  10abripere.  11  peragere.  12  inhumanitas.  13  im- 
manis.  14  vastatio.  15  vacuum  facere,  vacuefacere.  16  imperatrix.  11  sua 
sponte.  18  penes.  19  patere  (=  “  to  lie  open  ”).  20  inanis,  vacuus.  21hodie, 
bodie  etiam,  etiam  nunc. 


72.  On  the  Love  of  Enemies.1 

The  sublime  and  noble  virtue,  whose  name  is  “  Love  of 
enemies,”  is  only  known  among  Christians ;  to  those  who  are 
not  Christians,  it  is  and  always  was  unknown,  and  though 
there  seem  to  be  some  examples  of  it  among  them,  still  those 
examples  have  only  the  appearance  of  virtue.  Cyrus  wished 
to  live  so  long,  that  he  might  be  able  to  outdo  his  benefac¬ 
tors2  by  benefits,  his  offenders2  by  punishments.  We  read 
in  Plato  that  most  of  the  Greeks  believed  it,  indeed,  a  virtue 
to  bestow  benefits  on  friends  as  well  as  to  take  revenge  upon 
enemies.  But  the  heroes  and  kings  of  the  Greeks  also 
have  the  same  opinion ;  nay,  Minerva  herself  says  that  it  is 
sweet  to  laugh  at  an  enemy.  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  said  to 
Plato,  that  not  only  the  deeds  of  enemies  but  also  their  in¬ 
tentions  ought  to  be  hated  and  punished.  \  Still  worse  is 
what  Aristotle  teaches  in  the  first  book  of  his  Rhetoric, 
where,  enumerating  what  *  is  beautiful  and  honest,  he  deems 
it  also  good  and  right  not  to  be  reconciled  to  one’s  enemies, 
but  rather  to  revenge  oneself  on  them.  “  For  it  is  just,”  says 
he,  “  to  return  what  one  has  received,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  a 
man  of  character 4  not  to  yield,  nor  allow  himself  to  appear 
as  the  weaker.”  Cicero  considers 6  it  the  first  precept  of 
justice  to  harm  nobody,  unless  one  be  stimulated  to  it  by 
offences.  Of  Scipio  Africanus  it  is  related,  that  he  thought 
it  an  honor  to  himself  to  be  surpassed  by  no  one,  whether  he 
had  done  him  good  or  evil.  Nay,  it  seems  that  this  was  con¬ 
sidered  to  be  so  important,  that  it  was  inscribed  on  his  tomb, 


Section  Y I. 


T3 


on  which  there  was  the  following:  “Here  lies  he  whom 
neither  a  fellow-citizen  nor  an  enemy  was  able  to  repay  6  for 
his  deeds.5'  It  is  said,  that  to  revenge  oneself  is  according 
to  7  nature.  But  we  say  that  revenge  is  agreeable  to  7  the 
corrupt8  nature  of  man.  Yet  many  are  found  even  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  who  controlled  their  auger,  pardoned 
their  enemies,  and  did  them  good.  To  set  forth  only  a  few 
examples,  Lycurgus  had  one  eye  knocked  out 8  by  one  10  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  The  people  seized  the  young  malefactor, 
and  delivered  him  up  to  Lycurgus,  to  be  punished  by  him  in 
whatsoever  manner  he  wished.  But  he  kept  him  for  some 
time  in  his  house,  instructed  him  in  the  institutions  of  the 
forefathers  and  the  discipline  of  the  state,11  and  made  him  a 
good  man.  Then  he  conducted  him  to  the  place  where  the 
people  used  to  assemble,13  and  said  to  the  astonished  multi¬ 
tude  :  “  This  man  I  received  from  you  as  a  youth  of  great 
insolence ;  I  return  him  to  you  as  a  man  of  great  gentleness 
and  a  citizen  of  many  virtues.’5 

No.  72.  1  inimicus  =*=  “a  personal  foe  hostis  =  “  a  public  enemy,” 
“  an  e.  of  the  state  ”  2  Transl.  by  clauses  with  “  those  who etc.  3  “  ichat  ” 
=  that  which  ( Plur .).  4  vir  constans.  5  judicare.  6gratiam  alicui  referre 
pro.  7  secundum.  8corruptus  ac  depravatus.  9  Transl.  either  “  L.  was 
deprived  of”  (privare),  or  “  to  L.  one  eye  was  k.  out  ”  (elidere,  excutere). 
10quidam.  ualiquem  instituere  atque  erudire  ad  majorum  instituta 
atque  civitatis  disciplinam.  12  congregari  in  locum. 


73.  Chapter  II. 

The  kings  of  Macedonia,  too,  knew  how 1  to  moderate 
themselves  and  to  control  their  thoughts  and  words.  When, 
one  day,  Alexander,  Philip’s  son,  heard  that  he  was  reviled  3 
by  one  of  the  soldiers,  and  was  called  upon  to  revenge  him  ¬ 
self,  he  said  :  “  It  is  beautiful  to  forget  the  injuries  inflicted 
on  us  by  others.”  Among  the  Romans  we  find  many  who 
sometimes  did  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  overcome3  bv  the 
desire  of  revenge.  To  pass  over  other  examples  which  ary 
most  worthy  of  mention,  Cicero  defended  Gabinius,  who  had 
been  accused  of  extortions,  'with  the  greatest  energy,  though 


74 


Part  I. 


that  man,  when  consul,  had  expelled  him  from  the  city. 
The  meekness  and  gentleness  of  Caesar  are  justly  praised. 
When  he  had  crossed  the  Rubicon,  Labienus,  his  most  con¬ 
fidential  legate,  deserted  him  at  the  most  important  moment 
and  went  over  to  Pompey ;  but  Caesar  sent4  him  all  his 
baggage,9  and  spared  all  his  rich  and  productive  estates.  In 
the  battle  at  Pharsalus,  Caesar  said  6  to  his  soldiers :  “  Spare 
the  citizens.’’  After  the  battle  he  generously 7  pardoned 
those  who  survived,  and  granted  them  freedom  and  property. 
All  the  letters  of  Pompey  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands  he 
burnt  without  reading 8  them,  that  they  might  not  be  a  cause 
of  suspicion  and  revenge  to  him.  It  was  Caesar’s  greatest 
praise  that  Cicero  was  able  to  say  of  him,  that  he  was  wont 
to  forget  nothing9  except  injuries. 

We  find,  then,  many  examples  of  moderation  among  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  worthy  of  imitation.  But  they  checked 
their  anger  and  pardoned  an  enemy  rather  from  prudence, 
or  for  glory  and  temporal  advantages,  or  for  the  love  of  their 
country,  not  for  the  love  of  God,  not  because  they  acknowl¬ 
edged  themselves  in  need  of  pardon,10  not  because  they  had 
a  high  esteem  of  every  man  as  a  child  of  the  Heavenly  Father. 
Higher  and  nobler  was  the  love  of  enemies  among  the  Jews. 
They  were  commanded  by  God  Himself  to  consider  all  men 
as  brethren  rather  than  as  strangers.  Therefore  all  foreign¬ 
ers  who  lived  in  Judaea  enjoyed  the  same  rights,  had  the 
same  laws  as  the  natives.  But  highest  of  all  stands  the  love 
of  men  and  especially  of  enemies  among  Christians.  How 
many  have  there  been  at  all  times  who,  imitating  the  exam¬ 
ple  of  Christ  who  besought  His  Heavenly  Father  to  forgive 
those  who  had  nailed  Him  to  the  cross,11  have  pardoned  their 
enemies,  prayed  for  their  welfare,  and  often  made  most  inti¬ 
mate  friends  of  (ex)  their  former  most  bitter  adversaries. 

No.  73.  1  lnfinit.  2  maledicere,  8.  Or.  §  204.1. —  Y  Or.  §  164.  1. 
Also  conviciis  aliquem  insectari,  lacerare  aliquem  verborum  contumeliis. 
3  vinci  (==  “  to  suffer  oneself  to  be  overcome  ”).  4  submittere  alicui  aliquid. 
5sarcina  ( Plur .).  6inquit,  8.  Or.  §  148.  'Note. —  Y.  Or.  §81.  7  cle- 
menter.  8 Part.  Perf.  (“ not  having  been  read").  9 nulla  res.  10venia, 
or  veniae  indigere  (=  “to  be  in  need  of  p.”\.  11  See  39,  18. 


Section  VII. 


75 


SECTION  VII. 

Use  of  Adjectives  and  Pronouns,  together 

with  Numerals. 

(S.  Gr.  §  236-238,  and  §  55-61.— Y.  Gr.  §  137.  39. 

141-154. 

74.  King  Darius  and  the  Philosopher  Democritus. 

Darius,  the  renowned  king  of  the  Persians,  had  truly  1 
loved  his  wife  during  her  life-time,  and  mourned  2  her  so 
much  after  her  death,  that  he  seemed  to  abandon  himself 
entirely  to  grief.  When  the  wise  Democritus  of  Abdera 
came  to  Persia  and  saw  the  sorrowing  Darius,  he  addressed 
him  in  the  following  manner :  “  W ith  regret  I  see  you  sad, 
oh  king.  If  you  give 3  me  all  that  is  necessary,  I  shall  call 
back  the  dead  to  life  and  restore  her  to  you.”  Darius  gladly 
accepted  this  condition  and  recommended  the  philosopher  to 
spare  no  expense  (. Plur .)  and  to  fulfil 4  the  promise  ( Plur .). 
After  the  wise  man  had  spent  some  days  assiduously  at  his 
task,5  the  king  at  length  asked  him  whether  anything 6  was 
wanting  which  he  needed  for  his  work.  Whereupon  the 
philosopher,  hesitating  a  little,  answered :  u  All  things  are, 
indeed,  abundantly  at  hand 7 ;  only  one  thing  is  wanting ; 
you  alone,  the  king  of  all  Asia,  will  perhaps  be  able  to  obtain 
it.  You  yourself  will  call  the  dead  queen  back  to  life  if  you 
inscribe  on  the  tomb  the  names  of  three  men  to  whom 
nothing  evil  has  ever  happened  in  life.  As  the  king  of  the 
Persians  is  able  to  do  all  things,  this  will  not  be  a  difficult 
task.”  Darius  was  startled.8  He  believed  that  in  all  Asia 
not  even  one  could  be  found  who,  during  his  whole  life,  had 
been  free  from  all  pain.  Then  Democritus  said,  smiling  — 
for  this  was  his  custom — :  “  And  you,  most  foolish  of  all 
mortals,  think  yourself  justified  in  mourning  immoderately, 
as  if  a  calamity9  had  befallen  you  alone?”  Darius  under- 


76 


Part  1. 


stood  the  truth  of  what  Democritus  had  said,  and  from  this 
time  he  deemed  it  the  duty  of  a  wise  man  to  endeavor  10  to 
bear  nothing  reluctantly  that  might  be  inflicted  upon  him 
either  by  nature  or  by  God  Himself.  But  he  rewarded  11 
Democritus  with  the  greatest  honors  and  considered  him  the 
wisest  of  men. 

No.  74.  1  verissime.  2lugere.  3 suppeditare  (II.  Fut.).  4praestare, 
solvere.  5negotium.  6num  quid.  7  suppetere  (=  “to  be  ab.  at  hand ”). 
8  perturbari,  obstupescere.  9  malum,  calamitas  (the  indefinite  Art.  “a” 
by  aliquid).  10enitiut.  Hornare. 

75.  On  the  Military  System  1  of  the  Romans. 

From  the  very  2  origin  of  their  state,  the  Romans  were  a 
warlike  people.  When  the  welfare  of  the  country  required 
it,  each  citizen  had  to  bear  arms 3  from  the  17th  to  the  46th 
year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  beginning  no  one  could  discharge 
a  public  office  who  had  not  served  in  ten  campaigns.4  Horse¬ 
men  were  accustomed  to  serve  in  ten,  foot-soldiers  in  twenty 
campaigns  each.  In  the  best  days  of  the  commonwealth 
slaves  and  freedmen 5  were  not  admitted  to  military  service.' 
As  long  as  the  commonwealth  existed,  the  Romans  were 
engaged  7  in  almost  continual  warfare,  first,  about  500  years, 
with  the  nations  of  Italy,  then,  for  nearly  200  years,  until 
they  had  conquered8  those  many  countries  of  which  the 
Roman  empire  afterwards  consisted.  Originally  four  legions 
were  levied 9  every  year,10  which  formed  two  consular  armies ; 
for  two  legions  were  given  to  each  consul.  But  not  unfre- 
quently  still  more  legions  were  levied ;  it  is  said  that  in  the 
Punic  wars  there  were  twenty  or  more.  The  consuls  them¬ 
selves  directed  the  levy 11 ;  the  citizens  gave  their  names  on 
the  appointed  12  day,  and  were  inscribed  in  the  registers.1* 
When  the  levy  was  finished,14  the  soldiers  took  the  oath.1* 
After  they  had  bound  themselves 18  by  oath  they  were 
divided  into  legions.  The  number  of  soldiers  in  a  legion 
was  different  at  different  times.  At  the  end  of  the  second 
Punic  war  there  were  4,200  men,17  later  there  were  usually 18 
6,000.  They  were  all  foot-soldiers.  The  single  legions  were 


Section  VII. 


77 


divided  into  ten  cohorts,  the  cohorts  into  three  maniples 
each,  the  maniples  into  two  centuries.  A  legion,  therefore, 
consisted  of  60  centuries;  and  when  these,  as  their  name 
indicated,  contained  eacfii  100  soldiers,  the  whole  legion 
numbered  6,000  men.  But  in  former  days  the  number  cor¬ 
responded  19  more  to  the  name  than  to  the  reality.  A  troop 30 
of  horsemen,  the  so-called  regular 21  cavalry,  consisting  of  300 
riders  was  added  to  each  legion.  This  troop  was  divided  into 
ten  squadrons,22  a  squadron  into  three  decuriae. 

No.  75.  ’res.  2 primus,  or  ipse.  3  Transl.  “ had  (debere)  to  be  in 
arms”  4  decern  stipendia  merere  (==  “to  serve  in  ten  c”).  6  libertus, 

libertinus.  6  militia  (=  “  mil.  service”).  1  implicare  aliqua  re.  8  sub 
suam  potestatem  redigere,  suae  dicionis  facere.  9  conscribere.  10  quo- 
taDnis.  11  delectum  habere.  12  dicere.  13intabulas  referre.  11  Ablat. 
dbsol.  16 sacramentum  dicere.  16obligari  (=  “to  bind  oneself”). 
17  caput.  185ysolere.  19  conveniens.  20  ala.  21  justus.  22turma. 

76.  Chapter  II. 

With  each  legion  of  Roman  soldiers  an  almost  equal  num¬ 
ber  of  allies  was  usually  1  combined,  who  were  divided  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  legion.  Like2  the  cavalry,  the  allies 
were  placed  on  both  sides 3  of  the  army,  and  were  therefore 
called  the  wings 4  of  the  allies.  Thus  a  whole  consular  army 
of  two  legions  generally  consisted  of  20,000  or  24,000  men. 
There  were  three  classes  of  heavy-armed  foot-soldiers,6  hastati, 
principes,  and  triarii.  The  hastati  received  their  name  from 
the  spears  they  were  at  first  accustomed  to  use — a  custom 
which  was  afterwards  abandoned,6  as  it  seemed  to  be  more 
troublesome  than  useful.  They  formed  (esse)  the  first  line 7 
and  consisted  of  young  men  in  the  very  8  bloom  of  youth. 
They  were  followed  in  the  second  line  by  the  principes,  men 
of  maturer  9  age,  whose  name  arose  from  the  circumstance,10 
that 11  in  the  earliest  times  they  seemed  to  have  stood  in 
the  first  rank.  The  triarii,  soldiers  of  tried  bravery  and  well 
skilled  in  the  art  of  war,  occupied  12  the  third  line.  They 
were  also  called  pilani,  from  the  pilum,  which  was  their  ori¬ 
ginal  weapon.  The  hastati  began  13  the  battle.  If  unable  to 


78 


Part  I. 


repulse  14  the  enemy,  they  retired  and  were  received18  by  the 
principes  into  the  openings16  of  their  ranks.  These  then 
entered  into  the  conflict,  and  the  hastati  followed.  If, 
however,  the  principes  were  equally  unfortunate,  they, 
with  the  hastati,  withdrew  in  a  similar  manner,  and  were 
received  into  the  openings  of  the  triarii.  Hence  the  proverb 
originated :  “  The  affair  has  come 17  to  the  triarii, ”  i.  e. 
things  are  at  the  worst  pass.18 

No.  76.  1  See  75,  18.  2  ut.  3  pars.  4  ala.  5  gravis  armaturae  pedi- 
tes.  6abolere.  7acies.  8  ipse.  9robustus.  10  ex  eo  {—“from  the 
circ.”).  11  quod.  12  obtinere.  13  mire.  14  profligare.  15  excipere.  16  in- 
tervallum.  17  redire.  18  discrimen. 

77.  Chapter  III. 

The  above-mentioned  heavy-armed  troops  formed  the  old 
legion.  To  these  a  fourth  class  was  later  on  added,  which, 
for  its  swiftness,  had  the  name  of  velites.  The  velites  were 
without  baggage,1  and  used  light  armor.  They  were  first 
introduced 3  in  the  second  Punic  war.  They  were  distributed 
neither  into  cohorts  nor  maniples,  nor  had  they  a  certain 
place  assigned 3  them,  but  fought  dispersed,  here  and  there, 
when  and  where  it  was  necessary.  The  archers 4  and  sling- 
ers 6  accompanied  them.  According  to  the  usual  prudence 6 
of  the  Romans,  the  archers  were  taken  chiefly  from  Crete, 
the  slingers  from  the  Balearic  islands,  as  these  were  both 
considered  the  best  of  their  kind.  It  is  said  that  amongst 
the  number  of  the  velites  there  were  also  other  troops,  the 
so-called  accensi.  These  remained  with  the  army  in  order 
to  take 7  the  places  of  the  legionary  soldiers,  who  had  fallen 
in  battle.  It  often 8  happened,  especially  under  the  emperors, 
that  the  soldiers  were  named  after 9  the  number  of  the  legion 
to  which  they  belonged,10  so  that  those  of  the  first  legion 
were  called  primani,  those  of  the  second  secundani,  those  of 
the  third  tertiani ;  thus  also  the  tertiadecimani,  the  duodevi- 
cesimani,  the  vicesimani,  from  the  corresponding  legion  to 
which  they  belonged.  The  Roman  soldiers  used  their  arms 
with  the  same  facility  as  their  limbs.  As  offensive 11  weapons 


Section  VII. 


79 


the  veliteshad  bows,  slings,13  and  seven  javelins18  each;  be¬ 
sides  a  short  sword  with  sharp  edges  and  point. 14  A  helmet 
of  leather 16  guarded  the  head,  and  a  round  light  shield 16  of 
wood  covered 17  with  leather  the  rest  of  the  body.  For 
the  attack  the  heavy-armed  soldiers  had  only  a  sword  and 
two  long  spears,  from  the  use  of  which  the  hastati  derived 
their  name;  but  the  triarii  originally  used  a  shorter  and 
heavier  spear,  which  was  called  pilum.  This  was  afterwards 
changed ;  the  pilum  was  given  to  the  hastati  and  principes, 
the  hasta  to  the  triarii ;  nevertheless  the  soldiers  of  the  first 
line  retained  their  previous  name,  hastati,  and  the  triarii 
were  still  called  pilani.  They  all  had  an  oblong  shield,18 
made  of  wood  and  covered  with  an  oxhide 19 ;  in  the  middle 
of  the  shield  an  iron  boss20  projected.21  Sometimes  they 
used  a  round  shield,23  which  was  a  little  smaller.  Morever, 
the  heavy-armed  soldiers  were  protected  with  a  cuirass 33  and 
generally  also  with  greaves.34  Hardly  any  but 36  common 38 
soldiers  used  boots.37 

No.  77.  1  sarcinae,  impedimenta  ;  also  by  expeditus.  2  instituere. 
s  attribuere.  4  Sagittarius.  5funditor.  6  S.  Or.  §  238.  2.  c. —  T.  Or. 
§  152.  2.  1  succedere  in,  with  Acc.  8  non  raro.  9  ex.  10  esse,  with  Gen ., 
or  with  in  and  Abl.  11  petere.  12  funda.  13  jaculum.  14  caesim  et  punc- 
tim,  caesim  punctimque,  8.  Or.  §  159.  2.  15  corium.  16  parma  (=  “a 

r.  1.  sh.”).  ninducere.  18 scutum  (===  “an  obi.  sh .”).  19  tergum  tauri- 

num.  20  umbo.  21  eminere.  52  clipeus  (=  “  round  sh .”).  23lorlca. 
24  ocrea.  25  by  fere  and  solus  (“ almost  only  **).  ^  gregarius.  27  callga. 


78.  Chapter  IV. 

In  the  earliest  times  of  the  Homan  republic  the  chief 
command 1  over  the  army  belonged  to  the  consul.  But 
when  afterwards  armies  were  required  in  many  and  even  in 
remote  places,  praetors  and  proconsuls  and  propraetors  were 
invested3  with  the  chief  command.  However,  the  senate 
gave  the  commander-in-chief  one  or  more  legates,  who, 
under  his  guidance,8  led  the  whole  army  or  a  part  of  it. 
The  military  tribunes  were  subject  to  the  legate,  or,  if  a 
legate  had  not  been  appointed,  to  the  consul.  There  were 


80 


Part  I. 


6ix  in  each  legion,  and  they  had  about  1,000  men  under  their 
command  ;  wherefore  the  Greeks  called  a  tribune  %diap%oc. 
The  chief  officers  of  the  centuries  were  called  centurions, 
and  as  each  maniple  had  two  centuries,  one  of  the  centurions 
was  called  the  first,  the  other  the  second.  The  highest 
rank 4  among  them  was  held  by  the  first  centurion  of  the  first 
maniple  of  the  triarii.  He  was  called  primipilus,  or  the  first 
centurion,  and  the  eagle,  the  principal  ensign 6  of  the  legion, 
was  intrusted  to  his  care.  The  commander  of  the  cavalry, 
which  accompanied  the  legion,  was  named  praefectus  alae. 
The  single  turmae  had  each  three  decurions,  i .  e.  leaders 8  of 
ten  riders.  A  so-called  magister  equitum  was  but  rarely 
appointed,7  and  only  by  the  dictator.  In  time  of  peace  the 
Roman  citizens  wore  the  toga,  but  in  war  both  soldiers  and 
officers  used  the  military  cloak.8  Hence  arose  the  expression 
“  saga  sumere  ”  “  to  go  to  war,”  and  “  redire  ad  togas  ”  “  to 
return  to  peace.”  When  a  war  broke  out  in  Italy,  a  so-called 
tumultus,  all  the  citizens  put  on  the  military  cloak,  and  peo¬ 
ple  then  said  that  the  community*  was  in  military  attire. 
The  higher  officers,  and  especially  the  commander-in-chief, 
had  usually  a  purple  cloak,10  the  paludamentum ;  but  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  especially  the  consul,  was  distin¬ 
guished  by  his  lictors,  who  accompanied  him  also  in  war. 
As  the  military  tribunes  mostly  belonged 11  to  the  equestrian 
order,19  the  badge  of  which  was  a  gold  ring,  they  sometimes 
used  the  gold  ring  also  13  as  (ut)  a  sign  of  their  rank.14  The 
centurion’s  badge,  however,  was  a  vine ;  therefore  the  saying, 
(i  he  has  been  presented  with  the  vine  ”  in  the  meaning  “  he 
has  been  appointed  centurion.”  The  cavalry  mostly  wore 
light  garments,  in  order  to  mount  with  greater  ease ;  for 
stirrups 18  were  entirely  unknown  to  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
Romans.  To  manage  their  horses  they  used  reins  and  spurs- 

No.  78.  1  summum  imperium.  2  by  praeesse,  also  gerere,  fungi. 
*  ductus  auspiciumque,  A bl.  4  locus.  6  signum.  6  ductor.  1  dicere. 
8  sagum  (=  “  the  mil.  cl.**).  9  civitas.  10  clilamys  (=  “  a  p.  cl.**).  11  esse 

h.  Or.  §  207.  2 .—V  Or.  §159.  1.  12  ordo  equester.  13  by  et  ipse. 

,4dignitas.  15  fulcrum  (ad  ascendendum). 


Section  VII. 


81 


79.  Chapter  V. 

Even  on  their  greatest  marches  the  Romans  did  not  allow 
a  night  to  pass  by  1  without  pitching 2  a  camp  and  fortifying 
it  by  a  rampart  and  ditch.  For  this  purpose 3  each  of  the 
soldiers  carried  on  the  march  three  or  four  stakes,4  with  the 
other  necessary  implements.  If  the  army  stayed  for  a  length 
of  time  on  the  same  spot,  the  camp  was  called  a  stationary  5 
"amp,  and  according  to  the  season  either  a  summer  or  a  winter 
camp.8  In  the  earliest  times  an  augur,  later  on  a  surveyor,1 
was  sent  in  advance,  to 8  select 9  a  suitable  place  and  to  meas¬ 
ure  out 10  the  ground.  The  shape  of  the  camp  was  mostly  a 
square.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  ditch  and  by  a  rampart, 
which  was  strengthened  by  posts 11  or  stakes,  set  firmly  in  the 
ground.12  The  spot  for  (. Dat .)  the  praetorium,  which  was 
the  general’s  tent,13  was  first  chosen  ;  in  front  of  it  were  placed 
the  altars,  the  ensigns,14  and  the  tribunal 15  of  the  commander- 
in-chief.  Nearby  were  the  tents  of  the  lieutenants,  or  the 
forum,  and  those  of  the  quaestor,  or  the  quaestorium  ;  thus  a 
certain  part  of  the  camp,  which  was  always  the  same,  was 
assigned  to  the  tribunes  and  to  the  rest  of  the  soldiers,  so  that 
each  one  could  easily,  and  at  any  time,  find  his  own  quarters 
The  camp  was  divided  into  an  upper  and  a  lower  part  by  a 
straight  and  broad  road,  the  so-called  via  principalis.  In  the 
upper  part  were  the  general’s  tent,  the  forum,  the  quaestori¬ 
um,  the  tents  of  the  tribunes  and  of  the  commander 18  of  the 
allies,  with  the  soldiers  who  seemed  necessary  for  their  pro¬ 
tection.17  The  greater  part  of  the  soldiers,  together  with  the 
centurions  and  decurions,  occupied  the  lower  part  of  the  camp 
This  was  again  divided  by  the  so-called  praetorian  18  road. 
The  camp  had  generally  four  gates,  one  of  which  was  oppo¬ 
site  19  the  general’s  tent,  and  was  called  the  praetorian  gate, 
from  which  the  legions  used  to  march  out  against  the  enemy  ; 
opposite  to  it 20  and  farthest 21  from  the  enemy  was  the  porta 
decumana.  These  two  gates  which  led  into  the  principia  or 
via  principalis  were  called  porta  principalis  dextra  and  porta 
principalis  sinistra.  The  cents 22  of  the  soldiers  were  covered 
with  hides,23  whence  the  saying  arose,  “to  be  under  the 


82 


Pajrt  I. 


hide,”  i.  e.,  “  to  be  in  the  camp.”  When  the  general  wished 
to  raise  the  camp,54  he  gave  the  signal  for  packing  up,56  at 
which  the  soldiers  struck  the  tents.26  At  the  second  signal 
the  baggage  was  put  on  the  beasts  of  burden  27  ,  at  the  third 
each  one  had  to  occupy 21  his  appointed  place,  and  the  army 
marched  off  in  a  definite  order,2"  which  was  always  the  same. 

No.  79.  1  praetermittere.  2  ponere,  Subjunct.  3  ad  id  efficiendum. 
4vallus.  5stativus.  6  by  aestivns  and  hibernus.  7metator.  8qui,  with 
Subj.  9capere,  also  eligere.  10metari.  11  sudes.  12  immittere,  adigere 
(==  “ to  set  /.  in  the  gr”).  13  tabernaculum.  Usignum.  15  tribunal. 

16praefectus.  17  praesidium.  18  praetorius.  19  exad versus,  with  Acc. 
30 contrarius,  adversus.  21aversus.  "tentorium,  "pellis.  24castra 
movere.  25  signum  vasa  colligendi.  26  tabernacula  detendere.  27  jumen 
turn.  28  tenere.  29  agmen. 


80.  Daring1  Courage  of  the  Young  Caesar. 

From  his  earliest  youth  Cajus  Julius  Caesar  gave  various 
proofs 2  of  a  great  and  daring  soul.  The  dictator  Sylla  had 
ordered 3  him  to  repudiate  his  wife  Cornelia,  the  daughter  of 
Cinna ;  but  Caesar,  then  about  twenty  years  old,  openly  re¬ 
fused  4  to  obey  6  his  command.  Thereat  the  wrath  of  Sylla 
was  roused 8  to  such  a  degree  that  he  determined  to  proscribe 
Caesar.  Owing  to  his  determination  7  of  character  the  latter 
was  by  no  means 8  intimidated  ;  still  he  did  not  disregard  the 
threatening9  danger,  but  left  Rome  and  Italy  and  went  to 
Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  with  whom  he  was  on  terms 
of10  friendship.  In  the  meantime  his  friends  interceded  11 
for  him  at  Rome,  and  petitioned  Sylla  to  pardon 12  him. 
Overcome  at  last  by  their  many  entreaties,  the  dictator 
granted  13  their  request  in  the  following  remarkable  words : 
“  You  may  have  him  for  yourselves ;  but  know,  that  in  this 
Caesar  many  Mariuses  are  hidden.” 14  How  truly  Sylla 
judged  Caesar  and  his  spirit  was  soon  perceived.  After 
Sylla’s  death  Caesar  returned  to  Rome,  from  whence  he 
soon  travelled  to  Rhodes  to  study  16  rhetoric  with  Molo,  the 
most  renowned  rhetorician  of  his  age.  On  this  journey  he 
was  captured  by  pirates,  who  then  rendered  all  the  seas  and 


Section  VII. 


83 


coasts  insecure.18  Caesar  bade  them  state  the  price  of  his 
ransom.17  They  demanded  twenty  talents.  Caesar  replied, 
laughing,  that  as  they  requested  so  small  a  ransom  18  they 
had  too  low  an  opinion  of  him,  and  he  promised  to  give  them 
fifty  talents.  Whilst 19  his  envoys  and  friends  collected 20  the 
sum  in  different  towns,  he  himself  acted  towards  the  pirates 
as  if 21  he  was  their  master  and  they  his  subjects.  He  often 
read22  his  poems  and  speeches  to  them,  and  if  they  were  slow 
to  praise  them  he  threatened  23  them  all  with  crucifixion.24 
The  robbers  laughed,  and  after  the  promised  ransom  had 
arrived  they  set  him  ashore  near  Miletus.  But  no  sooner 
had  he  been  released  than  25  he  collected  some  ships,  sur¬ 
prised  26  and  defeated  the  pirates,  and  led  many  of  them  in 
captivity  to  Pergamus.  There  he  crucified  them,  as  he  had 
before  threatened  in  jest.27 

No.  80.  Mortis.  2documentum.  3imperare  ut.  45ynegare.  5ob- 
temperare,  obsequi.  6  exardescere.  7  coDstantia,  see  S.  Gr.  §238.  2.  c. 
—  T.  Or.  §  152.  2.  8  nihil,  mmime.  9imminere,  impendere.  10  by  esse, 
see  8.  Or.  §207 — T.  Gr.  §162.  2.  ^deprecari.  12  condonare,  liberare. 
13  dare.  14  latere,  occultum  esse.  15operam  dare.  16infestus.  17dimittere. 
Periphr.  Conjug.  18  redemptions  pretium.  19  dum,  with  Pres.  20cogere. 
21  quasi.  22recitare.  23minari,  minitari.  24  See  39,  18.  25  8.  Or.  §256. 

II.  3. —  T.  Or.  §  198.  3.  26adoriri,  invadere.  27  per  jocum. 


81.  The  Taking  of  Ninive. 

Ninive,  the  most  illustrious  city  of  Assyria,  was  situated  on 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Tigris,  and  had  a  circuit 1  of  480 
stadia,  being,  indeed,2  150  stadia  in  length  and  90  in  breadth, 
so  that  one  could  make  the  round  of  the  city  in  24  hours. 
Its  walls  were  not  only  100  feet  high  and  fortified  with  1,500 
towers,  each  of  which  was  200  feet  in  height,  but  also  so 
broad  that  they  afforded  room  for  three  wagons  abreast.  The 
spot  where  the  ruins3  of  Ninive  are  still  seen  has  been  re¬ 
cently  searched,  and  it  was  found  that  there  was  only  a  large 
castle  on  the  site  where  it  was  believed  the  whole  city  had 
stood.4  Strabo  maintains  that  Ninive  was  even  larger  than 
Babylon.  So  great  was  the  size  of  the  city  that,  as  Holy 
Scripture  narrates,  Jonas  would  certainly  have  been  obliged 


84 


Part  I. 


to  wander  about 6  for  three  days  to  exhort '  the  inhabitants  to 
amend  their  lives.7  But  even  on  the  first  day,  when  the 
prophet  had  traversed  merely  8  a  third  part  of  the  city,  they 
repented  of  their  wickedness.*  As  we  read  in  the  book  of 
Jonas,  there  were  120,000  people  in  the  city  who  were  not 
able  to  distinguish  the  right  hand  from  the  left,  i.  e.  boys  and 
girls  under  three  years  of  age.  According 10  to  this  number 
of  children,  the  city  contained  about  2,000,000  inhabitants. 
The  above-mentioned 11  castle  was  built  on  an  elevation  of  40 
feet,12  which  had  been  constructed  13  of  brick  (jPlur.).  The 
walls  of  the  royal  palace  were  overlaid  with  marble,14  adorned 
with  images,  figures,  and  manifold  works  of  sculpture.16  Each 
of  the  four  fronts  of  this  magnificent  building  had  six  en¬ 
trances  16  ornamented  with  bulls  having  two  wings  and  a 
human  head ;  moreover,  before  the  main 17  entrance  were 
the  figures  of  two  colossal 18  men  strangling  two  lions  with 
their  arms.  All  the  above-mentioned  figures  are  not  statues, 
but  bas-reliefs 19  carved  in  stone,20  and  are  not  only  of  great 
beauty,  but  as  well  preserved 21  as  if  they  had  just  come 22 
from  the  atelier  of  the  artist.  In  other  places  battles,  con¬ 
quests,  hunting  expeditions,  banquets  are  represented.23  Here 
you  can  see 24  the  siege  of  a  city  situated  on  an  island,  there 
the  sea  covered25  with  ships,  again  people  gathering  timber 
to  construct  a  rampart,28  fishes,  winged  sea-horses,  and  other 
animals  moving  in  the  water. 

No.  81.  ^ircuitu  patere  (“of,”  Genii.').  2  8.  Gr.  §238.  1 .—  V  Gr. 
§149.  2.  3parietlnae.  4  “to  stand”  =  positum  esse.  5circumire 
aliquid.  6  cohortari.  7  ad  bonam  frugem  se  recipere,  ad  virtutem,  or 
ad  veri  dei  cultum  redire.  8  solus.  9  flagitium.  10  pro.  11  S.  Gr.  §  238. 
2.  b.  —  T.  Gr.  §152.  3.  12  Transl.  “  in  a  place  40/.  high”  13excitare  ex. 
14parietes  crustis  marmoris  operire.  15  by  sculptor.  16introitus.  17pri. 
marius.  18  vastus.  19  by  the  Adj.  caelatus,  or  ectypus.  Also  eminentibus 
figuris.  20  e  saxo  sculptus.  21  integer  (==  “  well  pres.  ”).  22  asportari. 

i3effingere.  24  conspicere.  25  consternere.  26  aggerem  apparare,  exstruere, 
instruere,  facere,  jacere. 


Section  YII. 


85 


82.  Chapter  IT. 

This  rich  and  magnificent  city  of  Ninive1  was  taken  and 
destroyed  by  the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Media  about  the  year 
604  B.  C.  Those  writers  who,  relying  on  the  authority  of 
Ctesias,2  relate  that  Ninive  was  destroyed  about  the  year  820, 
and  that  the  Medes  and  Babylonians  had  then  thrown  off  the 
Assyrian  yoke,  are  entirely  mistaken.3  For  this  is  contrary 
to  Herodotus,  to  Flavius  Josephus,  and  Holy  Scripture. 
Isaias,  whose  prophesies  extend  from  about  the  year  780  to 
710  B.  C.,  threatens  Assyria,  which  up  to  that  time  had 
devastated  other  nations  without  being  devastated  itself,  had 
plundered  without  suffering  plunder,  that  it  likewise 4  should 
be  laid  waste  and  destroyed.  Who  does  not  know  the 
mighty  Phul,  king  of  Assyria,  who  made  war 5  upon  Syria 
and  the  kingdom  of  Israel  about  the  year  773  B.  C.,  and 
was  bribed  by  the  king  of  the  latter  country  to  return  home  ? 
Who  is  not  acquainted  with  his  brave  and  powerful  success¬ 
ors  \  *  It  is  by  far  the  most  probable  opinion,  that  about  the 
year  720  B.  C.,  shortly  after  the  assassination  of  Sennacherib 
by  his  sons,  those  two  nations  gained  their  independence. 
Nahum  had  foretold  the  destruction  of  Ninive  115  years  be¬ 
fore  the  event,  and  Zephanias  at  a  later  date.  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  Assarhaddon  was  surnamed  Sardanapalus, 
and  as  the  last  king  of  Assyria  had  the  same  name,  what 
referred  to  him  has  been  ascribed  7  to  the  former  sovereign. 
Thus  Hellanikos  and  Callisthenes  bear  witness  to  the  existence 
of  two  Assyrian  kings  called  Sardanapalus,  the  one  active 
and  brave,  the  other  effeminate.  According  to  Diodorus, 
the  king  of  Assyria  trusted  an  ancient  oracle,  that  Ninive 
would  never  be  taken,  unless  the  Tigris  should  rise 8  against 
it.  And  in  those  days  the  Tigris  did  overflow  its  banks,* 
destroyed  10  part  of  the  walls  to  the  length  of  20  stadia,  and 
thus  the  city  was  taken.  Nahum,  too,  seems  to  indicate 
that  the  city  would  be  taken  by  the  help  of  water.  Some, 
indeed,  maintain  that  its  situation  was  so  high  11  that  the 
river  was  not  able  to  reach  it ;  but  who  can  prove  that  what 
usually  did  not  happen  could  not  come  about  by  particular 


86 


Part  1. 


circumstances  ? 12  Nahum,  and  likewise 13  Zephanias,  prophe¬ 
sied  that  the  desolate  city  would  not  be  rebuilt.  And  for 
more  than  14  2,450  years  Ninive  has  been  desolate  and  aban¬ 
doned  to  the  present  day. 

No.  82.  1  S.  Gr.  §  237. 1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  137.  2  end.  9  auctore  Ctesia  usi. 
3 falli.  4 et  ipse.  5  bellare  (“upon,”  adversus,  or  cum).  6  “ successors  ” 
by  qui  ei  regno  successerunt.  7  transferre  in  (Acc.).  8exsistere.  9re- 
dundare.  10evertere.  11  editus.  12  res.  13  See  4.  14  S.  Gr.  §  227.  2. 

—  Y.  Gr.  §139.  2. 

SECTION  VIII. 

Use  of  the  Tenses. 

(S.  Gr.  §  239-246.— Y.  Gr.  §  179-186.) 

83.  Secession1  of  the  Plebs  to  the  Sacred  Mount. 

After  Tarquin  had  been  expelled  from  the  city,  the 
Romans,  for  several  years,  waged  continual  wars  with  the 
neighboring  nations.  Thus  fhe  plebeians  incurred  5  heavy 
debts,3  and  not  being  able  to  pay,4  they  were  most  cruelly 
harassed  by  the  patricians.  For  a  long  time  these  vexations 
had  irritated  the  minds  of  the  plebeians.  Therefore  they 
several  times  refused  5  military  service.  But  then  the  patri¬ 
cians  either  chose  a  dictator  to  inspire  the  people  with  fear, 
or  promised  remedies  for  their  sufferings.  Thus  they  had 
often  suppressed  greater  tumults  by  cunning  and  fraud.  Once, 
however,  the  people  returned  from  a  war  and  eagerly  ex¬ 
pected  the  promised  remission 6  of  their  debts.  But  the 
patricians  again  endeavored  to  deceive  them  and  to  engage 
them  at  once  in  another  military  expedition.  But  the  ple¬ 
beians  were  highly  exasperated  7  at  this  fraudulent  proceeding. 
Armed,  as  they  were,  they  left  Rome,  and,  under  the 
leadership 8  of  Sicinius,  withdrew  to  the  Sacred  Mount, 
which  was  about  3,000  paces  distant  from  the  city.  There 
they  fortified  a  camp,  and  held  out 9  for  some  days  without 
being  attacked  10  or  attacking  on  their  part.  This  emigra¬ 
tion  of  the  people  had  caused  11  great  anxiety 12  at  Rome, 


Section  YIII. 


87 


The  remaining  plebs  feared  the  violence  of  the  fathers, 
these  the  emigration  of  the  whole  people  or  a  foreign  wTar. 
Therefore,  the  senate  was  summoned  to  determine  13  what 
was  to  be  done.  At  first  the  opinions  14  of  the  senators  dis¬ 
agreed.16  Finally,  however,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  send 
deputies  to  the  people,  who  should  persuade  them  to  return 
to  the  city.  The  leaders  of  this  embassy  were  three  popular 
men,  Titus  Lartius,  Marcus  Valerius,  and  Menenius  Agrippa. 
As  spokesman  16  they  chose  Agrippa,  a  man  of  great  elo¬ 
quence,  who  was  of  plebeian  descent,17  and  for  this  very 
reason  most  popular  with  the  people.  When,  therefore,  the 
deputies  had  arrived  at  the  Sacred  Mount,  Agrippa  was  at 
once  admitted  18  into  the  camp.  He  easily  induced  the  peo¬ 
ple  to  listen  readily  to  his  words.  Then  he  is  said  to  have 
told  them  that  celebrated  fable,  which  appeased 16  their 
minds,  and  induced 30  them  to  return  to  the  city  under  cer¬ 
tain  conditions.31 

No.  83.  1  secessio.  3inciderein.  3aesaliemim.  4  8.  Gr.  §  287.3. 
end. —  T.  Or.  §  222.  5detrectare.  6levatio.  7  exacerbare.  6  8.  Or. 
§  284.  1. — T.  Gr.  §218.  2.  9  tenere  se.  10lacessere.  11  excitare. 

12pavor.  13  consilium  capere.  14sententia.  15discrepare.  16  orator. 
17  oriundum  esse,  8.  Gr.  §  220.  3. —  T.  Or.  §136.  2.  18  intromittere. 

,9placare.  20perducere.  21  8.  Gr.  §  224.  1. —  T.  Or.  §  126.  2. 

84.  Chapter  II. 

“  The  members  of  the  body,”  said  he,  “  once  plotted 1  against 
the  stomach.3  For  they  believed  that  it  alone  in  inactivity 
enjoyed  the  pleasures  which  they  prepared  by  their  labor. 
Therefore,  they  refused  3  their  services.4  Neither  were  the 
hands  willing  to  bring  food  to  the  mouth,  nor  the  mouth  to 
receive  it,  nor  the  teeth  to  masticate 5  it.  But  whilst 8  they 
wished  to  tame  the  stomach  by  hunger,  the  members  were 
reduced  (=  came)  to  extreme  emaciation.7  Thus  it  became 
evident8  to  them  that  the  service  of  the  stomach,  too,  was 
by  no  means  insignificant,  and  that  it  nourished  just  as  much 
as*  it  was  fed.  For  they  perceived  that  from  the  digested 
food  the  stomach  prepared  the  blood  and  humors  and  dif- 


88 


Part  I. 


fused  them  through  all  parts  of  the  body,  by  which 
strength 10  and  vigor  were  imparted  to  the  whole.  Therefore 
the  members  desisted  from  their  plan  and  were  reconciled  11 
to  the  stomach.”  After  Agrippa  had  narrated  this  fable, 
he  compared  that  dissension  of  the  parts  of  the  body  to  the 
present  civil  discord. 13  “  Senate  and  people,”  said  he,  “  consti¬ 
tute  one  body,  which  cannot  exist  but 13  by  the  co-operation 
of  all  its  parts.”  By  his  words  Agrippa  moved  the  minds 
of  the  people,  and  conditions  of  peace  began 14  to  be  nego¬ 
tiated.  The  deputies  promised  the  plebeians  remission  of 
their  debts,  so  at  least  it  has  been  stated  by  some  writers. 
But  Sicinius  advised  them  not  to  return  rashly  and  too 
hastily  ”  to  the  city.  For  if  they  had  nobody  to  care  for 
their  interests,16  it  could,17  he  said,  easily  happen  that  they 
would  be  again  deceived  by  the  patricians.  Thus  he  con¬ 
vinced  the  people,  that  from  their  midst  an  inviolable18 
magistrate  should  be  chosen  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  against  the  patricians.  This  pleased  the  people,  and  as 
the  necessity  was  urgent,19  it  was  approved  of  by  the  patri¬ 
cians.  Thus  the  first  tribunes  of  the  people  were  nominated, 
and  the  right  of  rendering  assistance 20  against  the  consuls 
was  granted  them.  The  patricians  were  excluded  from  tak¬ 
ing  31  this  office.  Two  tribunes  were  elected ;  they  chose 
three  colleagues,  amongst  them  Sicinius.  Only  then  the 
people  returned  to  Rome. 

No.  84.  ^onjurare.  2  venter.  3denegare.  4ministerium.  5confi- 
cere.  6 dam.  7  tabes.  8apparere.  9  non  magis  (minus)  quam,  see  S. 
Gr.  §  175.  Note  8.  10robur.  11  in  gratiam  redire  cum  aliquo,  recon  - 
ciliari  alicui.  12seditio.  13  nisi.  14  S.  Gr.  §146.  Note. —  Y.  Gr.  §204.2. 
,5temere  et  nimis  festinanter.  16causam  alicujus  suscipere,  sustinere. 
17  Acc.  with  Inf.  18  sacrosanctus.  19  necessitate  urgente.  20  auxilii  latio 
(—  “(he  right  of  r.  ass”).  21  capere. 


85.  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Gordian  Knot.1 

After  Alexander  the  Great  had  defeated a  the  Persians  on 
the  banks  of  the  Granikus,  he  quickly  collected  his  troops 
to  pursue  the  enemy  with  all  his  might.3  Whilst  the  army 


Section  YIII. 


89 


was  marching  through  Phrygia,  which  had  more  villages'1 
than  towns,  he  took  within  a  short  time  and  without  resist¬ 
ance5  all  the  important6  places,  and  approached  Gordium,  a 
city  which  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Gordius,  the  father 
of  Midas.  As  soon  as  he  had  taken  this  city,  he  entered  the 
temple  of  Jupiter,  where  the  chariot 7  of  Gordius  was  pre¬ 
served,  the  yoke  of  which  was  fastened  6  by  several  knots 
twisted  together.9  Whilst  in  the  temple,  he  was  informed 
of  an  ancient  prophecy,  that  he  who  should  untie 10  these 
knots  should  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  Asia.  As 
soon  as  Alexander  heard  this,  he  requested  to  have  the 
chariot  shown  him.  Surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  Phryg¬ 
ians  and  many  noble  Macedonians,  the  king  approached  the 
chariot,  and  those  who  accompanied  him  were  anxious  to 
see 11  what  he  would  do.  Alexander  tried  in  vain  to  untie 
the  knots.  After  he  had  struggled13  for  a  considerable 
time,  he  said :  u  It  matters  little  how  the  knots  are  loosened.” 
Hardly  had  he  said  it  than  with  his  sword  he  cut 13  all  the 
thongs 14  of  which  the  knots  were  formed,  and  thus  partly 15 
ridiculed,16  partly  fulfilled  the  prophecy 17  of  the  oracle.  The 
rumor  of  this  fact  soon  spread  18  throughout  the  whole  of 
Asia,  and  many  nations  voluntarily  submitted  to  the  sov¬ 
ereignty  19  of  Alexander,  others  he  easily  subdued,  so  that 
in  five  or  six  years  he  had  conquered  the  country  as  far  as 39 
the  river  Indus.  India  he  did  not  subdue,  though  he  crossed 
the  Indus,  but  after  he  entered  the  country  he  divided  his 
army,  part  of  which  returned  by  sea  to  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris,  part  by  land.  In  the  year  324  B.  C.  he  arrived  at 
Susa,  and  died  at  Babylon  in  the  year  323,  thirteen  years 
after  he  had  ascended  the  throne  and  eleven  after  he  had 
first  invaded  Asia. 

No.  85.  1  nodus.  2  devincere,  fundere  atque  fugare.  3  totis  viribus. 
4vicu8.  6  nullo  resistente.  6  by  opulentus.  7plaustrum,  vehiculum. 
8  adstringere.  ®in  semet  ipsos  implicati  nodi.  10  solvere.  11  suspensis 
animis  exspectare.  12  luctari.  13  discindere,  rumpere,  diffindere.  14  lo- 
rum.  n  “  partly— partly,"  \e  1 — vel.  16eludere.  11  sors.  18manare, 
divulgari.  19  imperio  obedire  et  parere.  20  usque  ad. 


90 


Part  I. 


86.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  Francis  Vanierius.5 

You  do  well  to2  exercise  yourself  daily  in  writing  Latin 
and  to  use 3  every  effort  to  attain  therein  to  some  perfection.4 
For  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  rest  of  your  life  as  well  as  your 
present  exertion  will  be  devoted  to  that  end,  to  which  it 
should  be  directed — i.  e .,  to  propagating  the  glory  of  Christ 
and  defending,  with  all  your  power,"  His  Church  against 
the  insults 6  of  wicked  men.  But  what  has  deterred  7  you, 
as  yet,  from  writing  to  me  I  cannot,  indeed,  understand.8 
For,  on  the  one  hand,9  I  have  no  such  authority  that  any 
one  need  fear  my  judgment ;  on  the  other,  if  I  had  it,  still 
my  warm  affection  10  for  your  whole  society  11  should  easily 
dispel 12  all  fear  from  your  heart ;  especially  as  you  write  in 
such  a  way,  that  you  could  rather  expect  universal  praise 
than  dread  13  the  fastidiousness 14  of  any.  Therefore  do  not 16 
henceforth  believe  it  difficult  and  arduous  to  write  to  Mu¬ 
retus.  Your  letters  will  be  the  more  pleasing  to  me  the 
more  frequent  they  are,  only  grant  me  the  privilege 18  of 
being  allowed  to  answer  them  freely  17  and  more  negligent¬ 
ly — i .  e.,  in  this  familiar  and  every-day  18  style  of  expression.19 
For  I  do  nothing  with  greater  reluctance  than  waste  my  time 20 
in  tiling  and  polishing  letters.  Nor  do  any  of  the  precepts 
inculcated  by  the  teachers  of  rhetoric  please  me  more,  than 
that  pains  should  be  taken  21  that  the  style  appear  to  flow 
freely.22  I,  truly,  let 23  it  run  easily,  and  seek  an  excuse  for 
my  negligence 24  from  the  teachers  themselves.  Imitate 
then,  if  you  love  me,  or  rather  because  you  love  me,  this  my 
negligence,  as  often  as  you  write  ;  that  you  may  not,  by  writ¬ 
ing  too  carefully,  appear  to  lay  me  under  the  obligation  of 
polishing  my  style.  May  God  continually  direct  both  your 
studies  and  your  whole  maimer  of  life  to  His  glory.  Fare¬ 
well.  Rome,  March  2d. 

No.  86.  1  For  the  translation  of  letters  the  following  must  be  noticed: 

(a)  Latin  letters  never  begin  with  Place ,  Date,  or  Address. — (b)  The  name 
of  the  writer  {in  the  Nominative)  is  always  placed  first,  then  follows  either 
the  salutation  S.  D.  («=  salutem  dicit )  or  the  name  of  the  person  addressed 
(in  the  Dative).  If,  as  in  familiar  correspondence,  the  salutation  be  8. 


Section  VIIL 


91 


(==  salutem )  only,  it  always  stands  after  the  Dative. — (c)  A  vocative  ( di¬ 
rect  address),  e.  g.,  “  my  friend,”  etc.,  is  always  inserted  after  some  word 
oi'  words. — (d)  Letters  generally  close  with  vale  (valete),  or  some  such  ex¬ 
pression,  as  cura  ut  valeas.  Then  follow,  in  the  same  line,  first  Date, 
then  Place,  the  latter  always  in  a  form  answering  the  question  :  whence  f 
or,  wherefrom  t  ( e .  g.,  Roma,  Athenis,  ex  urbe,  e  castris,  etc. — (e)  For 
the  use  of  Tenses  see  S.  Or.  §  243.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  182.  3.  2  Transl.  “  that 
(quod)  you,”  etc.  3  adhibere.  4  praestantia.  5  pro  tua  virili  parte.  6  con- 
tumelia  atque  injuria.  1  8.  Gr.  §  253. —  Y.  Gr.  §196.  6  dispicere. 

9neque — et  (=  “  on  the  one  hand — not  on  the  other”).  10  summa  mea 
voluntas  1!  sodalitas.  12  adimere  alicui  (“from”).  13  extimescere. 

14  fastidium.  16  cavere,  S.  Gr.  §  265.  l.—  Y.  Gr.  §  203.  16  venia.  17  so¬ 

lute.  18  quotidianus.  19  sermo.  20otioabuti.  ai  operam  dare.  22  sponte. 
23sinere,  8.  Gr.  §  269. —  Y.  Gr.  §  206.  b.  24ignavia. 

87.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  his  Friend  Paul  Sacratus. 

Very  painful 1  to  me  was  the  death  of  your  good  brother, 
both 2  because  I  loved  him  as  I  must  love  all  your  relatives, 
and  because  I  foresaw  how  distressing  and  grievous  it  would 
be  to  you  on  account  of  your  tender  feeling 3  and  great 4  love 
towards  them.  But  though  my  condolence 5  may  seem  to 
be  too  late,  yet  I  cannot  help®  reminding  you  of  what  I  am 
aware  you  are  fully  convinced  (but  it  sometimes  happens, 
that  the  bitterness  of  grief  banishes 7  from  the  mind  even 
what  is  best  known  to  us) :  that  you  must  not  forget  the 
duty  of  bearing  with  equanimity  8  this  dispensation 9  of  God 
and  this  sad  necessity  of  human  nature.  If  some  art  could 
be  found  which  would  enable  us  to  live  perpetually,  we 
ought  to  reject  and  disdain  10  it,  as  it  would  cut  us  off  from 
the  entrance  11  into  a  better  life.  Now  the  necessity  is  im¬ 
posed  upon  us  by  the  will  of  God  to  lay  down  this  life,  and 
there  is  no  greater  difference  between  the  foolish  and  the 
wise  than  that 19  the  former  are  indignant  that  what  is  to 
befall  themselves  has  happened  to  their  relatives,  that  they 
have  come  to  what  all  must  come  ;  while  the  latter  both 
calmly  18  bear  the  death  of  their  relatives  and  await  it  with 
resignation  for  themselves.  Do  we  wonder,  Sacratus,  that 
those  die  whom  we  love  ?  We  ourselves  die  daily.  How 
little  14  remains  in  us  of  what  we  were  when  young  men  ? 


92 


Part  I. 


My  teeth,  indeed,  are  already  dead,  for  nearly  all  ot  them 
have  fallen  out ;  the  eyes  gradually  die,  I  feel  them  becom 
ing  daily  less  and  less  keen 15 ;  the  memory  dies  ;  other 
things  are  dead,  oh  that  they  16  had  been  dead  many  years 
ago  ! 17  Believe  me,  Sacratus,  my  old  age  is  pleasing  to  me 
for  no  reason  more  18  than  that  it  seems  to  smooth  19  the  road 
to  death.20  Therefore  let  us  wish  well 31  to  our  dead  friends 
and  daily  prepare  ourselves  for  a  happy  death.  As  to 33  your 
silence,  there  is  no  reason  for  excusing23  yourself,  nor  fear 
lest  you  therefore  might  be  less  dear  to  me.  I  would  have 
sent  you  some  of  my  writings,  if  I  did  not  intend 24  to  pub¬ 
lish  them  all  together.  If,  however,  it  seems  too  long 26  to 
wait  until2®  that  happens,  I  am  not  unwilling27  to  send  you 
what  is  properly  yours,  that  you  may  have 28  it  printed  39  at 
Venice.  If  you  notify  30  me  of  your  wish,  there  will  be  no 
delay  on  my  part.  Farewell.  Borne,  February  12,  1574. 

No.  87.  1  magno  dolori,  8.  Gr.  §  208.  1. —  7  Gr.  §  163.  *  “  both — 
and,”  turn — turn.  3  humanitas  (=  “  tender /.”).  4  eximius.  5  consola- 

tio.  6  S.  Or.  §  252.  II. —  Y.  Or.  §  195.  2.  7  excutere  ex.  8aequissimo 
animo,  also  moderate,  or  modice  ac  sapienter.  9  voluntas.  10  aversari. 
11  alicui  aditum  intercludere  ad.  12  quod.  13placide.  14  quota  pars. 
15  perspicax.  16  quae  utinam  11 S.  Gr.  §  234.  2.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  128.  3. 
18  vix  alio  nomine.  19sternere.  20  8.  Or.  §  288.  1. — Y  Or.  §  223.  21  bene 
precari.  22  de.  23purgare.  24cogitare  de,  8.  Or.  §  289.  2. — Y.  Gr. 
§  224.  2.  25  longum  (=  “  too  l”).  26  dum.  27  non  recusare  (=  “  to  be 
not  unw”),  8.  Or.  §  253. —  Y.  Gr.  §  196.  ( and  1).  28 curare,  8.  Or. 
§  281.  3. —  Y.  Gr.  §  219.  3.  29excudere.  30  significare. 

88.  Peter  John  Perpinianus  to  M.  Antonins  Muretus. 

Those  who  have  pledged  their  word  1  seem  to  me  to  carry  * 
a  burden  heavier  than  Aetna,  if  they  are  not  relieved  by  the 
kindness 3  of  him  to  whom  or  for  whom  they  have  pledged 
themselves.4  I  believe  you  know  what  I  mean.  As  to4 
those  verses  on 6  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  of  Loreto,  he  who 
desired  them  does  not  cease  to  urge  me  on  account  of  the  ex¬ 
traordinary  idea 7  he  entertains  of  your  good  taste 8  and  learn¬ 
ing.  Though  I  understand  that,  without  your  knowledge 
and  permission,9 1  have  made  a  rash  promise,10  yet  I  trust 


Section  VIII. 


93 


that  my  rashness  in  pledging  myself  will  be  redeemed  by 
your  surpassing 11  kindness  in  accomplishing  the  task.  If  the 
fountains  and  orchards  of  Tibur  have  any  influence,12  and 
the  retirement 13  from  your  daily  occupations  has  brought 
you  any  leisure,  I  beseech  14  you  to  show  that  I  have  some 
place  in  your  favor.15  I  wish  to  communicate  certain  things 
to  you,  but  I  hope  to  be  able  to  do  it  better  orally  16  as  soon 
as  you  return  to  us.  It  has  been  decided  that  I  should  re¬ 
main  at  Rome  during  the  coming  year.  All  our  friends 
send  you  their  kindest  regards.17  Farewell.  From  the  city, 
August  15th,  1564. 

No.  88.  ]fidem  adstringere.  2sustinere.  3humanitas.  4spondere. 
(  =  “  to  pi.  oneself  ”).  5de.  6  in,  with  Ace.  7  singularis  exspectatio. 
*elegantia  (=  “good  t”).  9 by  the  Adj.  inscius  and  inconsultus,  Abl. 

absol.  10recipere.  11  eximius.  12  posse  (=  “  to  have  infl”).  13seces- 
sus.  14orare  atque  obsecrare.  16  Transl.  “  of  favor  with  (apud)  you” 
16  coram.  17  salutare  aliquem  (=  “  to  send  one's  regards)” 

Answer  to  the  Foregoing  Letter. 

89.  M.  Antonius  Muretus  to  Peter  John  Perpinianus  of  the 

Society  of  Jesus. 

I  wish,  indeed,  to  redeem  both  my  and  your  promise,1 
but  much,  as  yet,  hinders2  me  from  doing  so.  First,  the 
circumstance  that3  many  occupations,  and  those,  indeed,  very 
inconsistent 4  with  my  pursuits,  keep  me  busily  employed5  in 
the  place  and  during  the  time  which  I  thought  would  afford 
me  ample 6  leisure  and  rest.  For,  not  to  speak  of  other 
things,7  within  the  last  few  days  I  had  twice  to  go  to  Rome; 
and,  though  this  may  seem  of  small  account,8  yet  these 
journeys9  took10  me  more  than  eight  days.  Moreover,  I 
have  discontinued  poetry  11  for  many  months  and  years,  so 
that,  though  I  may  have  possessed  some  talent,12  which 
assuredly  was  almost  none  or  very  little  and  inconsiderable,13 
it  must  needs  have  been  irretrievably  lost.14  Finally,  for  I 
must  tell  you  the  truth,  that  anticipation  which,  as  you 
write,  has  been  aroused  15  in  regard  to  my  verses,  makes  me 
rather  reluctant  and  timid;  You  know  how  unfavorable 19 


94 


Part  I. 


it  is  to  those  who  wish  to  please.  For  if  I  am  expected  to 
equal  the  elegance  of  your  verse,  I  must  borrow 1T  from  you. 
However,  I  shall  think 16  of  something  at  an  early  date.19 
But  if  you  love  me,  and  this  I  believe  to  have  ascertained 30 
so  surely  that  I  cannot  doubt  it,  lower,  I  beseech  you,  that 
anticipation  as  much  as  you  can  and  make 21  your  friend  be¬ 
lieve  that  verses,  like  money 22  from  a  bad  debtor,23  must  be 
received  with  resignation,  though  they  be  neither  of  the 
best  quality24  nor  of  full25  weight.  Well  done,  that26  it  has 
been  decided 27  to  retain  you  at  Rome.  Believe  me,  I  would 
have  felt  great  uneasiness 28  at  your  departure.  Now  on  my 
return  I  anticipate  the  pleasure  of  your  most  sweet  and 
agreeable 29  companionship,  and  I  hope  you  will  one  day 
really  understand  30  how  highly  I  esteem  it.  Farewell.  Ti- 
bur,  August  17th,  1564. 

No.  89.  1  fidem  liberare.  2obstare.  3  Primum  quod.  4longissime 
dbhorrens.  5  occupatus  atque  exercitatus.  6  plenus.  7  ut  cetera  taceam. 
8levis.  9profectio.  10auferre.  11  poetica  studia.  12facultas.  13per- 
tenuis  et  perexiguus.  14effluere et  exarescere.  15  concitare  de  (“ as  to”). 
,6alienus.  17  versuram  facere.  ,8meditari.  19propediem.  20perspi- 
cere.  21  perficere,  ut.  22nummus  (Pkr.).  23  malum  nomen.  24nota. 

/5justus.  26  quod.  27judicare.  28molestiam  capere  e  ( =“  to  feel  un. 
at”).  29optatus.  30cognoscere. 

90.  Some  Anwers  of  Thales. 

When  a  certain  man  who  had  committed  a  great  crime 
asked  Thales  whether  in  order  to  escape  capital  punishment 
it  was  lawful  to  swear  that  he  had  not  committed  it,  Thales 
answered  him:  “Is  not  perjury  the  greatest  of  all  crimes 
and  worthy  of  a  double  death  ?  ”  Being  asked  what  he  con¬ 
sidered  most  difficult,  he  said  :  “  To  know  oneself  ”  ;  what, 
on  the  contrary,1  most  easy  :  “  To  give  advice  to  another.” 
To  one  who  inquired  2  how  it  might  be  brought  about  that 
men  bear  misfortune 3  more  easily,  he  replied :  “  If  you 
teach  them  to  understand  how  the  best  men  have  done  so.” 
A  young  man  asked  him  how  to  live  in  the  best  and  most 
upright  way,  to  whom  Thales  replied:  “If  you  live  so  as 
never  to  do  what  you  consider  reprehensible  *  in  others,  but 


Section  YIII. 


95 


always  whatever  you  recognize  as  praiseworthy  in  their  con¬ 
duct.”  And  again,5  when  asked  who  was  happy,  he  gave 
this  answer :  “  Happy  is  he  to  whom  it  has  been  granted  0 
to  be  healthy  in  body,  to  be  free  from  poverty,  to  be  of  a 
generous  disposition,  and  well  instructed.”  ‘‘Whatever 
good  you  do  to  your  parents,”  said  he,  “  expect  that  the  same 
will  be  rendered  you  by  your  own  children.”  When  the 
same  Thales  was  once  asked  what  difference 7  there  was  be¬ 
tween  life  and  death,  he  answered  :  “  There  is  no  difference 
at  all.”  Asked  again  why  he,  then,  did  not  wish  to  die,  he 
said :  “For  the  very  reason  8  that  there  is  no  difference  be¬ 
tween  life  and  death.”  Being  asked  what  was  the  oldest  of 
all  that  exists,9  he  said  :  “  God,  because  He  never  began  to 
be”;  what  was  the  most  beautiful  after  God,  “The  world, 
for  it  has  been  made  by  God”;  what  was  the  quickest, 
“  The  human  mind,  for  within  the  shortest  time  it  runs 
through  the  whole  universe.”  10 

No.  90.  1  contra.  2  sciscitari,  Partic.  Constr.  3  fortuna  adversa,  or 
res  adversae.  4  reprehen  dead  us.  6rursus,  iterum,  also  by  idem.  6con' 
tingit  ut  (=  “  it  is  granted  to  ”).  7  interest  inter  (=  “  there  is  a  diff.  be * 

tween”).  8 propter  id  ipsum.  9 esse.  10  rerum  universitas. 

91.  Solon. 

It  has  already  1  been  related  by  what  stratagem  Solon  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  making  the  Athenians  renew  the  war  against  Sal- 
amis.  The  last 9  verses  of  that  poem,  however,  were  the  fol¬ 
lowing  : 

y/o/i£v  efc  lalafitva,  /ua^rj(j6fj.evoc  Tcept  vrjaou 
lJ/i£pr7^  r  olayoq,  dTicooofievoc. 

“  Let  us  march,”  said  he,  “against  Salamis  to  fight  for 3  the 
lovely 4  island  and  blot  out  the  heavy  disgrace.”  Thus  it  hap¬ 
pened  that  the  Athenians  brought  Salamis  again  under  their 
power.  But  lest  they  might  seem  to  hold  the  island  more 
by  force  than  by  right,  Solon  used  the  following  arguments : 
Pie  said  that  from  ancient  times5  the  island  had  been  the 
property*  of  the  Athenians,  which  could  be  recognized  from 


96 


Part  I. 


the  fact,  that 7  the  oldest 8  graves  in  the  whole  island  looked 
towards  the  East,  and  that  the  names  of  the  tribes  were  en- 
graved  upon  them,  a  custom  which  was  peculiar9  to  the 
Athenians.  And  10  this  "was  found  to  be  true.  But,  in 
order  to  prove  that  Salamis  had  belonged  to  the  Athenians 
during  the  Trojan  war,  he  quoted  11  two  verses  of  the  Iliad, 
in  which  it  is  said  that  Ajax  from  Salamis  had  united  his 
ships  with  those  of  the  Athenians.  But  there  were  always 
some  who  maintained  12  that  Solon  himself  had  inserted 13 
these  verses.  Still  the  island  remained  Athenian  property. 
Of  the  same  Solon  many  short  and  appropriate  answers 14 
were  circulated.19  One  day,  whilst  he  was  sitting  at  a  ban¬ 
quet,  Periander  asked  him  why  he  was  so  silent,  whether  he 
was  wanting  in  words  or  unwilling  to  betray  16  his  folly. 
Then  Solon  answered:  u It  is  impossible17  for  a  fool  to  be 
silent  at  a  banquet.”  After  the  death  of  his  son  he  wept 
out  of  sadness.  When  a  certain  person  perceived  it  he 
asked  him  why  he  wept,  since  he  could  attain  nothing  by 
weeping.  “For  that  very  reason  do  I  weep,”  said  Solon, 
“  because  I  can  do  nothing.” 

No.  91.  'Jam  supra.  2extremus.  3de.  4  gratus,  amoenus,  Super- 
lat.  5antiquitus.  6  S.  Or.  §215.  1. —  T.  Or  §159.  7  quod,  “with 

quisque,  after  8.  Gr.  §228.  1. —  T.  Or.  §142.  2  end.  9proprius.  10  “ And 
this”  quod,  "recitare.  12  Subjunct.  ,3supponere.  14  bre  viter  et  com¬ 
mode  responsa.  15ferre.  16prodere.  17  fieri  non  potest,  ut. 

92.  Cajus  Marcius  Coriolanus. 

When  the  Homans  besieged  Corioli,  a  town  of  the  Yolsci, 
Cajus  Marcius,  a  noble  youth,  showed  such  great  bravery 
that,  after  the  capture  1  of  the  town,  the  honorable  surname  of 
Coriolanus  was  given  to  him.  But  he  was  a  proud  patrician, 
and  bitterly  opposed  to  the  power  of  the  tribunes.2  With  a 
very  uneasy  3  mind  he  saw  how  much  the  authority  of  the 
people  had  grown  through  the  tribunes,  and  longed  for  an 
opportunity 4  to  wrest  the  new  rights  from  the  people.  Soon 
after  a  famine  6  broke  out  at  Home,  for  on  account  of  the 
emigration  and  continual  wars  the  fields  lay  untilled.  Finally, 


Section  VIII. 


97 


it  came  to  pass 6  that,  through  the  excellent  care  of  the  senate, 
a  great  quantity  of  grain  was  imported  7  from  Sicily.  In  the 
senate  the  price  was  discussed  at  which  it  should  be  sold  to 
the  people.  Most  of  the  senators  were  of  the  opinion  that, 
owing  to  the  general  poverty  of  the  people,  a  low  price  should 
be  demanded ;  but  Coriolanus  most  vehemently  opposed  8  the 
adoption  of  this  plan.  “  Is  it  not 9  evident,”  said  he,  “  through 
whose  guilt  this  famine  has  arisen  ?  By  their  arrogance  the 
people  have  brought  it  about,  that  the  fields  are  uncultivated  ; 
the  tribunes  have  stirred  up  their  minds  to  oppress  the  senate. 
Therefore  I  vote  10  that  no  grain  must 11  be  given  to  the  people, 
except  on  the  condition  that  the  tribunes  be  abolished,  and 
that  all  the  rights  be  restored  which  were  extorted  from  the 
fathers  against  their  will.”  The  proposal 12  of  Coriolanus 
seemed  too  atrocious  even  to  the  senate,  and  the  people  were 
inflamed  to  such  a  degree  that  they  seemed  determined  to 
immediately  put  their  bitterest  enemy  to  death.13  But  the 
tribunes  appointed  a  day  on  which  the  cause  of  Coriolanus 
might  be  judged  in  the  assembly  of  the  tribes,14  in  which  all 
the  power  of  the  people  was  vested ;  thus  it  happened  that 
the  people’s  anger  was  suppressed  for  the  moment.16  In  the 
meantime  the  fathers  endeavored  16  to  free  Coriolanus ;  they 
asked  the  people  to  deliver 17  him  as 18  guilty  into  their  hands 
if  they  would  not  acquit  him  as  innocent ;  but  they  asked  in 
vain. 

No.  92.  1  capere,  Abl.  absol.  2  potestas  tribunicia.  3  iniquus.  4  occasio 
apta,  occ.  opportuna,  or  only  opportunitas.  5  caritas  annonae,  or  annona 
alone.  6  perfici  (=  “  to  come  to  p.”).  7  advehere.  8  obsistere,  with  quo- 

minus,  or  ne.  8.  Gr.  §253. —  T.  Gr.  §  196  (ant?  1).  9  Nonne.  10censere, 
with  Acc.  c.  Inf.  11  Periphr.  Gonjug.  12sententia.  13  “  to  be  willing  to 
put  to  death,”  Periphr.  Gonjug.  14  comitia  tributa.  15  in  praesentia,  in 
praesenti.  16  operam  dare.  17  donare,  condonare.  18  pro. 

93.  Chapter  II. 

Coriolanus  himself  was  too  proud  to  1  condescend  2  to  sup¬ 
plication.  “  The  right  of  assistance  3  has  been  given  them,” 
said  he,  “in  order  to  defend  the  plebs,  not  to  punish  the 
patricians :  not  to  be  the  tribunes  of  the  fathers,  but  of  the 


98 


Pajrt  I. 


people. ”  But  neither  his4  pride  nor  the  prayers  of  the 
fathers  prevented 6  the  people  from  making  use  of  their  right. 
When  on  the  appointed  day  he  did  not  appear,'  he  was  con¬ 
demned,  in  his  absence,  and  went  into  exile,  threatening  his 
country,  and  even  then  inflamed  with  hostile  sentiments/ 
He  went  to  Antium  to  Attius  Tullius,  a  prince  of  the  Volsci, 
who  received  him  with  hospitality.  This  prince  had  always 
been  bitterly  opposed  8  to  the  Homans,  and  thus  an  old  hatred 
stimulated  9  the  one,  a  new  anger  the  other,  to  make  joint 
war  upon  the  Homan  people.  But  the  Volsci  could  not  be 
easily  induced  to  take  up  arms,  so  often  tried  10  in  vain. 
Nevertheless  Tullius  finally  succeeded  11  by  deceit  in  making 
them  determine  on  war.13  Tullius  and  Coriolanus  were 
chosen  leaders.  The  greatest  hopes  were  placed  on  Corio¬ 
lanus,  and  he  by  no  means  disappointed  them,  so  that  it 
soon  became  evident  that  the  Homan  power 13  was  stronger 
in  14  its  leaders  than  in  its  army.  He  quickly  captured  several 
towns  which  had  formerly  been  taken  from  the  Volsci  by  the 
Homans.  Then  he  pitched  a  camp  5,000  paces  from  the  city, 
near  the  Cluilian  trenches,  and  sent  a  large  detachment  of 
soldiers  to  lay  waste  the  fields  of  the  plebeians,  but  leave  those 
of  the  fathers  intact 16 ;  either  because  he  was  more  hostile  to 
the  plebs,  or  thereby  18  to  arouse  discord  between  the  fathers 
and  the  people.  The  tribunes  and  the  people  were  so  much 
frightened  17  by  the  anger  of  the  conqueror,  that  they  desired 
anything  rather  than  war.  The  minds  of  all  were  in  sus¬ 
pense  as  to  what  Coriolanus  was  going  to  do ;  they  even 
feared  that  he  would  attack  the  city.  Then  the  people  de¬ 
manded  that  he  should  be  recalled ;  but  the  senate  opposed 
it,  lest  they  might  seem  to  protect  one  who  had  made  war 
upon  his  country. 

No.  93.  1  quam  ut.  2  descendere.  3  See  84,  20.  4^ipse.  6  retinere 
ne.  6  adesse.  1  bostiles  spiritus  gerere.  8  iufestus.  9  stimulare  ut. 
10  tentare.  11  rem  eo  adducere.  12  bellum  geri  placet.  13  res  Romana. 
14  per.  15  integrum  servare.  16  inde.  11  perterrere. 


Section  YIIL 


9h 


94.  Chapter  III. 

Finally  it  was  resolved  1  to  send  deputies  to  Coriolanus  tc 
negotiate  peace.  But  he  gave  them  a  harsh 2  answer.  “  Do 
not  doubt,”  3  said  he,  “  that,  mindful  both  of  the  wrong  of  my 
fellow-citizens  and  the  kindness  of  my  hosts,  I  shall  endeavor4 
to  prove  that  my  spirit 5  has  not  been  broken  but  aroused 
by  exile.”  Thus  he  dismissed  them.  Sent  a  second  time,  the 
deputies  were  not  even  admitted  into  the  camp.  Then  the 
priests,  adorned  with  the  badges  of  their  dignity,  were  sent 
as  suppliants  to  appease 6  the  anger  of  Coriolanus  through  his 
reverence T  for  the  gods.  They  were  admitted,  indeed,  and 
received  with  great  respect 8  by  Coriolanus ;  but  they  suc¬ 
ceeded  9  as  little  as 10  the  deputies  in  bending  the  mind  of  the 
angry  youth.  Finally  Veturia,  the  mother  of  Coriolanus, 
with  his  wife  Volumnia  and  his  children  with  other  matrons,, 
went  to  the  camp  of  the  Volsci  to  free  their  country  from 
the  greatest  danger.  When  Coriolanus  heard  that  his  mother 
was  there  he  hastened  11  almost  senseless  to  embrace12  her. 
But  the  woman,  turning  {Perf.  Pass .  Part.)  from  prayer  to 
anger,  said  :  ‘‘Before  I  accept  your  embrace,  let 13  me  know 
whether  I  have  come  to  a  son  or  to  an  enemy,  whether  I  shall 
be  in  your  camp  as  a  captive  or  as  a  mother.  For  this,  then, 
a  long  life  has  preserved  me,  to  behold  you  first  as  an  exile, 
then  as  an  enemy  ?  Could  you  lay  waste  this  country,  which 
gave  you  birth  and  nourished  you  ?  Did  it  not  come  into 
your  mind  when  Borne  wTas  before  your  eyes :  Within  those 
walls  I  have  14  my  house,  mother,  wife,  and  children  ?  I  ought, 
then,  to  have  had  15  no  son,  that  Rome  might  not  be  besieged, 
and  I  might  die  in  my  free  native  country  ?  ”  Thereupon 
his  wife  and  children  embraced  him  suppliantly  ;  and  all  who 
were  present  began  to  weep.  This 16  broke  the  man’s  mind. 
“  Mother,”  said  he,  “  you  have  saved  Rome,  but  you  have  lost 
your  son.”  Then  he  dismissed  his  family,17  and  led  the  army 
of  the  Volsci  from  the  city.  To  his  birth  place  he  never  re¬ 
turned  ;  and  it  is  uncertain  where  and  how  long  he  lived,18 
and  in  what  manner  he  died.18 


100 


Part  I. 


No.  94.  1  placet,  visum  est.  2  atrox.  3  8.  Gr.  §265. —  Y  Gr.  §203. 
4annitiut.  5  animus,  Plur.  6  placare.  7  verecundia.  8observantia  {“to 
receive,”  excipere).  9  iis  contigit  ut  (=  “  they  succ.  in”  etc.),  or  as  above 
92,6.  10  See  84,  9.  11  advolare.  12  complecti.  13fac.  See  8.  Gr.  §  265. 

2.—  Y.  Gr  §202.  3.  14  8.  Gr.  §207.— Y.  Gr.  §162.  15  8.  Gr.  §247.  II. 
2. —  Y.  Gr.  §187.  2.  16  ea  res.  17  Plur.  of  suus.  18  Subjunct.  S.  Gr. 

§263.—  Y.  Gr.  §  117  end. 

95.  On  the  Barbarous  Custom  of  Human  Sacrifices.1 

The  ancient  nations  felt  that  by  sin  and  crime  (Plur.)  man 
forfeits  his  life.8  If,  therefore,  they  feared  the  anger  of  the 
gods  they  sacrificed  individuals  to  them  instead  of 3  the  whole 
nation  to  avert  the  punishment.  Sophocles  introduces  one 
saying  to  Oedipus,  that  one  guiltless  man  is  able  to  expiate 
the  crimes  of  a  thousand,  if  he  do  it  willingly.4  After  the 
Messenians  had  sustained  a  heavy  disaster  in  the  first  Mes- 
senian  war,  the  Delphian  god  declared  that  they  would  not 
find  safety  unless  a  spotless 5  maiden  of  royal  descent  were 
sacrificed.  As  soon  as  this  news  had  arrived,  Aristodemus 
presented  his  daughter,6  and  when  her  bridegroom  protested 
he  killed  her  by  force.  At  first  nobody  was  willing  to  recog¬ 
nize  the  validity  of  this  sacrifice,7  as  the  girl  had  been  killed 
by  force ;  finally,  however,  they  desisted  from  demanding  a 
second  one.  The  Taurians  were  accustomed  to  sacrifice  to 
Diana  all  foreigners  who,  in  their  travels  or  on  account  of 
storms,  had  landed  8  on  their  coast.  When  at  Athens  in  the 
year  612,  Cylon  tried  to  become  tyrant,  the  archon  Megacles, 
of  the  family  of  the  Alcmaeonids,9  expelled  him,  and  ordered 
his  partisans,  who  had  fled  to  the  altars  of  the  Eumenids,  to 
be  murdered,  thus  disregarding  the  place  of  refuge.10  When 
for  the  expiation  of  this  slaughter  Epimenides,  a  soothsayer 11 
from  Crete,  was  called  to  Athens,  he  declared  that  he  needed 
human  blood,  and  the  Athenian  youth  Cratinus  gave  himself 
up  as  a  voluntary  sacrifice,12  and  with  his  blood  the  expiation 
was  accomplished.  At  Athens  later  on  every  year  a  poor 
man  and  a  helpless  woman  were  nourished  at  public  expense 
and  killed  for  the  expiation  of  the  whole  people  on  an 
appointed  festival  of  Apollo  and  Diana.  Laden 13  with  figs 


Section  YIII. 


101 


and  scourged  with  branches  of  a  fig  tree,14  they  were  led  out 
of  the  city  in  a  solemn  manner,  and  either  thrown  down  from 
a  rock  or  burned.  At  Massilia  it  was  customary,  as  soon  as 
the  pestilence  had  visited  the  city,16  to  lead  a  poor  man  who 
had  been  maintained  at  public  expense,  adorned  with  garlands 
and  splendid  garments,  through  the  city,  and  having  called 
down  upon  his  head  all  the  evils 18  of  the  inhabitants,  to  throw 
him  down  from  a  rock. 

No.  95.  1  immolare.  S.  Gr.  §285.  2 — Y.  Gr.  §220.  2  capitis  poenam 
commerere.  3  pro.  4  animo  libenti.  5  incontaminatus.  6  victimara  prae- 
bere.  7  justum  agnoscere  aliquid,  ratum  habere.  8  appelli  ad.  9  stirpis 
Alcmaeonis,  or  ortus  a  stirpe  Alcmaeonis.  10 asylum  (==  “a  place  of 
ref.”).  Abl.  absol.  11  vates.  112  See  6.  13  tectus,  ouustus.  14  virga  ficulnea. 
16incidere  in  urbem.  16  capiti  alicujus  omnia  mala  precari. 


96.  Chapter  II. 

In  the  island  of  Khodes  a  man  was  sacrificed  every  year 
on  an  appointed  day  ;  later  on,  however,  a  criminal,  who 
had  been  condemned  to  death,  wras  preserved  for 1  that  festi¬ 
val,  wine  was  given  to  him  to  drink,  and  then  he  was 
strangled.  In  the  island  of  Leucas,  too,  in  Cyprus,  at 
Laodicea  in  Syria,  men  were  killed  every  year  to  propitiate 
the  gods.  In  Arcadia  men  were  sacrificed  to  the  Lycaean 
Jupiter  from  the  earliest  times  down  to  those  of  the  Roman 
emperors.  Hardly  an  island  or  important  city  of  Greece  is 
found  in  which  men  were  not  murdered  for  the  glorification 
or  propitiation  of  the  gods.  Achilles  offered  up2  Trojan 
youths  to  the  shade  of  Patroclus ;  Neoptolemus,  his  son, 
after  the  taking  of  Troy,  sacrificed  the  daughter  of  Priamus 
to  the  shade  of  his  father.  Before  the  battle  of  Salamis 
Themistocles  sacrificed  three  captured  Persians,  according  to 
an  old  Greek  custom  which  the  Greeks  had  always  observed 
before  a  battle.  Howrever  others  say,  they  were  sacrificed 
against  the  will  of  Themistocles.  When  the  illustrious 
general  Philopoemen,  who  died  in  the  same  year  as 3  Scipio, 
Hannibal,  and  Plautus,  was  solemnly  buried,  captive  Messe* 
nians  were  sacrificed.  In  the  year  355  B.  C.  the  inhabitants 


102 


Part  I. 


of  Tarquinii  in  Etruria  sacrificed  307  captive  Roman  soldiers, 
an  atrocity  by  which 4  the  disgrace  of  the  defeat  was  rendered 
still  greater  for  the  Romans.  At  Rome,  as  often  as  a  great 
and  universal  calamity  was  threatening,  a  male  and  a  female 
Gaul,  a  male  and  a  female  Greek,  or  two  of  other  nations, 
with  which  they  had  just  to  do  5  were  buried  alive  in  the 
cattle  market,8  and  this  happened  even  at  the  time  of  the 
elder  Pliny,  though  in  the  year  97  B.  C.  a  decision  of  the 
Senate  had  been  issued  that  no  one  should  be  sacrificed. 
Still  in  the  year  46  B.  C.,  the  dictator,  J.  Caesar,  ordered 
two  men  to  be  sacrificed  by  the  high  priests  and  the  priest 
of  Mars  in  the  campus  Martius  with  the  usual  solemnities. 

No.  96.  1  in,  with  Acc.  2  devovere.  3  8.  Gr.  §  238.  2.  a. —  T.  Gr. 
§  115.  8.  4  8.  Gr.  §  238.  5. — 7.  Gr.  §  152.  1.  6est  mihi  negotium  te¬ 
cum  (-=*  “  1  have  to  do  with  you  ”).  6  Forum  boarium. 

97.  Chapter  III. 

After  Octavian  had  conquered  L.  Antonius,  the  brother  of 
the  triumvir  Antonius,  and  taken  Perusia,  he  ordered  300 
decurions  and  knights  to  be  beheaded  1  at  the  altar  of  the 
deified  J.  Caesar  for  the  propitiation  2  of  his  shade,  on  the 
15th  of  March  41  B.  C.  Sextus  Pompey  ordered  not  only 
horses,  but  also  men  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea  in  honor  of 
Neptune.  To  Jupiter  Latiaris  on  Mount  Albanus  human 
blood  is  said  to  have  been  sacrificed  until  the  third  century  after 
Christ.  The  emperor  Aemilianus  promised,  about  the  year 
270  after  Christ,  to  send  captives  to  the  senate,  of  whatever 
nation  they  wished,  if  they  were  willing  to  sacrifice  some. 
Under  the  emperor  Yalerian  innocent  children  were  killed  to 
foretell  the  future  from  their  entrails.  With  his  own  hand 
Commodus  sacrificed 3  a  man  to  Mithras,  a  Persian  deitv. 
In  a  terrible  manner  men  were  murdered  4  for  the  reconcilia¬ 
tion  of  the  gods  by  the  Canaanites,  Phoenicians,  and  Cartha¬ 
ginians.  In  the  third  chapter  of  the  fourth  book  of  Kings 
we  read  6  that  the  king  of  the  Moabites,  when  he  was  pressed 
by  a  hostile  army,  offered  3  his  eldest  son,  the  successor  to 
the  throne,8  to  the  gods  on  the  wall  before  the  eyes 7  of  the 


Section  VIIL 


103 


enemy  an  atrocity,  which 8  shocked  them  so  much  that  they 
withdrew.  In  the  17th  chapter  of  the  same  book  it  is 
written  of  other  kings  that  they  burned  their  sons  to  the 
idols.9  It  was  even  necessary  to  forbid  the  Jews  through 
Moses  to  offer  up  such  sacrifices,10  yet  Achaz  and  Manasses 
seem  to  have  committed  these  atrocities.  Who  does  not 
know,  that  when  war,  or  drought,  or  famine,  or  pestilence 
threatened  them,  the  Phoenicians  sacrificed  the  most  be¬ 
loved 11  child  to  propitiate  Baal?  At  Carthage  there  was  a 
brazen  statue  of  the  god,  with  hands  stretched  out  and  bent 
towards  the  earth.  This  was  made  red-hot  by  fire,  the 
children  were  laid  on  its  arms,  and  their  convulsions  13  were 
called  smiles.  The  childless  bought 18  children  from  the 
poor.  “  The  mother,”  says  Plutarch,  “  stands  by  without 
shedding  a  tear  or  uttering  a  sigh.  If  a  tear  is  seen  or  a  sigh 
heard,  she  loses  14  the  money,  and  nevertheless  the  child  is 
burned.”  A  noise  was  made 15  around  the  statue  by  all, 
kettle-drums  were  beaten,  flutes  were  played,  the  clamor  and 
wailing  (. Plur .)  of  the  unfortunate  boys  and  girls  were 
drowned. 


No.  97.  1  securi  ferire,  securi  percutere,  also  caput  alicui  amputare- 
2  S.  Gr.  §288.  1. — Y.  Gr.  §  223.  3  mactare.  4  caedere.  5  scriptum  est, 

scriptum  videmus  in.  6  heres  regni.  1  in  conspectu.  8  See  96,  4.  9deus 
falsus,  deus  commenticius.  10  sacra  facere.  11  carus.  12  motus  vehe- 
mentissimus.  13emere  ab,  or  de  aliquo  (“from  ”).  14  privari.  16  In  this 
sentence  the  Historical  Infinit.  may  be  used.  8.  Gr.  §  242.  2. —  Y.  Gr. 
§  204.  3. 


98.  Chapter  IV. 

When  Agathocles,  the  son  of  a  poor  potter,  who  had  made 
himself  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  had  advanced  with  his  army  up 
to  the  walls  of  Carthage,  the  besieged  sacrificed  200  boys  of 
the  noblest  families  to  ward  off  the  enemy,  and  300  others, 
who  surrendered  themselves  of  their  own  accord.  After 
defeating  Agathocles  the  handsomest  of  the  captives  were 
slaughtered  to  thank 1  the  gods.  After  Gelo  had  routed  the 
Carthaginians  near  Himera  in  the  year  480,  he  ordained 
among  the  conditions  of  peace 3  that  children  should  no 


104 


Part  I. 


more 3  be  sacrificed  to  their  gods ;  but  they  did  not  stand  by 
their  contract.  “  Children  were  publicly  sacrificed  to  Saturn 
in  Africa,”  says  Tertullian,  “  until  Tiberius  became  proconsul, 
who  ordered  the  priests  of  that  god  to  be  crucified  on  the 
very  trees  which  shaded  the  temples  of  their  atrocities.  But 
even  now  this  disgrace  continues  secretly.”  Whilst  Tyre  was 
besieged  by  Alexander  the  Great,  Carthaginian  ambassadors 
came  to  the  island,  and  “  some  wished,”  says  Curtius,  “  that 
a  noble  boy  should  be  sacrificed  to  Saturn,  and  as  this  sacri¬ 
fice  had  been  handed  down  to  them  from  their  forefathers, 
the  Carthaginians  are  said  to  have  kept  it  up  until  the 
destruction  of  the  city.  If  the  parents  had  made  no  opposi¬ 
tion,  this  horrible  superstition  would  have  overcome  human 
feeling.”  Cicero  highly  abhors  such  sacrifices,  and  is  of  the 
opinion  that  Indutiomarus  of  Gaul  deserves  no  credit  as  a 
witness,  since  the  inhuman  custom  of  sacrificing  men  existed 
amongst  the  Gauls  until  those  times.  Every  year  in  the  dog- 
days  some  red-haired  persons  were  burned  alive 4  in  a  certain 
city  of  Egypt  and  their  ashes  scattered  in  the  air  with  win¬ 
nowing  fans 5 ;  the  kings  sacrificed  red-haired  persons  at  the 
tomb  of  Osiris.  To  expiate  themselves,  the  Ethiopians  put, 
in  every  600th  year,  two  men,  usually  foreigners,  into  a  small 
vessel,  gave  them  victuals  for  *  two  months,  and  made  them 
sail  to 7  the  South,  where  they  were  to  land  8  on  a  happy 
island. 

No.  98.  1  gratiam  referre.  2  pads  conditionibus  sancire,  ne.  3  jam. 
4  vivum  comburere,  exurere.  6  ventilabrum.  6  in,  with  Ace.  1  ad,  ver¬ 
sus.  8  See  95,  8. 


99.  Chapter  V. 

When,  on  his  expedition  against  Greece,  Xerxes  had  come 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Strymon,  he  ordered  nine  boys 
and  girls  from  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  to  be  buried 
alive.1  “  To  bury  men  alive  is  a  Persian  custom,”  says 
Herodotus,  “  and  of  Amestris,  the  wife  of  Xerxes,  it  was 
related  to  me,  that  in  her  old  age  she  had  ordered  fourteen 
children  of  the  noblest  Persians  to  be  buried  alive  for  the 


Section  YIII. 


105 


propitiation  of  the  infernal  god.”  The  Arabs  sometimes 
slaughtered  2  a  warrior  to  Mars,  and  every  Thursday  a  suck¬ 
ling  to  Jupiter.  Caesar  relates  that  the  Gauls,  when3  seri¬ 
ously  sick,  or  in  battles  and  dangers^  slaughtered  men  as  sin- 
offerings,4  or  vowed  that  it  was  their  intention  to  slaughter 
them,  and  for  these  sacrifices  they  employed 5  the  Druids. 
They  believed  that  the  immortal  gods  would  not  be  recon¬ 
ciled  unless  for  the  life  of  one  man  that  of  another  were 
given  up.  Many  were  bought  as  sin-offerings,  nourished 
for  a  whole  year  at  public  expense,  and  after  they  had  been 
solemnly  conducted  through  the  city  on  a  fixed  festive  day, 
killed  outside  of  it.  They  were  nailed  to  a  cross,  pierced 
with  arrows,  or  finally  killed  by  blows  of  stones.  Strabo 
says  in  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  fourth  book  that  the 
Romans  had  forbidden  the  Gauls  human  sacrifices.  Until 
they  became  Christians  the  Scythians,  the  Getae,  the  Thra¬ 
cians,  Britons,  Russians,  Swedes,  and  Danes  had  also  the 
custom  of  sacrificing  human  beings.  Among  the  Mexicans, 
as  long  as  they  worshipped  gods,  every  year  at  least  20,000 
men  were  sacrificed,  or,  as  others  say,6  every  year  more 
than  20,000  children  besides  the  adults.  Whoever  consid¬ 
ers  7  all  this  will  understand  that  we  cannot  thank  God  suf¬ 
ficiently  for  having  led  us  to  the  Christian  religion.  But 
the  greatest  thanks  we  will  continually  give  to  Him  who, 
free 8  from  all  sin,  has  been  offered  up  for  the  expiation  of 
our  sins,  and  has  acquired  eternal  salvation  for  us.  Even  if 
we  gave  up  all  things,  we  would  never  be  able  to  give  satis¬ 
faction  to  God  ;  for  even  if  we  did  all  we  are  bound 9  to  do, 
we  would  still  be  like  useless  servants  before  God. 

No.  99.  1  vivum  obruere,  vivum  defod ere.  2  ^97,3.  3  S.  Or.  §  262. 
1. —  T.  Or.  §201.  V.  4  homines  piacula  caedere.  5adhibere  ad  (“/cr”) 
6velle.  7 II.  Fut.  8expers.  9  Imperf.  Subj. 


106 


Past  I. 


SECTION  IX. 

Us©  of  the  Indicative. 

(S.  Gr.  §  247.— Y.  Gr.  §  187.) 

100.  Fortune  is  unjustly  Accused  by  Many  People. 

Very  many  people  are  not  content  with  their  lot;  it  would, 
however,  not  be  difficult,  but  very  easy  to  prove  that  their 
complaints 1  are  mostly  unjust.  If  fortune  has  not  granted 
you  to3  be  born  of  a  noble  family,3  you  should  convince 
yourself  that  your  dignity  consists4  in  nobility6  of  heart 
and  deeds,  not  in  that  of  family.  I  could  bring  forward  many 
instances,  from  which  it  is  seen  that  those  born  in  a  low 
state  6  have,  by  their  virtue,  often  attained  to  the  highest 
dignity  and  glory.  It  would  be  better  to  imitate  such  men, 
than  to  envy  those  whom  nature  seems  to  have  more  favored. 
Many  accuse  fortune,  because  they  are  poor,  whilst 7  others 
possess  great  riches  either  by  inheritance  or  by  some  acci¬ 
dent.  But  it  would  be  both  more  useful  and  more  honor¬ 
able  for  them  to  acquire  riches  by  diligence  and  labor  than 
to  complain  8  of  the  injustice 9  of  fortune.  And,  assuredly, 
true  happiness  does  not  consist  in  riches.  Or 19  should  we 
believe  that  the  poorest  men,  Cincinnatus,  Fabricius,  Den- 
tatus,  and  many  others  whom  it  would  take  too  long  to 
enumerate,  were  unhappy?  We  should  rather  think,11  that 
true  honor  and  true  happiness  can  be  acquired  only  by  vir¬ 
tue,  not  by  the  favor  of  fortune. 

No.  100.  Querela.  *  by  a  clause  with  ut.  3  genus.  4positum  esse. 
6  magnitudo.  6  locus.  7  quum.  8  queri  de.  9  by  invidia.  10  an. 
11  statuere. 


101.  Cajus  Duilius. 

During  the  first  Punic  war  it  was  already  understood  that 
the  Romans  were  superior  to  the  Carthaginians  in  all  achieve¬ 
ments  1  of  peace  and  war.  Whatever  they  undertook,  in  all 
they  showed  *  an  admirable  prudence  and  care.  They  were 


Section  IX. 


107 


most  powerful 3  on  land,  the  Carthaginians  at  sea.  But  as 
soon  as  the  Romans  had  learned  that  they  could  not  be  vic¬ 
torious  in  this  war  without  a  navy 4  they  began  with  the 
greatest  zeal  to  build  ships.  And  although  they  had  for¬ 
merly  been  quite  inexperienced  in  naval  affairs,5  yet  in  a 
short  time  they  made  so  great  progress  that  they  ventured 
to  enter  upon  an  engagement  with  the  fleet  of  the  Carthagin¬ 
ians.  At  Mylae,  near  the  coast  of  Sicily,  they  met 6  the  ene¬ 
my.  There  happened  what  no  one  would  have  believed. 
Duilius  gained  7  a  most  brilliant  victory  :  be  it  that  this  hap¬ 
pened  by  the  carelessness  of  the  Carthaginians,  who  despised 
the  Romans  at  sea ;  be  it  that  the  ingenuity 8  of  Duilius  and 
the  bravery  of  the  Romans  frightened  them  and  threw  them 
into  confusion.9  For  Duilius  had  discovered  a  new  method 
of  fighting,  which  may  be  well  worthy  of  a  more  accurate 
description.  The  men-of-war10  of  the  ancients  were  pro¬ 
vided  with  solid  and  sharp  beaks,  with  which  they  tried  to 
pierce  through  11  the  sides  of  the  hostile  ships  and  to  sink 
them  into  the  sea.  In  this  art  the  Romans  were  far  sur¬ 
passed  by  the  Carthaginians,  and  for  this  reason,  too,  the 
superiority  at  sea  had  for  a  long  time  been  with  the  Car¬ 
thaginians. 

No.  101.  Jvirtus.  2praestare,  or  by  esse  with  Abl.,  S.  Or.  §225. — 
T.  Or.  §  123.  3  valere,  pollere  (=  “  to  be  powerful  ”).  4  copiae  navales. 

8  res  navalis,  res  maritima.  6  congredi  cum.  1  potiri.  8  sollertia. 
9perturbare  (==  “  to  throw  into  coif.”).  10 here  only  navis  (else  navis 
longa,  or  rostrata).  11  confodere. 


102.  Chapter  II. 

Duilius,  therefore,  invented  the  grappling-irons,1  which  we 
could  call  iron  hands,  with  wrhich  he  took  hold  of 3  a  near 
hostile  vessel  and  drew  3  it  close  to  his  own.  Then  the  Ro¬ 
man  soldiers  boarded 4  it  in  whatever  way  they  could,  and 
thus  5  engaged  with  the  enemy  as 8  on  land.  By  this  inven¬ 
tion  7  of  Duilius,  then,  the  Carthaginians  were  thrown  into 
confusion  and  completely  defeated  at  Mylae  in  the  year  260 
B.  C.  Thirty  ships  of  the  enemy  were  taken  ;  the  rest  were 


108 


Part  I. 


partly  sunk,  partly  escaped.  It  would  be  difficult  to  say  with 
how  great  a  joy  the  Romans  were  seized 8  at  this  victory. 
No  one  would  have  believed  that  a  Roman  fleet  would  be 
able  to  enter  upon  an  engagement  with  the  ships  of  the  Car¬ 
thaginians,  much  less  would  a  victory  have  been  expected. 
And  yet  the  victory  had  been  gained.9  When  the  news 
reached  Rome  the  minds  of  all  were  seized  with  the  greatest 
joy.  Whosoever  was  able  hastened  to  meet 10  the  triumph¬ 
ant  Duilius ;  they  would  almost  have  deified  11  him.  A  col¬ 
umn  was  erected  in  the  forum  for  the  celebration 13  of  this 
victory  and  it  was  adorned  with  the  beaks  of  the  captured 
vessels.  This  is  the  celebrated  columna  rostrata,  the  marble 
base  of  which  was  discovered  in  the  year  1565  after  Christ, 
and  is  at  present  preserved  at  Rome.  Though  of  the  inscrip¬ 
tion  by  which  the  victory  of  Duilius  is  glorified  only  a  part 
is  left,- yet  learned  men13  have  tried14  almost  entirely  to  re¬ 
store  it.  One  could,  of  course,15  doubt  whether  all  the  par¬ 
ticulars  have  been  correctly  restored  ;  but  however  one  may 
judge  of  this  matter,  he  should  with  a  grateful  heart  ac¬ 
knowledge  the  sagacity  1G  of  the  learned  men. 

No.  102.  ’harpago.  2prehendere.  3adducere,  attrahere.  4inva- 
dere.  5itaque.  6tanquam.  7inventum.  8  by  afficere,  8.  Gr.  §229.— 
Y.  Or.  §178.  2.  9parere.  10  obviam  properare.  11  deum  facere,  in  coe- 
lum  tollere.  12celebrare,  8.  Or.  §  288.  1. — Y.  Gr.  §228.  13docti, 
with  or  without  viri  ( or  homines).  See  8.  Gr.  §  237.  4.  2.  14  studere,  con- 
ari.  15  quidem,  sane.  16  acumen  (ingenii),  acies  ingenii. 


103.  One’s  Fatherland  is,  wherever  it  is  Good.1 

When  Teucer  was  expelled  from  Salamis  by  his  father, 
he  is  said  to  have  cheered  up 2  the  hearts  of  his  friends  with 
the  following  (hie)  words :  “  Let 3  us  go,  comrades  and  com¬ 
panions  ;  withersoever  fortune  may  take  us,  it  will  be  kinder 
than  a  father.  Apollo  himself  has  promised  us  new  abodes, 
which,  whether  they  be  near  Greece,  or  separated  from  it  by 
the  vast4  sea,  will  become  to  us  a  second  fatherland.  For 
our  fatherland  is,  wherever  it  is  good.”  This  saying  of 
Teucer,  though  it  seems  to  have  come 6  from  a  great  mind, 


Section  IX. 


109 


has,  nevertheless,  justly  been  censured  by  many.  For  who¬ 
ever  is  of  such  a  disposition 6  as  to  measure  the  love  of  his 
country  by  his  own  advantage  7  will  never  be  a  good  citizen. 
How  much  better  does  Ulysses  please  us,  who  refused8 
whatever  Calypso  could  offer  him  in  order  that  he  might 
stay  with  her,  and  preferred  even  his  own  rocky  9  country  to 
immortality  itself !  How  much  better  does  Fabricius  please 
us,  who,  however  great  the  amount10  of  gold  was  offered 
him  by  Pyrrhus,  could  not  be  prevailed  upon 11  to  betray  his 
country !  How  much  better  those  Decii,  who  sacrificed 12 
for  their  country  whatever  was  dear  to  them,  even  their 
lives !  It  would  take  too  long  to  enumerate  all  those  who 
have,  in  the  same  manner,  given  up  13  their  friends,  their 
pleasures,  their  riches,  even  their  lives  and  all  those  whom 
they  loved,  for  the  welfare  of  their  country.  Whether,  then, 
all  their  deeds  were  approved 14  or  disapproved,15  we  must 
always  highly  esteem  their  love  of  country.  In  this  matter 
their  example  is  worthy  of  imitation,18  and  whether  our 
country  flourish,  or  be  oppressed  17  with  sufferings,  we  ought 
always  to  endeavor 15  to  strengthen 19  it  when  flourishing,  and 
to  free  our  struggling 20  home  from  its  sufferings,  in  whatever 
manner  it  can  be  done. 

No.  103.  1  bene  est.  2  erigere.  3  Future.  4  ingens.  5  proficisci. 
6  mens,  animus.  7  commodum,  commoditas.  8  rejicere,  contemnere. 
neglegere.  9saxosus.  10  vis.  11  persuadere.  19  profundere.  13  jacturam 
facere  alicujus  rei.  14probare.  15improbare.  16aemulatio.  17  urgere. 
18studere.  19firmare,  augere,  amplificare.  20  laborare. 


104.  A  Father  to  his  Son. 

Hot  by  the  letters  of  your  friends  ought  I  to  have  been 
informed,1  that  you  wish  to  exchange2  that  school  for 
another.  Would  it  not  have  been  more  correct  to  communi¬ 
cate  8  such  an  important 4  matter  to  your  father  rather  than 
to  another?  For  be  it  that  you  justly  desire  to  leave,5  be 
it  that  some  youthful  levity  prompts  you,8  it  would  always 
have  been  your  duty  7  first  to  ascertain  my  opinion.8  But 
what  are  the  reasons  of  your  determination?9  Much  too 


110 


Past  I 


severe,  as  you  think,  is  the  discipline  of  your  teachers ;  you 
are  kept 10  all  day  to  studies,  so  that  you  are  scarcely  able  to 
enjoy  any  pleasure.  But  you  should  consider,  not  what  your 
caprice,11  but  what  your  reason  advises  you.  Reason,  how¬ 
ever,  advises  you  to  stay  with  those  with  whom  you  can  be¬ 
come  better  and  more  learned ;  and  where 13  could  this  be 
done  more  surely  than  with  those  who  at  present  direct 13 
your  studies  ?  Therefore,  either  you  should  not  have  gone 
there  at  all,  or  you  should  prove  yourself  such  as 14  to  com¬ 
mend  yourself 15  to  your  teachers,  and  to  be  able,  after  having 
finished16  your  studies  well,  to  return  home  honorably. 
Consider  this,  and  willingly,  as  you  have  always  done,  obey 
your  father.  I  had  almost  forgotten  to  add  17  the  respects  of 
your  mother,  who  loves  you  tenderly.  May  God  protect 
you !  Farewell ! 

No.  104.  1  certiorem  facere.  2  commutare.  3  communicare,  8.  Or. 
§  203.  Note.  3. —  7.  Or.  %  135.  1  end.  4  gravis.  5inde  abire.  6  subesse 
(=  “to  be  at  the  bottom”).  7  oportet  (=  “it  is  the  duty”).  8  sententia. 
9  consilium.  10  continere.  11  libido.  12  ubi  tandem.  13  regere,  moderari. 
14  se  praestare  talem,  ut.  15  se  commendare.  16peragere,  absolvere. 
Abl.  absol.  17  adscribere. 


105.  On  the  Advantage  of  a  Good  Memory. 

When  a  friend  complained  to  Antisthenes,  a  pupil  of 
Socrates  and  the  founder  of  the  Cynic  school,  that  he  had 
lost  his  diaries,  he  answered  :  “  You  should  have  written 1 
things  in  your  memory,  not  on  paper.”  To  many  of  us,  too, 
it  could  be  said:  “You  ought  to  exercise  your  memory 
more,  and  not  trust  too  much  to  writing.”  How  great,  in¬ 
deed,  was  the  power  of  memory  with  many  men  of  antiquity  ! 
Though  Themistocles  discharged  the  most  important  state 
affairs,  yet  he  knew  the  names  of  all  his  fellow-citizens.  Of 
Cyrus  it  is  said,  that  he  had  learned  by  heart 3  the  names  of 
all  his  soldiers.  Thus  he  was  able  to  salute  each  one  that  he 
met  by  name.  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  is  said  to  have 
spoken  the  languages 8  of  the  22  peoples  which  were  within 
his  kingdom.  “We  know  as  much  as  we  keep  in  our 


Section  IX. 


Ill 


memory,”  4  is  a  well-known  and  true  saying.  Whatsoever 
you  may  have  known,  it  is  of  little  use  if  you  have  forgotten 
it.  Important  passages 5  of  Holy  Scripture  ought  especially 
to  be  committed  to  memory 8  in  order  to  remember  them  at 
the  proper  time,  and  to  be  impelled  by  them  to  virtue  and 
piety.  Flavius  Josephus  relates  that  the  Jewish  boys  wrote 7 
the  law  in  their  souls,  and  kept  it  in  their  memory,  so  that  it 
could  never  be  blotted  out.8  “  Whosoever  among  us  may  be 
asked  about  the  law,”  he  says,  “  can  more  easily  tell  it  than  his 
name,  for  we  have  learned  it  by  heart  from  the  first  years, 
and,  as  it  were,  imprinted  9  it  upon  our  souls.”  And  Moses 
says,  by  the  order  of  God  10 :  “  Inculcate  the  law  upon  your 
sons  and  speak  to  them  about  it,  whether  you  are  at  home 
or  make  a  journey,  whether  you  go  to  bed  or  rise.” 

No.  105.  1  inscribere,  with  Dat,  or  in  and  Abl.  2ediscere,  memoriae 
mandare.  3loqui  linguis  (notf  linguas).  4  memoria  tenere.  5  graves  loci. 
6  See  2.  7  See  1.  8  abolere,  exstinguere,  delere.  9  insculpere  in,  with  Abl. 
10  auctoritate  divina. 


106.  Chapter  II. 

Christian  doctors  also  admonish  1  us  diligently  to  consider, 
to  ponder,  to  keep,  and  to  follow  the  teachings  of  Holy 
Scripture,  and  whether  we  look  back  on  the  first  Christian 
centuries  or  recall  the  Middle  Ages,2  or  view 3  the  times  that 
followed  them,  everywhere  we  observe  that  the  sacred  books 
were  highly  esteemed  and  much  perused.  “What  else  is 
Holy  Scripture,”  says  Pope 4  Gregory  the  Great,  “than  a  letter 
of  Almighty  God  sent  to  His  creatures  ? &  If  you  were  stay¬ 
ing  far  away  from  the  residence  of  the  emperor  and  received 
a  letter  from  him,  you  would  not  rest  until  you  had  learned 
what  he  had  written  to  you.  The  King  of  heaven,  the  Lord 
of  men  and  angels,  has  sent  you  a  letter  which  is  to  lead  you 
to  eternal  life ;  you  should,  therefore,  not  neglect  eagerly  to 
read  this  letter.”  St.  Gertrude  was  the  daughter  of  Pepin 
of  Landen,8  a  man  of  great  prudence  and  energy,  and  a  lover 
of  justice,  who  patronized  and  promoted  agriculture,  busi¬ 
ness,  and  trade,  and  caused  the  laws  to  be  collected.7  She 
applied  herself  with  such  zeal  to  the  Bible,8  that  she  was  able 


112 


Past  I. 


to  explain  the  most  difficult  passages  to  those  who  asked. 
Two  nuns,9  Gisla  and  Bectruda,  asked  Alcuin  to  send  them 
a  commentary  on  the  Gospel 10  of  St.  John,  from  which  we 
see  that  they  were  desirous  of  understanding  Holy  Scripture, 
and  believed  that  this  could  not  be  done  without  an  experi¬ 
enced  guide.  Also  the  holy  queen  Mathilde,  the  wife  of 
Henry  I.,  St.  Hildegarde,  who  died  in  the  year  1179,  St. 
Catherine  of  Siena,  who  died  in  the  year  1380,  and  many 
others  whom  I  could  name,  were  full  of  the  knowledge  of 
the  sacred  doctrine  and  the  Bible.  All  writers  of  the  so- 
called  Middle  Ages  abound,  so  to  say,  with  sentences,  expres¬ 
sions,11  and  phrases 19  of  Holy  Scripture.  We  ought  to  imitate 
such  men  and  women,  more  of  whom  have  been  mentioned 
elsewhere. 

No.  106.  1  praecipere.  2aetas  media  {Sing.)  3intueri.  4summus 
pontifex.  5  here  homo  (“  His  ”  is  not  to  be  transl.).  6  Pipinus  Landenius. 
7  corpus  legum  conficere  (=  “  to  collect  laws  ”).  S.  Gr.  §  281.  3. —  Y.  Gr. 
§  219.  3.  8  tanto  studio  ad  explicaudas  sacras  litteras  incumbere.  9  virgo 
deo  singulariter  sacrata,  virgo  cultui  divino  ritu  christiano  sacrata,  also 
monacha.  10  commentarium  evaugelii.  11  vocabulum.  12loquendi 
formula. 


SECTION  X. 

Use  of  the  Subjunctive. 

(S.  Gr.  §248-263.— Y.  Gr.  §188-201,  and  §117-120.) 

107.  Antisthenes  and  his  Pupil  Diogenes. 

Antisthenes  advised  his  scholars  to  apply  themselves 1  with 
zeal  to  wisdom  ;  but  few  obeyed.  Then  he  ( ille )  said  :  u  You 
may  be  lazy,  if  it  so  please  you  ;  but  you  will  be  my  students 
no  longer.”  And  thus  he  dismissed  them  all.  But  neverthe¬ 
less  one  of  them,  Diogenes,  always  returned 2  to  him,  and  was 
unwilling  to  leave 3  him.  “  May  I  be  allowed,”  said  he,  “  to 
listen  to  you  ?  ”  Antisthenes  threatened  him  with  a  stick,4 


Section  X. 


113 


which  he  used  to  carry  5  in  his  hand,  and  once,  indeed,*  struck 
his  head.7  “  You  may  strike  me,”  said  Diogenes,  “as  much 
as  you  wish  fi ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  allow 9  me  to  hear  you.” 
“What  shall  I  do  with  10  this  fellow?”  said  Antisthenes ; 
“  could  I  have  believed  that  any  one  of  my  students  was  so 
desirous  of  learning?  ”  Then  turning 11  towards  Diogenes  he 
said  :  “  For  what  reason  12  could  I  be  angry 13  with  you  ?  Let 
us  be  friends  from  the  present 14  day,  and  you  may  come  to 
me  whenever  it  will  please  you.”  Perhaps  some  one  may 
ask  what  kind  of  man  Antisthenes  was,  and  who  was 
Diogenes  ?  What  shall  I  say  ?  Shall  I  say  that  Antisthenes 
was  a  learned  man  ?  Shall  I  call  him  a  sage  ?  Shall  I 
mention  16  that  he  wrote  many  books  ?  Suppose  we  did  not 
know  anything  else  besides  what  Cicero  relates  of  him,  we 
should  consider  him  at  least  wiser  than  many  other  learned 
men  of  antiquity,  because  he  believed  that  there  is  but  one 
God.  What  shall  I  say  of  Diogenes  ?  Of  him  many  strange 
things  are  related.  He  may  have  been  dissolute  16  and  ex¬ 
travagant  17  when  a  youth ;  he  may  have  ridiculed  many  dis¬ 
tinguished  men,  yet  some  excellent  things  18  have  also  been 
handed  down  to  posterity  19  worthy  of  imitation.20  Let  us, 
then,  to  mention  only  one,  imitate  him  in  the  pursuit  of 
learning  and  wisdom. 

No.  107.  1  operam  dare  alicui  rei,  incumbere  ad.  2ventitare.  3dis- 
cedere.  4  baculum.  6  gestare.  6  re  vera.  7  caput  alicu  jus  percutere. 
8  IP  or  tense,  see  8.  Or.  §  244  —  T.  Gr.  §  184.  1.  9  permittere.  10  either  de 

with  Abl.,  or  Abl.  alone,  or  Bat.  11  convertere  {Part.  Perf.  Pass.).  19  jus. 
13  succensere  alicui.  14  hodiernus,  or  by  hie.  15  commemorare.  36disso- 
lutus.  17  effrenatus.  18  quaedam  praeclara.  19  memoriae  tradere. 
50  aemulatio. 

108.  Whether  all  Promises  are  to  be  Kept.1 

There  has  been  much  dispute 2  among  philosophers  whether 
all  promises  are  to  be  kept  or  not.  Time  would  be  wanting 
if  you  wished  to  examine  all  the  instances  of  which  they  made 
use  in  these  disputations.  But  perhaps  it  is  not  useless  to 
mention  some.  Suppose  some  one  had  given  you  a  very  ex¬ 
cellent  3  remedy  against 4  a  sickness,  but  under  the  condition 


114 


Part  I. 


never  afterwards  to  6  use  the  same  means  again  without  his 
knowledge,8  and  you  had  promised  it.  Now  if  he  were  to  die 
and  you  would  fall  again  into  the  same  sickness,  would  it  be 
lawful  to  violate  7  the  promise,  and  to  use  that  means  ?  Per¬ 
haps  some  one  will  say :  Who  would  hesitate  to  affirm  it  ?  If 
the  other  were  still  living,  and  the  matter  could  be  stated8  to 
him,  it  would  be  a  duty  to  do  so.  But  if  he  were  dead  it 
would  by  no  means  be  against  duty  9  to  take  care  10  of  one’s 
health  and  life.  For  of  what  interest  would  it  be  for  the 
dead  man  whether  he  knew  it  or  not?  One  might  doubt 
whether  those  promises  are  to  be  kept  which  will  bring  mis¬ 
chief 11  to  those  to  whom  they  have  been  made.  To  13  give 
an  instance :  If  a  man  of  sound  mind  (AM.)  had  left  a  sword 
with  you,  and  after  having  become  insane  demanded  it  back,13 
would  you  believe  that  it  must  be  returned,  though  you  had 
promised  it  ?  It  would  be  a  duty  not  to  return  it.  Instances 
are  also  given  from  ancient  fables.  Apollo  had  promised  his 
son  Phaethon  to  do  whatever  he  might  wish.  He  desired 
to  14  be  placed  15  upon  his  father’s  chariot.  Having  been  placed 
there,  he  perished  miserably.  Without  doubt  it  would  have 
been  much  better  if  Apollo  had  not  kept  his  promise.  Nep¬ 
tune  had  allowed  Theseus  three  wishes.16  He  chose  the  death 
of  his  son  Hippolytus,  whom,  according  to  the  calumnies 17 
of  his  step-mother,18  he  regarded  as  godless.  But  soon  after¬ 
wards  the  innocence  of  Hippolytus  became  manifest.19 
Theseus  would  have  been  spared 20  a  great  distress  if  Neptune 
had  refused  21  to  keep  the  promise. 

No.  108.  1  promissa  servare,  praestare,  solvere.  3disputari  a.  3prae- 
stans.  4  ad  versus,  also  ad.  5  ne  —  unquam.  6  ipso  inscio.  7  recedere  a. 

8  indicare,  nuntiare.  9  officium.  10  consulere.  11  pernicies,  damnum. 
12  ut.  13reposcere.  14  optare  ut.  15tollere.  16  optionem  dare  (=  “to 
allow  a  wish”).  17  calumnia,  falsa  criminatio.  18noverca.  19patefieri, 
cognosci.  20  carere.  31  recusare. 

109.  How  Troy  was  Taken  ( Perf .  Subj.)  by  the  Greeks. 

After  a  war  of  ten  years  Troy  was  taken  by  the  Greeks 
through  fraud.  Aeneas,  who  almost  alone  of  the  Trojan 
princes  escaped,  relates,  according  to 1  the  poet  Yirgil,  the 


Section  X. 


115 


fall 9  of  his  native  city  in  this  way  :  By  the  order  of  Minerva 
the  Greeks  constructed  a  wooden  horse  of  such  a  size  that  it 
reached 8  over  the  walls  of  the  city.  In  the  following  night 
the  bravest  leaders  of  the  Greeks  hid  themselves  in  the  belly 4 
of  that  monster.  The  rest  carried  all  their  property  5  to  the 
ships  and  sailed  away,®  that  the  Trojans  might  believe  the 
whole  army  had  returned  to  Greece.  At  daybreak 7  all  of 
us  hurried  out  of  the  city  to  see 8  the  camp  of  the  Greeks, 
from  which  so  many  sufferings  had  come 9  upon  us.  After  a 
long  siege  we  had  at  last  no  more  danger  to  fear  19  from  the 
enemy.  Everything  was  examined  with  curiosity.11  How¬ 
ever,  most  of  us  were  astonished  at  the  sight  of  that  wooden 
horse.  Ho  one  could  understand  12  why  it  had  been  built, 
why  it  was  so  huge,  why  it  had  been  left  behind.  Some 
advised  that  it  should  be  drawn  into  the  city  and  placed  in 
the  citadel ;  others  were  seized 18  with  fear  of  some  hidden 
deceit.  These  advised  the  people  to  throw 14  the  horse  into 
the  sea  or  to  burn  it.  Whilst  the  crowd  thus  exchanged 16 
these  different  opinions,  Laocoon,  the  priest  of  Heptune, 
came  down  from  the  citadel  in  great  haste 16  and  shouted 
with  an  angry  voice :  “  Is  your  madness,  citizens,  so  great 
that  you  do  not  understand  that  the  Greeks  intend 17  some 
deceit  by  this  horse?  Are  you  so  little  acquainted  with  18 
the  Greeks  ?  Either  they  have  hidden  some  armed  men  in 
it,  or  they  have  built  it  so  large  as  to  be  able  the  more  easily 
to  look  over  the  walls  into  the  city.  This  structure 19  must  be 
destroyed  as  quickly  as  possible.”  And  that  his  words 
might  be  of  greater  weight 20  he  drove 21  his  spear  with  all 
his  might 22  into  the  horse’s  side.  At  the  very  same  moment 
a  tumult  and  clamor  of  the  crowd  were  heard — shepherds 
dragged  a  Greek  youth,  whom  they  had  captured  near  the 
coast,  before  the  king.  With  an  anxious  look  and  trem¬ 
bling  23  with  fear  the  captive  exclaimed :  “  Oh,  that 24  the 
earth  might  open26  to  swallow29  me  alive!  Have  I  there¬ 
fore  escaped  the  hands  of  the  Greeks  that  I  might  be  pre¬ 
served27  for  the  more  cruel  torments  of  the  Trojans?” 

No.  109.  1  apud.  2interitus.  3eminere.  4  uterus.  6  suus 


116 


Part  I. 


Plur.).  6  vela  dare,  or  facere;  also  solvere,  or  proflcisci.  7 by  primus 
and  lux;  see  8.  Or.  §237.  3. —  T.  Or.  §137.  5,  a?id§128.  8visere,  in- 
spicere.  9  proflcisci,  prodire.  10  Periphr.  Gonjug.  11  curiose.  12compre- 
hendere,  perspicere.  13occupare,  capere.  u  praecipitare.  16discedere 
in,  with  Acc.  lt5citatus  cursus  (Abl.).  17  machinari.  18adeone  ignoratis. 
19  moles.  20  gravitas,  vis,  also  by  plus  valere.  21  adigere.  23  vires. 
33  contremiscere,  or  trepidus.  34  utinam.  35  discedere,  dehiscere.  36  de- 
vorare.  27  reservare. 

110.  Chapter  II. 

At  this  lament 1  the  tumult  of  the  crowd  ceased  *  at  once. 
They  urged  3  him  to  go  on  to  tell  them  who  he  was,  where 
he  was  born,  what  misfortune  had  befallen  him.4  Priam 
himself  bade  him  speak.  Having  laid  aside  his  fear,  he  said  : 
“  Whatever  may  happen,  king,  I  will  confess  everything  to 
you.  I  do  not  deny  that  I  am  a  Greek  by  birth.  If  fortune 
has  rendered  Sinon  miserable,  yet  it  shall  not  cause5  him  to 
become  a  liar.  With  the  prince  Palamedes  I  went  to  war 
against  Troy.  Ulysses  from  Ithaca  hated  and  persecuted 
him  in  a  hostile  manner,  not  as  if  he  had  done  anything 
wrong,  but  because  he  had  given  the  advice  to  return  to 
Greece.  Finally  that  wretch  brought  it  to  pass 6  that  Pala¬ 
medes  was  condemned  to  death.  From  that  time  my  life 
has  always  been  full  of  sorrow.  Ulysses  feared  that  he 
would  not  be  able  to  escape  my  vengeance7;  and,  to  be 
more  secure  from  danger,  he  determined — but  why  do  I  re¬ 
peat  all  those  sufferings  which  I  have  endured  ?  I  am  a 
Greek,  and  that  will  be  reason  enough  8  for  you  to  put  me  to 
death.  This  news  will  be  agreeable  to  the  man  of  Ithaca. 
The  Atridae  will  rejoice  and  give  you  great  thanks.” 8  All 
of  us  are  moved  with  compassion.  Ho  one  doubts  that  he 
had  related  everything  with  the  greatest  truthfulness.10  The 
whole  crowd  burns  with  the  desire  to  hear 11  the  rest  and  ex¬ 
horts  him  to  fear  nothing.  He  then  with  feigning 12  coun¬ 
tenance  continued  thus :  “  Long  since  13  there  was  no  one  in 
the  army  of  the  Greeks  who  did  not  eagerly  long  for  the 
end  of  the  war.  It  was  feared  that  they  would  not  be  able 
to  sustain  its  boundless  sufferings,  and  the  return  was  longed 


Section  X. 


117 


for.  But  always  did  unfavorable  14  winds  prevent  us  from 
putting  to  sea.16  The  sea  itself  seemed  to  be  angry.  The 
princes  offered  up  sacrifices  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  gods. 
But  in  vain.  Storms 16  continued  with  the  greatest  violence, 
and  no  one  could  look  at  the  sea  without  being  seized  with 
the  fear  of  certain  death.  At  this  juncture 17  legates  were 
sent  to  Delphi  to  consult  Apollo  what  was  to  be  done.  From 
the  god  this  answer  was  brought  back  :  6  You  have  sacrificed 18 
a  Greek  maiden  in  order  to  sail  with  a  favorable  wind  from 
Greece  to  Asia ;  a  Greek  youth  must  be  sacrified  in  order  to 
secure 19  your  return.’  ” 

No.  110.  1  gemitus.  ’  obmutescere,  conticescere.  3  monere. 

4  Transl.  “  by  what  m.  he  had  been  struck  (opprimere).”  5  efficere  ( Fut .) 
lit.  6perficere  (=-  “  to  bring  to  pass”),  or  rem  eo  adducere.  7poenae. 
8  satis,  with  causa,  or  by  sufficere.  9  gratias  agere,  but  gratiam  referre. 
10fides,  veritas,  or  by  Superlat.  ofve rus.  11  8.  Or.  §286. — Y.  Or.  §221. 
land  2.  12  simulatus.  13  jam  dudum.  14adversus,  iniquus.  15  naves 

solvere;  also  vela  dare.  16tempestas.  ,7discrimen.  18mactare,  immo- 
lare.  19  in  tuto  collocare. 


111.  Chapter  III. 

“  There  was  no  one  who  was  not  very  much  frightened  by 
this  oracle.  Each  feared  the  god  might  demand  his  head. 
Then  Ulysses  brought 1  the  seer  Caleb  as  and  besought 2  him 
to  say  whose  death  the  god  demanded.  For  ten  days  the 
cunning  priest  kept 3  himself  locked  up,  not  as  if  he  doubted 
who  must  be  named,  but  that  he  might  find  the  more  credit 
with  the  multitude.  Finally  he  was  led  into  the  assembly 
and  pronounced 4  my  name.  The  enmity  of  Ulysses  had 
prepared  my  death.  I  could  not  prevent  my  being  tied. 
My  head  was  bound  6  with  a  fillet 6 ;  salted  flour  was  strewn 7 ; 
the  victim  8  was  ready.  Then  in  despair  I  tore  the  fetters 
and  escaped  death.  I  hid  myself  in  a  swamp  until  the  army 
had  embarked 9  and  sailed  10  to  Greece.  W retched  me !  I 
shall  never  again  see  11  my  father  and  children,  and  I  cannot 
doubt  that  the  princes  of  the  Greeks  will  cruelly  slaughter 
them  to  revenge  my  flight  by  their  death.”  After  he  had 
said  this  he  was  prevented  by  tears  from  continuing.1 


118 


Part  I. 


There  was  no  one  who  was  not  moved  with  compassion  for 
so  great  sufferings ;  all  shed 13  tears  as  if  they  were  deploring 
the  misfortune  14  of  a  friend.  Priam  at  once  ordered  his  fet¬ 
ters  to  be  loosened.  u  A  Greek,”  he  said,  “  you  have  been  ; 
whatsoever  you  are,  from  this  time  you  shall  be  ours.  But 
now  tell  me,  with  what  intention 15  have  they  erected  this 
horse  ?  why  so  huge  a  one  ?  to  which  god  is  it  dedicated  ?  ”  18 
And  he  lifted  up  his  loosened  hands  to  Heaven,  saying: 
“  Oh,  that  I  had  fallen  a  victim,  in  order  not  to  become  a 
traitor  to  my  country  !  But  thou,  eternal  sun,  who  seest 
everything  and  punishest  perjury,  I  call  upon  thee  as  a  wit¬ 
ness  that  Sinon  has  no  more 17  a  home.  No  tie  prevents  me 
more  from  disclosing  all  the  plans  of  the  Greeks,  if  I  only 
bring  safety  to  those  who  have  saved  me.  Listen,  therefore, 
to  what  happened.  All  the  hope  of  the  Greeks  rested  on 
the  assistance  of  Pallas.  But  since 18  Ulysses  and  Diomedes 
with  wicked 19  hands  robbed  the  Palladium,  the  fatal  image 
of  the  goddess,  from  the  temple  of  your  citadel,  the  goddess 
withdrew 20  and  no  sacrifice  could  effect  her  reconciliation. 
It  was  no  longer  doubtful  to  any  one  that  Troy  could  not  be 
taken  in  this  war. 

No.  111.  1  adducere.  ‘obsecrare.  3tenere,  8.  Gr.  §278.  5. — Y.  Gr. 
§  214.  4.  4  edere.  5  cingere.  6  vitta.  7  molam  salsam  spargere.  8  hos- 
tia.  9  naves,  or  in  naves  conscendere;  also  conscendere  alone.  10profi- 
cisci.  nrevisere.  12loqui  pergere.  13  profundere.  14casum,  calami- 
tatem  deplorare,  deflere.  15  consilium.  16sacer.  17  jam.  18  ex  quo. 
19  scelestus,  sceleratus,  nefarius.  20  se  avertere 

112.  Chapter  IV. 

“  In  this  distress  the  princes  applied  to 1  Calchas,  that  he 
might  say  what  was  to  be  done ;  and  he  divined 3  thus :  4  We 
must  sail  to  Greece  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  to  propitiate 
the  wrath  of  the  goddess  in  our  country  itself.  Then  we  shall 
return  hither  with  good  foreboding,3  and  nothing  will  be 
able  to  prevent  us  from  destroying  the  city  of  the  enemy. 
Although  the  way  is  a  long  one,  yet  the  recompense  will  be 
greater.’  Thus  admonished  by  the  seer  they  sailed,  for  the 


Section  X. 


119 


present  indeed,  back  to  Greece;  but  unawares4  they  will 
return  with  larger  troops,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  they 
will  also  have  the  gods  more  favorable ;  for  this  horse  they 
have  erected  as  sacred  to  Minerva  in  order  to  conciliate 5  the 
goddess  by  it.  And  not  without  reason  is  it  of  so  immense 
a  height.  They  feared  it  might  be  brought 6  into  the  city 
through  the  gates  and  be  a  protection  7  to  the  same  as  form, 
erly  the  Palladium.  But  if  you  would  hurt  Minerva’s  gift 
with  godless  hand,  no  one  doubted  that  a  great  calamity 
would  come  upon 8  you.  Oh,  that  the  gods  may  turn  it 9 
upon  their  own  10  heads.”  Thus  Sinon.  We  trusted  11  his 
words  and  tears,  when  on  a  sudden  another  portent  presented 
itself 12  to  our  eyes.  Before  it  was  determined  upon  what 
was  to  be  done,  Priam  ordered  Laocoon  as  priest  to  offer 
sacrifices  to  the  gods.  When  the  bull  had  been  brought  the 
priest  approached  the  altar  and  with  him  his  two  sons.  Sud¬ 
denly  the  crowd  dispersed.13  Two 14  snakes  of  huge  size  had 
emerged  from  the  sea  and  straightway  rushed  upon  15  the 
priest  and  the  two  boys.  Before  he  was  able  to  come  to  their 
assistance  his  sons  had  been  killed  and  devoured  by  the  two 
monsters.  Then  they  encircled  and  grasped  16  him  with  such 
fury  that  he  raised  17  a  terrible  cry  in  his  pain.  With  the 
greatest  exertion  18  he  tried  to  tear  asunder  the  bonds ;  but  in 
vain.  Among  the  whole  crowd  there  was  not  one  who  dared 
to  come  to  his  assistance ;  so  great  a  fright  had  seized  the 
minds  of  all.  As  if  thunder-struck  all  stood  in  silence  until 
the  priest,  exhausted,19  succumbed,20  and  the  snakes  fled  under 
the  altar  of  Pallas  and  hid  themselves  in  the  earth.  Then  all 
trembled  with  new  astonishment21;  nobody  doubted  that 
Laocoon,  who  with  his  lance  had  struck  the  horse,  sacred  to 
Pallas,  had  been  punished  22  with  death  for  his  crime. 

No  112.  1  adire.  2  vaticinari.  3  omen.  4  improvisus.  8.  Or.  §236. 
I — 7.  Gr.  §137.  1.  6  sibi  reconciliare.  6  vehere,  ducere.  1  praesidium. 
Mmpendere,  imminere,  paratum  esse.  9  by  the  Relative.  10  ipse  {only 
Gen.)  8.  Gr.  §238.  9.  11  fidem  habere,  credere.  12  se  offerre,  ostendere. 
13  diffugere.  14%geminus.  15petere.  16  constringere.  n  edere.  18  vires, 
or  by  intentio.  19  confectus.  20corruere.  21  stupor,  pavor.  82  poenas 
solvere,  or  pendere  alicujus  rei  (=  “  to  be  punished  for”). 


120 


Part  I. 


113.  Chapter  V. 

Immediately  the  whole  crowd  cried  aloud  1  that  the  sacred 
horse  ought  to  be  drawn  into  the  city.  There  was  not  one 
who  did  not  take  part  in 3  the  work ;  machines  and  wheels 
were  placed  under 3  it ;  even  old  men  and  boys  deemed  them¬ 
selves  4  happy  if  they  were  able  to  put 6  their  hands  to  the 
work.  Thus  they  came  to  the  city.  The  gates  were  too  nar¬ 
row  to  let  the  huge  structure  8  pass  through.7  The  wall  was 
laid  open ;  no  difficulty  was  so  great  which  the  people  would 
not  have  surmounted.  Four  times  had  they  to  stop 8  on  the 
threshold  of  the  city  ;  four  times  did  the  weapons  clash 9  in 
the  belly  of  the  horse  as  if  some  god  desired  to  warn  the  un¬ 
happy.  But  all  seemed  to  be  deaf ;  nothing  was  able  to  deter 
the  people  from  carrying  out  their  undertaking.10  All  eagerly 
helped  in  the  work  until  the  effigy  had  been  placed  in  the 
citadel.  We  adorned  all  our  temples  with  sacred  leaves,  as 
if  the  gods  had  granted  us  a  splendid  victory.  We  celebrated 
a  festive  day  until  the  darkness  of  night  called  the  tired  to 
rest.  Oh,  that  I  had  never  seen  this  night !  that  I  had  fallen 
in  battle,  before  my  dearest  country,  which  could  not  be  con¬ 
quered  in  war,  perished  by  the  deceit  and  treason  of  her  most 
cruel  enemies !  Whilst  all  were  overpowered 11  by  sleep  one 
was  watching.  Sinon  had  cunningly  deceived  the  attending 
crowd  until  the  hour  arrived  when  it  seemed  that  not  the 
least  danger  was  to  be  feared.  Then  he  sneaked  13  to  the 
citadel  and  opened  the  belly  of  the  hcrse,  out  of  which  the 
bravest  of  the  princes,  Ulysses,  Sthenelus,  Neoptolemus,  and 
others  joyfully  issued.13  The  watchmen  14  were  struck  down, 
whilst  the  rest  of  the  Grecian  army,  having  come  back  15  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  rushed  into  the  city  through  the 
open  walls.  It  was  the  time  when  rest  is  most  agreeable  to 
the  fatigued  bodies.  And  lo!  Hector  appeared  to  me  in  a 
dream,16  as  if  he  stood  there 17  alive,  bleeding,  shedding  tears, 
with  a  look  of  deep  sadness.18  This  sight  so  frightened  me 
that  it  made  me  weep  19  and  almost  stifled  my  voice.  “  Oh 
hope  of  Troy,  as  long  as  you  were  living,”  said  I,  “  who  can 
see  you  in  such  a  plight 30  without  succumbing  to  grief  ?  Oh 


Section  X. 


121 


that  you  were  alive !  Do  not  conceal  from  a  friend  what  has 
brought  you  back  to  us  from  the  infernal  regions.  Y our  very 
look  shows  that  you  fear  that  a  dreadful  calamity  is  threat¬ 
ening  your  friends.”  21 

No.  113.  1  conclamare.  2  adire,  accedere  ad.  3  subjicere.  4  sibi 
videri.  5  admovere.  6  moles  (=  “huge  str”).  7  transmittere  (=  “to  let 
passthrough ”).  8  subsistere.  9  concrepare,  sonare.  10  inceptum  perse- 

qui,  peragere.  11  opprimere.  iase  subducere.  13  se  demittere.  14  vigil. 
15  navibus  revehi.  16  in  somnis.  17  adesse.  18  by  the  Superl.  of  maestus. 
19  lacrimas  (fletum)  alicui  movere  (=  “  to  make  one  weep  ”).  20  only  tabs. 
21  Plur.  <?/tuus. 


114.  Chapter  VI. 

“  Flee  from  hence,  Aeneas,”  said  he,  “  rescue  yourself 1 
from  this  conflagration,  lest  all  hope  of  the  Dardanian  race 
perish ;  the  enemy  is  in  possession  of  2  the  city.  Though 
you  are  brave,  you  will  not  drive  them  back.  If  Troy 
could  have  been  saved  by  valor,  it  would  have  been 
saved  by  my  hands.  Your  country  recommends3  to 
you  its  sacred  things  and  household  gods ;  take  them  with 
you  as  companions  of  your  flight.  Provided  you  forsake 
them 4  not,  you  may 5  hope  for  a  happier  fatherland.”  Thus 
he  spoke,  and  delivered  over 8  to  me  with  his  own  hands  the 
image  of  Yesta  and  the  perpetual  fire,  when  at  once  a  mighty 
din  and  clamor  from  the  city  pierced 7  my  ears.  I  did  not 
doubt  that  everything  was  true  that  I  had  heard  8  in  my 
dream.  I  started  up 9  from  my  couch  and  hastily  ascended 
the  top  of  the  roof  to  see  with  my  own  eyes  what  had  hap 
pened.  Oh,  disastrous  sight !  Everything  was  seized  by  the 
flames,  as  if  the  whole  city  was  a  fiery  sea.  Almost  stupefied,10 
I  put  on  my  armor ;  and  when  armed  I  hesitated  what  to 
do  11  first.  I  hastened  12  from  the  palace  to  protect  the  cita¬ 
del.  But  before  I  could  reach  it  Panthous,  the  priest  of 
Apollo,  carrying  in  his  hands  the  things  sacred  to  the  god, 
met  me.  “  Let  us  flee,”  said  he,  “  all  hope  is  lost 13 ;  Troy 
has  ceased  to  be,14  ceased  has 14  the  immense  glory  of  the 
Trojans  ( Teucri ,  ovum ).”  But  nothing  was  able  to  deter  me 
from  perishing,  whilst  fighting,  amidst  the  ruins  of  my  coun- 


122 


Part  I. 


try.  “  Nothing  is  lost,”  cried  I,  “  provided  courage  be  not  lost. 
The  only  safety  for  the  defeated  is  to  16  hope  for  no  safety.” 
Not  a  few  of  the  brave  had  joined  me  as  companions  to 
attack  the  treacherous  enemy.  The  darkness  of  the  night 
favored  our  bravery,  and  many  of  the  Greeks  were  cut  down 
by  our  swords.  Tlius  we  advanced  16  to  the  citadel,  not  as  if 
we  hoped  for  victory,  but  to  encounter 17  the  death  of  the 
brave.  But  what  abominable  16  deeds  presented  themselves 
to  our  eyes  there  !  Who  is  so  hard-hearted  19  that  he  could 
recollect  them  without  shedding  tears  ?  ” 

Whilst  he  was  thus  speaking  tears  prevented  him  from 
continuing  his  narrative.  How  great  the  cruelties  were 
which  the  Greeks  committed,  and  how  great  the  bravery  by 
which  Aeneas  saved  himself  and  his  relatives20  from  the 
flames  of  the  city,  will  he  best  learned  from  Yirgil  himself. 

No.  114.  1  se  eripere.  2tenere(=  “to  be  in  poss.  of”).  3commen- 
dare.  4  Relative  Pron.  5  licet.  6  afferre.  7  percellere.  8  accipere.  9  se 
eripere.  10amens.  11  aggredi,  suscipere  {Periphr.  Gonjug.).  12  se  ejicere. 
13  perire.  14  “  has  ceased,”  and  “  has  ceased  to  be,”  by  Perf.  of  esse.  15  lit. 
16  pervadere.  17  oppetere.  18  nefandus,  nefarius.  19  durus,  ferreus. 
30  suus. 

115.  Old  Age  must  be  Honored.1 

God  desires2  us  to  love  all  men,  but  especially  to  show  re¬ 
spect3  to  those  who  are  much4  advanced  in  age.5  It  would 
take  too  long  to  set  forth  all  the  reasons  why  we  ought  to 
comply  6  with  this  demand  7  and  wish.8  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
that 9  all  nations,  provided  they  follow  10  reason,  have  always 
deemed  old  age  worthy  of  honor.  To  mention  only  the 
Homans  and  the  Greeks,  there  is  no  one  who  is  ignorant  of 
the  great  praises  which  Cicero,  through  Cato,  bestows  on  it 
in  his  beautiful  book  on  old  age.  What  shall  I  say  of  the 
Greeks?  To  omit 11  the  other  Greeks,  there  was  one  cus¬ 
tom  among  the  Lacedaemonians  which  Cato  could  not  help 
admiring,  and  which  is  worthy,  even  in  our  days,  of  being 
recommended  12  to  youth.  There  was  a  law  that  youths  must 
obey  both  their  parents  and  honor  all  older  people.  For 
its  own  sake  old  age  seemed  to  them  worthy  of  being  revered  3 


Section  X. 


123 


by  the  younger.  Therefore  young  people  everywhere  made 
way  13  for  old  men  and  stood  quietly  until  they  had  passed 
by.14  When  once  at  Athens  an  old  man  came  into  the  theatre, 
he  found  in  that  numerous  assembly  15  not  one  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  who  offered  him  a  seat.  But  when  he  had  approached 
the  ambassadors  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  all  of  them  arose  18 
to  offer  the  old  man  a  seat  amongst  themselves  in  the  most 
honored  17  place.  When  the  people  of  Athens  saw  this 18 
they  deemed  this  respect 19  of  the  Lacedaemonians  worthy  of 
approval ao  by  the  greatest  applause.21  There  was  one  who 
said :  “  Though  the  Athenians  know  what  is  right,  they 
neglect22  to  practice  it.”  Since  we  cannot  doubt  the  truth 
of  what  has  been  said,  Lysander  rightly  maintained  that 
Lacedaemon  was  the  most  honorable 23  abode  for  men  of  old 
age. 

No.  115.  1  colere.  ( Periphr .  Conjitg. — Acc.  with  Inf.).  1  postulare 

lit.  3  reverentiam  adhibere,  tribuere.  4  admodum.  5  grandis  natu. 
6  obsequi,  obtemperare.  7  postulatio.  8  voluntas.  9  Acc.  with  Inf. 
,0parere.  11  tacere.  12  commendare.  13  de  via  decedere.  14  Imperf. 
,fi  frequentissimus  conventus.  16  consurgere.  17honoratus.  18  Relative 
Pron.  19  verecundia.  80  comprobare.  21  plausus.  22omittere.  23honestus. 


116.  Speech  of  the  Consul  L.  Aemilius  Paullus. 

When,  in  the  war  against  Perseus,  king  of  Macedonia,  the 
chief  command  had  been  given,  with  great  unanimity  1  of  the 
senate  and  people,  to  the  consul  L.  Aemilius  Paullus,  the 
latter  delivered,  in  the  assembly2  of  the  people,  the  follow¬ 
ing  speech  before  he  went  to  the  war  :  “  You  have  conferred 
upon  me  a  great  honor,  Quirites,  since  you  considered  me  as 
the  fittest  to  whom  this  Macedonian  war  might  be  confided.3 
For,  in  fact,  to  this  war,  which  has  been  protracted  4  in  a 
disgraceful  manner,  such  an  issue  must  be  given  as  is  worthy 
of  the  Poman  name.  I  hope,  however,  in  the  first  place, 
that  the  gods  will  help  5  me ;  then  I  venture  to  affirm  for 
certain  that  I  shall  endeavor  with  all  my  might  to  show  you 
that  you  did  not  in  vain  place  your  hope  in  me.  What  is 
necessary  for  the  war  has  been  decreed  by  the  senate.  As 


124 


Part  I. 


I  must  start  at  once,  my  colleague  C.  Licinius  will  make  all 
the  necessary  preparations  with  the  same  zeal  as  if  he  him¬ 
self  had  to  conduct 6  this  war.  If,  however,  I  shall  write 
anything  to  the  senate  or  to  you,  you  will  consider  me  more 
worthy  to  be  believed  than  the  various  rumors  which  are 
usually  spread  about7  without  a  certain  author.  Scarcely 
any  one  despises 8  rumors  so  far  that  his  mind  may  never  be 
unsettled.9  In  all  circles  and  even  at  all  banquets  there  are 
people  who  conduct  armies  to  Macedonia  who  know  where 
the  camp  must  be  pitched,10  what  places  must  be  garrisoned,11 
where  storehouses  are  to  be  erected.12  No  one  is  found  who 
equals  them  in  the  skill  of  finding  out  how,  by  land  and  by 
sea,  provisions  are  to  be  supplied,13  when  battle  must  be 
given 14  to  the  enemy,  when  it  is  better  to  keep  within  the 
camp. 

No.  116.  Consensus,  *  contio.  3  committere.  4bellum  ducere,  or 
trahere.  6  adesse.  6  Periphr.  Conjug.  7  divulgari.  8  by  contemptorem 
esse.  9  pertnrbare,  debilitare.  10  locare.  11  praesidiis  confirmare. 
12  ponere.  13  advehere.  14  confligere,  maDus  conserere. 

117.  Chapter  II. 

“  And  there  are  very  few  who  only  utter  their  opinion  of 
what  is  to  be  done ;  many  are  so  arrogant  as  to  condemn  the 
general  in  his  absence  as  if  he  had  been  accused  before  them 
and  brought  to  trial.  These  things  greatly  hinder  the  com¬ 
mander  in  duly  fulfilling  his  duty.  For  few  are  of  so  strong  a 
mind  against  an  unfavorable1  rumor,  that,  like  Fabius  the 
Lingerer,  they  prefer 2  their  chief  command  to  be  restricted  3 
by  the  vanity  of  the  people,  rather  than  carelessly  to  manage  4 
the  affairs  of  the  state.  I  do  not  fear  that  any  one  may  in¬ 
terpret  this  as  arrogance  on  my  part ;  the  affair  is  important 
enough  6  to  be  considered  with  the  greatest  care.  I  am  not 
the  man  to  believe  that  the  commanders  ought  not  to  be 
admonished ;  no,8  I  deem  that  man  who  acts  exclusively 7 
according  to  his  own  opinion  rather  a  proud  than  a  wise 
man.  But  only  few  are  fit  to  give  prudent  advice  to  the 
commander.  Where  is  the  commander  who  does  not  gladly 


Section  X. 


125 


avail  himself  of  the  counsel  of  those  who  are  skilled  in  war¬ 
fare?  But  those  are  the  ablest  to  give  advice  who  are 
themselves  present  at  the  operations,8  who  behold  the  enemy, 
the  place,  the  opportunity  of  the  times,  with  their  own 8  eyes. 
Hence,  if  there  be  any  one  who  is  confident  of  being  able  to 
give  useful  advice  (. Plur .)  in  this  war,  let  him  not  doubt 
that  he  will  be  a  most  agreeable  companion  to  me.  I  shall 
share  my  vessel  with  him,  my  horses,  my  tent,  and  my  meals. 
But  if  there  be  no  one  to  whom  this  is  pleasing,  then  let  no 
one  think  himself  fit  to  prescribe  10  from  the  land  how  I  have 
to  steer 11  my  storm-tossed  13  vessel  on  the  open  sea.  The 
city  offers  topics  enough  in  which  the  idle  can  delight.  Ho 
one  may  fear  that,  in  the  camp  itself,  good  advice  {Plur.) 
will  be  wanting  to  us.”  Thus  L.  Aemilius  Paullus  went'to 
war  and  soon  after  led  the  captured  king  Perseus  to  Pome. 

No.  117.  1  ad  versus.  2  malle.  3  minuere,  also  obtrectare.  4gerere, 

administrare.  5  satis  gravis,  or  Superlat.  of  dignus.  8.  Or.  §  258. —  Y. 
Gr.  §  201.  I.  and  II.  6immo.  unus.  See  S.  Or.  §  238.  9. —  Y.  Or. 
§116.  3.  8  res  gerenda.  9suus  only.  10imperare.  11  gubernare. 

12  jactare. 


118.  The  Areopagus  of  the  Athenians. 

Hot  unjustly  has  the  Athenian  state  been  extolled  by  the 
ancients  with  many  praises  for  the  institution  1  of  the  Are¬ 
opagus.  This  was  a  very  grave  and  sacred  assembly,  which 
passed  judgment  not  only  on  the  greatest  crimes,  but  also  on 
the  morals  of  the  citizens.  Ho  one  was  received  into  it 
unless  he  had  faithfully  discharged  the  office  of  Archon. 
The  trials  were  conducted  at  midnight  and  without  light,3 
because,  if  they  were  held  during  the  day,3  the  judges  might 
easily  be  moved  by  the  miserable  aspect  of  the  accused.  One 
by  one  the  members  gave  their  votes  amid  the  deepest  silence, 
so  that  the  one  did  not  know  what  had  been  decided  by  the 
other.  Once  the  Areopagites  are  said  to  have  condemned  a 
boy  for  the  practice  of  tearing  out 4  the  eyes  of  birds  with 
cruel  pleasure.6  They  judged  that  this  was  a  token  of  a  very 
bad  disposition,  which  in  the  future 8  might  endanger  many. 


126 


Part  I. 


By  the  same  Areopagites  a  most  careful  inquiry  was  made  as 
to  the  occupations  7  and  business  pursuits  8  of  each  of  the 
citizens ;  and  him  who  did  not  live  honestly  they  invariably 
condemned.  In  lawsuits9  the  Areopagus  was  most  just. 
Demosthenes  extols  it  with  the  highest  praises,  because  it 
had  never,  in  any  action,10  passed  a  judgment  with  which 
either  of  the  quarrelling  parties  11  had  not  been  satisfied.  It 
is  not  certain  at  what  time  the  Areopagus  was  established. 
Some  ascribe  its  origin  to  Ares,  liie  war  god  of  the  Greeks, 
some  to  Solon.  Cicero  does  not  doubt  that  Solon  deserved  12 
better  of  the  state  than  even  Themistocles,  because  the 
former  instituted  the  Areopagus.  However  that  maybe, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  its  origin  must  be  referred  to  the 
time  before  Pisistratus  entered  upon  13  the  administration  of 
public  affairs.  It  still  existed  in  the  time  of  the  Apostle  St. 
Paul,  as  in  the  Acts 14  of  the  Apostles  we  learn  why  the 
Apostle  was  conducted  before15  the  Areopagus,  and  what 
was  the  result 18  of  his  speech. 

No.  118.  1  uti,  habere,  ’lumen  ( Plur .).  Mnterdiu.  4effodere. 

5  libido.  6  in  posterum.  1  agere.  8  quaestus.  9  in  litibus  dijudicandis. 
10  causa.  11  litigantes  ( Mascul .).  12  melius  mereri  de.  13accedere  ad. 

S.  Or.  §288.  1. —  T.  Or.  §  228.  14  acta, — orum.  15  in,  with  Acc.  16  ex- 
itus,  eventus. 

119.  Xenophon. 

Before  he  had  become  acquainted 1  with  Xenophon  Soc¬ 
rates  once  met2  him  in  a  narrow  street.  On  seeing  the 
handsome 3  and  modest  youth,  he  prevented  him  from  con¬ 
tinuing  his  way4  by  holding  out5  his  stick.  As  soon  as  the 
youth  had  stopped,6  Socrates  aske4  him  where  the  necessaries 
of  life  were  bought.  And  when  Xenophon  answered,  “  In 
the  market-place,”  Socrates  asked  him  again  where  youths 
were  made  good  and  honest  men.  When  Xenophon  pro¬ 
fessed  his  ignorance,  Socrates  said :  “  Follow  me,  and  you 
will  learn  it.”  Xenophon  doubted  whether  he  should  go 
with  the  Spartans  to  Cyrus  in  Asia,  or  wdiether  it  was  better 
to  remain  at  Athens.  He,  therefore,  asked  Socrates  what  he 


Section  X. 


127 


advised  him  to  do.  He  told  him  to  consult  Apollo.  Xeno¬ 
phon,  therefore,  travelled  to  Delphi  and  ashed  the  oracle  to 
what  gods  he  should  offer  sacrifices  that  his  voyage  to  Asia 
might  have  a  prosperous  issue.  Apollo  answered :  “  To 
those  to  whom  it  is  a  duty  to  offer  sacrifices.'’  And  Xeno¬ 
phon  communicated  this  to  Socrates.  He,  however,  re¬ 
proved  7  him  for  having  asked  to  what  gods  sacrifices  should 
be  offered.  “You  ought  to  have  asked,”  he  said,  “wThether 
it  was  better  for  you  to  go  or  not.  But  since  you  have  asked 
otherwise,  offer  sacrifices  and  go.”  Whether  Xenophon  was 
present 8  at  the  battle  near  Delion  in  the  year  424  before 
Christ,  and  whether  he  was  saved  by  Socrates  may  be 
doubted,  but  it  cannot  be  questioned  9  that  he  was  a  pupil  of 
Socrates,  and  that  in  his  four  books  of  the  Memorabilia  he 
gives  a  better  picture  10  of  his  teacher  than  Plato  does  in  his 
dialogues.  Though  it  is  uncertain  whether,  after  his  return 
from  Asia,  he  was  sent  or  went  of  his  own  accord  into  exile, 
and  whether  he  died  at  Corinth  or  elsewhere,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  he  really  died  an  exile  from  his  country. 

No.  110.  1  cognoscere  (=  “  to  bee.  acq.  with”).  2occurrere,  obvium 
esse.  3  formosus.  4  iter  continuare.  5  porrigere  Ablat.  absol.  6  con- 
sistere.  7  vituperare.  "interesse.  9  in  dubium  vocare.  10  melius  de- 
scribere  aliquem. 

120.  Diogenes. 

Antisthenes,  the  teacher  of  Diogenes,  died  of  a  painful 
and  lingering  malady.  When  he  was  lying  ill,1  Diogenes 
came  to  him  and  asked  whether  he  needed  a  friend;  and 
Antisthenes,  tortured  with  the  greatest  pain,  exclaimed  re¬ 
peatedly  3 :  “Is  there  nobody  who  is  able  to  free  me  from  this 
agony  ?  ”  Diogenes  departed,  but  soon  returned  and  brought 
Antisthenes  a  dagger.3  “  Will  this  not  be  able  to  free  you  ?  ” 
said  he,  handing  him  the  weapon.  Whereupon  Antisthenes 
said :  “  I  did  not  ask  who  might  be  able  to  free  me  from 
my  life,  but  from  my  pain.”  The  same  Diogenes  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  fond  4  of  life.  For  when  he  was 
prostrated  6  by  a  violent  sickness,  one  of  his  enemies  asked 


128 


Part  I. 


him  mockingly,*  why  he  did  not  rather  wish  to  die,  and 
whether  he  would  not  free  himself  from  so  great  sufferings. 
Whereupon  Diogenes  replied:  “Did  you  never  learn  how 
a  man  should 7  speak  and  how  he  should  act  ?  ”  And  as  the 
former  was  silent,  Diogenes  said :  “  Does  it  not  seem  fair  to 
you  that  those  should  live  who  know  how  to  speak  and  act 
correctly?  You,  therefore,  should  die,  as  you  have  not 
learned  to  speak  and  act  honestly 8 ;  but  as  I  know  the  art, 
I  must  wish  to  be  amongst  the  living,  that  I  may  be  useful 
to  them.”  When  the  same  Diogenes  was  asked  what  he  had 
done,  or  was  doing,  to  be  called  a  dog,  he  said  :  “  Because  I 
flatter9  those  who  give  me  something,  bark  at10  those  who 
give  me  nothing,  and  bite  the  wicked.”  Once  he  was  cap¬ 
tured  by  pirates  and  brought  to  Corinth  to  be  sold.  Being 
asked  what  art  he  knew,  he  answered  :  “  I  know  very  well 
how  people  must  be  ruled.”  Whereupon  he  advised  the 
crier  11  to  proclaim,  whether  any  one  was  desirous  of  buying 
a  master.  When  he  was  asked  in  which  part  of  Greece  he 
had  seen  true  and  excellent  men,  he  said :  “  Men  I  saw 
nowhere,  but  boys  I  saw  at  Lacedaemon.” 

No.  120.  1  decumbere.  2  identidem.  3pugio.  4adamare.  5  deji- 

cere,  prosternere.  6  irridere.  1  Periphr.  Conjug.  8  honeste,  cum  hon- 
estate.  9adulari.  10  allatrare  {though  rare).  11  praeco. 

121.  On  Divination.1 

There  have  always  been  men  who  endeavored  to  know 
beforehand  what  good  or  evil  would  befall2  them  in  life. 
And  yet  what  is  there  that  is  more  obscure  and  difficult  to 
know  3  than  the  future  ?  There  is  no  one  who  is  able  to  say 
whether  the  present  (hie)  day  will  be  the  last  of  his  life  or 
not.  And  very  prudently  has  God  Himself  concealed  from 
men  what  good  or  evil  may  befall  them,  or  how  long  a  life 
He  has  determined  to  grant  them.  For  how  few  4  are  there 
out  of  so  many  thousand  men  who  are  able  to  bear  the 
present  with  an  even  mind !  What  would  happen  if  men 
knew  the  future  ?  Nevertheless,  even  in  the  remotest  times 
there  were  many  who  tried  6  to  predict  coming  events  from 


Section  X. 


129 


certain  signs.  Truly,  there  is  nothing  which  is  more  absurd ; 
and  yet  many  suffered  themselves  to  be  deceived  by  such 
folly.  The  Greek  oracles  indeed  have,  by  their  wise  moder¬ 
ation  and  prudent  advice,  often  been  very  useful  to  those 
who  consulted  them  6 ;  but  who  is  there  who  doubts  that 
they  oftener  abused  the  credulity  of  men  for  gain  and  profit  ? 
But  what  shall  one  say  about  the  divination  of  the  Romans  ? 
Can  it  have  any  influence  7  on  the  issue  of  an  undertaking 
whether  the  victim  has  two  livers  or  is  found  without  any  8  ? 
And  yet  the  haruspices,  who  practiced  this  art,  had  great 
authority  9  with  the  people.  But  the  augurs,  who  are  some¬ 
times  called  auspices,  divined  from  the  flight 10  or  singing  of 
birds,  or  from  the  hunger  of  hens.  But  has  it  any  refer¬ 
ence  11  to  the  victory  or  defeat  of  an  army  whether  the  hens 
have  eaten  12  greedily  or  not?  Again  13  it  is  certainly  of  no 
importance,  whether  the  birds  have  been  flying  on  the  right 
or  on  the  left,  whether  they  have  been  singing  or  have  not 
appeared  at  all.  The  whole  art  of  divination  is,  therefore, 
void  14  of  all  reason. 

No.  121.  1  divinatio,  or  ars  divinandi.  2  by  esse.  See  8.  Or.  §  144.  1. 
—  Y.  Or.  §78.  3  S.  Or.  §291. —  Y.  Gr.  §  226.1.  4  quotusquisque 

( Singul .).  5  conari.  6  Par  tic.  Constr.  7  quidquam  valere  ad.  8  Repeat 

Subst.  9  esse,  with  Ablat.  qual.  10  volatus.  11  pertinere  ad.  12pasci. 
13  item.  14  expers,  with  Gen.  ;  inanis,  with  Abl. 


122.  The  Countries  in  which 1  the  Greek  and  Latin  Languages 
were  Understood  2  at  the  Time  when  the  Christian  Religion 
Began  to  Spread. 

It  came  to  pass  in  the  order  of 3  Divine  Providence  that 
people  at  the  time  when  Christ  was  born  could  be  easily 
understood,  as  the  same  language  prevailed  almost  every¬ 
where,  and  nearly  the  whole  known  world  was  subject  to  the 
same  government.4  If  in  one  country  people  had  spoken 
this,  in  another  that 6  language,6  what  difficulties  would  those 
have  met  who  had  to  announce  everywhere  that  Christ,  the 
Savior  of  the  world,7  had  appeared  !  If  there  had  been  many 
kings  and  rulers  in  the  different  countries,  would  not  the 


130 


Part  I. 


apostles  and  their  disciples  have  been  prevented  by  them 
from  going  from  one  empire  to  another  ? 8  If  this  king  had 
received  them  as  friends  they  would,  perhaps,  for  that  very 
reason,  have  been  rejected  as  enemies  by  the  other.  But 
owing  to  the  expeditions  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  through 
the  empires  and  cities  founded  9  by  his  generals  in  Asia  and 
Africa,  the  Greek  language  and  literature  had  spread,  if  not 
everywhere,  at  least  in  the  most  populous  countries.  Of 
Antioch,  Cicero  says  that  it  was  filled  with  learned  men  ;  and 
he  means 10  the  Greeks.  “  Greek,”  says  he,  “is  read  by 
almost  all  nations ;  Latin  is  confined  to  pretty  narrow  limits.” 
In  Media,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and  nearly  all  parts  of  Asia, 
Greek  cities  had  been  built,  and  to  well  nigh  all  the  other 
cities  Greeks  had  immigrated.  They  had  likewise  spread  in 
Palestine  and  Phoenicia.  “  Conquered  Greece,”  says  Horace, 
“has  brought  the  arts  into  savage  Latium.”  Even  slaves 
commanded  a  higher  price 11  if  they  understood  Greek. 
Cicero  spoke  Greek 12  in  the  senate  at  Syracuse,  which,  how¬ 
ever,  was  made  an  object  of  reproach  to  him  by  Yerres. 
When  the  proconsul  P.  Crassus  went  to  Asia  about  the  year 
130  before  Christ  to  make  war  against  Aristonicus,  who  was 
about  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus,  he 
showed  himself  so  kind  towards  the  Greeks  that  if  any  one 
was  accused  before  his  tribunal  in  the  Ionian  dialect,  he  pro¬ 
nounced  judgment 13  in  the  same,  or  in  the  Attic,  Doric,  or 
Aeolian,  if  they  had  so  addressed  him. 

No.  122.  1  S .  Gr.  §238.  5. —  Y  Gr.  §152.  1.  2  Graece  et  Latine  scire. 
z“in  the  wder  of”  =  by.  4uno  imperio  contineri.  5  S.  Gr.  §238.  7. 
3. —  Y.  Gr.  §  153.  6  lingua  loqui.  7  Salvator  hominum,  here  also  mundi. 

8  Transl.  “from  empire  to  empire”  8.  Gr.  §238.  7.  3. —  Y.  Gr.  §  153  end. 

9  constituore.  ]0significare.  11  8.  Gr.  §218.  1  or  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §157. 
12  Graece  loqui.  13sententiam  dicere. 

123.  Chapter  II. 

The  victorious  Augustus  addressed  the  people  at  Alexan¬ 
dria  in  the  Greek  tongue,  and  a  certain  Mucian  induced  by 
his  Greek  eloquence  the  inhabitants  of  Antioch  to  acknowl¬ 
edge  Y espasian  as  emperor.  Molo  of  Rhodes,  the  teacher  of 


Section  X. 


131 


Cicero,  was  allowed  to  speak  Greek  in  the  senate  without  an 
interpreter.  At  the  time  of  Valerius  Maximus,  who  lived 
under  the  emperor  Tiberius,  the  curia  resounded  with  Greek 
transactions.1  The  emperor  Claudius  addressed  the  ambassa¬ 
dors  who  lived  in  the  provinces  in  Latin  when  they  were  of 
Roman  descent,  and  he  required  them  to  answer  him  in  the 
same  language ;  but  to  Greek  ambassadors  he  spoke  with 
fluency  2  in  the  Greek  language.  In  short,  it  is  an  error  if 
some  believe  that  Greek  was  long  unknown  to  the  Romans, 
especially  in  the  oldest  times.  The  Delphian  oracle,  as 
Herodotus  relates,  was  already  known  in  Italy  in  the  second 
century  after  the  building  of  Rome,  in  the  city  itself  at  least 
under  Tarquin  the  Proud.  And  if  the  Sibylline  books  were 
already  of  great  authority  under  the  king  whom  I  have  just 
mentioned,  who  can  doubt  that  the  Romans  wrere  then 
acquainted  with  Greek  ?  When  Cicero,  in  his  books  on  the 
state,  speaks  of  the  times  of  the  last  king  of  Rome,  he  says : 
“  At  that  time  a  rivulet  was  flowing  into  this  city  from 
Greece,  not  insignificant,  but  a  mighty  stream  of  sciences 
and  arts.”  In  the  speech  which  Caesar  delivered  on  the 
punishment  of  Catiline’s  companions,  he  does  not  hesitate  to 
say  that  the  Romans  had  always  been  ready  to  adopt  what¬ 
ever  good  they  found  in  other  nations,  and  that  in  the  choice 
of  punishment  they  had  imitated  the  Greek.  Nor  can  it  be 
doubted,  unless  we  perchance  refuse  credit 3  to  trustworthy 
authors,  that  the  Romans  at  the  time  when  the  twelve  Tables 
were  set  up  knew  the  laws  of  Greece. 

No.  123.  1  actionibus  resonare.  2  copiose  loqui  apud  aliquem.  3  fidem 
abrogare. 

124.  Chapter  III. 

Pliny  relates  that  the  Decemviri  had  a  certain  Hermodorus 
of  Ephesus  as  interpreter  of  the  Greek  laws,  and  that  a  pillar 
had  been  erected  in  his  honor.  Cicero  says  somewhere, 
though  he  exaggerates 1  the  matter :  “  It  is  believed  that  the 
cultivation  of  literature,  that  learning,  religion,  the  fruits  of 
the  field,  jurisprudence,2  and  laws  had  come  from  the  Athen- 


132 


Part  I. 


ians  and  had  spread  into  all  countries.’’  But  if  any  one  were 
of  the  opinion  that  the  Homans  did  not  care  to  spread  their 
own  language,  he  would  be  greatly  mistaken.®  How  much 
the  Roman  magistrates  in  earlier  times  guarded  their  own 
and  the  Roman  people’s  authority  can  be  understood  from 
the  fact  that  with  great  firmness  they  persisted  in  never  giv¬ 
ing  an  answer  to  the  Greeks  except  in  Latin.  Hay,  they 
forced  them  not  only  at  Rome,  but  also  in  Greece  and  Asia, 
to  use  an  interpreter,  that  the  authority  of  the  Latin  tongue 
might  appear  the  greater  amongst  all  nations.  If  the  em¬ 
peror  Tiberius  had  not  spoken  Greek  well,4  it  would  have 
been  attributed  to  his  ignorance  that  he  refused  to  accept 
the  testimony  of  a  centurion  in  Greek.5  But  he  cared  so 
much  for  the  dignity  of  the  Latin  language  that  he  prevented 
the  speaking  of  Greek  in  the  senate,  and  did  not  wish  Greek 
words  to  be  mixed  up  with  Latin.  Though  soldiers  in  court 
were  asked  in  Greek,  they  had  to  answer  in  Latin,  whereby 
they  were  forced  to  learn  some  Latin.6  In  the  time  of  St. 
Augustine,  as  he  himself  says,  very  few  in  Africa  would  have 
been  able  to  answer  if  questioned  in  Punic,7  but  the  Latin 
language  was  so  common  that  children  learned  it,  as  it  were, 
in  play,  from  their  nurses  and  guardians.8  Long  before  the 
time  of  Tertullian  the  Bible  had  been  translated  into  Latin.9 
Plutarch  is  of  opinion  that  every  one  spoke  Latin,  and  Strabo 
relates  that  in  Gaul  many  had  assumed  10  the  Roman  lan¬ 
guage  and  Roman  manners,  and  could  no  longer  be  called 
barbarians. 

No.  124.  1  augere.  2  jus  ( Plur .).  3maxime  falli,  or  after  id  (res)  me 
maxime  fallit.  4  bene  Graece  loqui.  5  Graece  dictum.  6nonnihil  Latine 
loqui  discere.  1  Punice.  8  nutrix  et  custos.  9  in  Latinum  convertere, 
Latine  reddere.  10  uti. 


125.  Chapter  IV. 

When  once,  as  we  read  1  in  Dio  Cassius,  a  Greek  writer, 
the  consul  Claudius,  put  a  question  to  an  ambassador,  who 
was  a  Lycian  by  birth  but  had  obtained  the  Roman  citizen¬ 
ship,  and  the  latter  did  not  understand  the  question  on 


Section  X. 


133 


account  of  his  ignorance  of  Latin,  the  consul  deprived  him 
of  the  citizenship,  adding,  that  no  one  ought  to  be  a  Roman 
who  did  not  understand  the  language 2  of  the  Romans.  The 
edicts  of  the  praetors  were  proclaimed  to  the  conquered 
nations  only  in  the  Latin  language,3  and  thus,  as  St.  Augus¬ 
tine  says,  the  domineering  state  forced  not  only  its  yoke  but 
also  its  language  on  the  subdued  states.  Still  we  are  in¬ 
formed  1  that  Roman  edicts  were  published 4  at  Tyre  and 
Sidon  in  Latin  and  Greek.  In  several  places  both  languages 
were  understood  equally  well.  It  is  certain  that  St.  Caesarius, 
bishop  of  Arles,  would  not  have  ordered  Latin  and  Greek 
psalms  and  hymns  to  be  sung  in  the  churches  of  the  city  if 
both  languages  had  not  been  spoken  5  there.  But  if  we  con 
sider  6  how  many  schools  of  rhetoric 7  had  been  established 
in  the  provinces  even  under  the  first  Roman  emperors,  we 
shall  easily  understand  that  the  custom  of  speaking  Latin  was 
spreading  more  and  more.  After  Vespasian  had  assigned  8 
100,000  sesterces 9  yearly  from  the  imperial  treasury  10  to  the 
rhetoricians  at  Rome,  Antoninus  Pius  conferred  honors  and 
salaries 11  upon  them  as  upon  philosophers  and  grammarians, 
not  only  in  the  city  but  in  all  the  provinces.  How  many 
Latin  writers  of  the  first  Christian  centuries  came  from  Spain 
alone  is  well  known  ;  from  Gaul  came  Petronius,  Eumenius, 
Ausonius  of  Bordeaux,  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  Hilarius,  the 
bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  others.  If  the  writings  of  the  younger 
Pliny  were  for  sale  at  the  bookseller’s  at  Lyons,  many  other 
Latin  books  were  there  also.  If  we  consider 12  all  this,  we 
must  confess  that  God’s  providence  and  wisdom  spread  those 
two  languages  so  extensively  in  order  to  facilitate  the  intro¬ 
duction  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ. 

No.  125.  1  scriptum  videmus,  scriptum  est  apud.  2linguam  scire. 

3edicta  Latine  proponere.  4promulgare.  5  See  122.  6.  (>  Fut.  Perf. 

7  rhetorum  scholae.  8  constituere.  9 1,000  sestertii  =  1  sestertium,  hence 
100,000  sestertii  =  100  sestertia.  For  100  use  Distribut.  Num.  10  fiscus 
(=  “ imper .  treas.”).  ^salarium,  or  merces  annua.  u  Fut.  Perf. 


134 


Part  I. 


126.  What  the  Heathens 1  Asked  of  their  Gods,  and  How  They 

Asked. 

The  question  has  been  proposed  whether  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  and  other  nations  prayed  to  their  gods  only  for 
health  and  riches  or  for  virtue,  piety,  and  sanctity ;  whether 
they  demanded  blessings  only  for  themselves  or  also  for 
others.  We  learn  from  Herodotus  what  the  Persians  were 
allowed  by  law  to  ask  for  during  their  sacrifices.  Tie  relates 2 
that  they  were  forbidden  to  pray  for  their  own  personal  wel¬ 
fare  ;  they  could  only  ask  for  the  welfare  of  all  Persians, 
since  therein  3  the  welfare  of  each  individual  was  included. 
It  is  likewise  known  how  the  Lacedaemonians  besought  the 
gods  to  grant  them  whatever  was  good  and  beautiful  and  to 
give  them  strength  ( facultas )  to  sutler  injuries.  What 
shall  I  say  of  Socrates  ?  The  sophist  Maximus,  who  lived  4 
at  the  time  of  the  emperor  Commodus,  tells  us  what  Socrates 
continually  asked  of  the  gods,  with  how  many  prayers  he 
begged  them  for  virtue,  for  tranquillity  of  soul,  for  inno¬ 
cence  of  life,  the  happiness  of  a  good  death.  Nor  can  we 
doubt  as  to  Plato’s  views,  for  he  admonishes  all  men  to  be¬ 
seech  the  gods  by  sacrifices,  by  prayers  and  vows,  to  be  al¬ 
lowed  to  live  in  continual  communication  5  with  them.  From 
ancient  writers  we  also  learn  how  the  Greeks  began  and 
ended  their  daily  work,  even  their  meals.  It  cannot  be 
doubtful  whether  they  were  right  or  wrong  in  believing  in 
many  gods,  as  this  is  against  reason,  but  the  question  can  be 
justly  asked  whether  we  are  worthy  of  the  Christian  name 
if  we  do  not  imitate  them  in  praying 6  morning  and  evening 
before  and  after 7  meals.  Many  Romans  believed  that  the 
gods  knew  best  what  is  useful  to  us.  u  Leave  it  to  the 
gods,’’  says  Juvenal,  “to  decide  what  is  most  fitting  and 
most  useful  for  us  in  all  our  affairs.”  And  do  you  wish  to 
know  what  qualities  of  prayer  the  ancients  required  in  order 
to  be  heard  by  the  gods?  “ The  gods  do  not  consider,”  says 
Pliny,  “  how  studied  8  the  prayers  of  their  worshippers  are, 
but  of  how  great  innocence  and  sanctity  their  life  is.”  The 
ancients  were  convinced  that  by  the  motion  and  attitude  of 


Section  XI. 


135 


his  body  a  man  who  prays  should  manifest  what  was  going  on 
in  his  soul.9  That  was  the  reason  why  they  lifted  np  their 
hands  to  heaven,  why  they  fell  on  their  knees,10  why  they 
kissed  the  images  of  the  gods.  This  was  also  the  reason 
why  when  after  his  fourfold  triumph  Julius  Caesar  was  on 
the  point  of  offering  up  his  thanksgivings 11  to  the  Capitoline 
Jupiter  he  ascended,  as  Dio  Cassius  relates,2  on  his  knees12 
the  single  steps  to  the  Capitol.  Can,  then,  any  doubt  re¬ 
main  whether  it  is  a  disgrace  or  an  honor  for  a  Christian  to 
bend  his  knees  before  Him  13  who  is  the  only  true  God  \ 
No,  we  must  consider  him  a  fool  who  deliberates  whether 
he  should  do  so  much  honor  to  God  or  not. 

No.  126.  1  qui  verae  religionis  erant  ignari,  Transl.  “  What  and 

how,”  etc.,  “  asked ”  ( Per/.  Subj.).  2  memoriae  prodidit  ( with  Acc.  c.  Inf.). 
3  by  quippe  qui.  4florere.  5  communitas.  Constr.  after  S.  Gr.  §  207.  1, 
and  §  270.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §162.  2.  ( see  also  §207.  1).  6Deum  precari. 
1  either  ante  cenas  et  post  cenas,  or  ante  cenas  et  post  eas  ( less  elegant 
ante  et  post  cenas).  See  S.  Gr.  §  305.  3.  Note.  8  accuratus.  9  animo  agi- 
tari.  10  genibus  niti.  1 1  gratiarum  actionem  adhibere  alicui.  12  Ablat. 
instrum.  13  genua  ponere  alicui. 


SECTION  XI. 

Use  of  the  Imperative. 

(S.  Gr.  §  264-265.— Y.  Gr.  §  202-203.) 

% 

127.  A  Father  to  His  Son.1 

How  we  are 2  and  what  has  occurred  here  you  learn  from 
your  mother’s  letter.  Consider  her  admonitions  carefully 
and  follow  them  conscientiously.3  The  precepts  of  a  good 
mother  are  generally  more  efficacious  than  the  sayings  of 
wise  men.  For  you  see  that  your  mother  confirms  all  her 
precepts  by  her  own  example,  and,  having  been  accustomed 
by  her  to  obey,  you  have  learned  by  experience  not  only 


136 


Part  I. 


how  sweet,  but  also  how  advantageous  obedience4  is.  It  is 
to  be  regretted 6  that  the  life  of  the  so-called  wise  men  con¬ 
trasts  6  too  often  with  their  own  doctrines,  so  that  one  or  the 
other  could  be  advised,  “  Do  yourself  what  you  deem  to  be 
so  honest  before  you  bid  others  do  it.”  But  do  not,  there¬ 
fore,  think  that  their  precepts  are  esteemed  little  by  me. 
You  know,  indeed,  that  I  often  use  them  both  to  encourage 7 
myself  and  to  instruct  others.  Believe  me  in  this,  also,  that 
very  many  and  the  best  of  those  wise  men  either  owed  the 
pith  8  of  their  wisdom  to  a  mother,  or  at  least  wished  to  have 
received  it  through  a  mother’s  instruction.9  Therefore,  do 
not  scorn  10  the  precepts  of  these  men.  I  myself  have  added 
some  precepts  of  this  kind  for  your  benefit.  Listen  to  them 
and  make  good  use  of  them.  First  of  all 11  honor  God  and 
refer  whatever  happens  to  Him.  This 13  has  always  been 
your  mother’s  first  precept.  About  to  begin13  any  difficult 
work,  implore  God’s  help,  in  the  firm  conviction  14  that  with¬ 
out  it  you  can  achieve  nothing  at  all,  and  then  proceed  to 
your  work.  But  as  soon  as  you  have  commenced,  persevere 
in  the  work  with  such  zeal  and  confidence 16  as  if  you  had  to 
accomplish  everything  by  yourself. 

No.  127.  1  ^  86.  1.  2valere.  3religiosus.  4obsequium,  oboedien- 
tia.  5  dolendum  est  quod.  6pugnare.  7  corroborare,  confirmare.  8  by 
summus.  9institutio.  10 se  subtrahere  alicui  rei  (“from”).  noruDium 
priraum,  also  ante  omnia.  12  by  ipse.  13  Periphr.  Conjug.  14itasen- 
tiens  atque  intelligens.  15  fiducia. 


128.  Chapter  II. 

Whatever  you  consider  of  such  importance  as  to  feel 
obliged  to  do  it,  you  must  always  deem  important  enough 
to  be  done  well.  Hence  if  you  are  about  to  pray,1  pray 
well ;  if  you  read  or  write,  read  and  write  well ;  and  act 
likewise  in  all  other  things.  Be  convinced  that  thus  the 
single  actions 3  will  not  only  be  performed  in  the  best  man¬ 
ner,  but  the  mind  strengthened 3  unto  a  manly  firmness. 
Prepare 4  yourself  to  be  more  efficient 6  than  others,  but  live 
as  if  all  could  do  the  same.  Despise  riches,  but  do  not 


Section  XI. 


137 


despise  him  who  uses  his  riches  well ;  for  he  is  worthy  of 
true  honor.  Take  pains  to  acquire  riches  by  honest  labor 
in  order  to  have  the  means  of  doing  good.  My  son,  do  not 
despise  little  things;  lie  who  has  proved  himself  faithful 
and  careful  in  small  things  will  advance  6  to  greater.  Do 
not  quarrel 7  with  an  irritable  man  ;  for  you  will  provoke 
his  anger,  but  not  arrive  at  the  truth.  Rejoice  if  your 
friend  prospers,  but  do  not  rejoice  if  your  enemy  goes  to 
ruin.8  Do  not  wish  to  be  considered  mightier  than  others. 
Do  not  laugh  at  one  who  errs  in  his  speech,  for  not  even  9 
you  are  master  of  your  tongue  10 ;  hence  rather  excuse  him 
as  much  as  you  can,  and  say  that  he  has  only  erred  in 
speech,  but  had  the  truth  in  his  mind.  Have  the  truth 
always  before  your  eyes.  To  be  silent  is  often  both  useful 
and  honest ;  but  to  depart  from  the  truth  is  never  honest, 
and  therefore  not  useful.  Associate  with 11  wiser  men,  if 
they  will  permit  you,  and  avoid  fools.  Do  not  irritate  one 
who  is  more  powerful ;  nor  hurt  one  who  is  weaker,  but 
protect  him  if  he  be  hurt  by  others.  Shun  the  wicked, 
for  the  familiarity  12  with  them  easily  makes  you  worse  ;  but 
guard  against  offending  the  good.  Know,  my  son,  that  the 
e-round 13  and  foundation  of  all  virtue  is  reverence  towards 

o 

God  and  His  commandments.  These  counsels,  then,  keep, 
and  you  will  be  happy. 

No.  128.  1  orare,  with  and  without  Deum.  2  singula  quaeque. 

3  corroborare.  4  comparare,  instruere.  5  plus  valere,  or  posse.  6  evehi. 

7  disputare,  certare.  8  occidere.  9  ne — quidem.  10  os.  11  applicare  se, 
adjungere  se.  12  consuetudo.  13  caput. 

129.  The  Oldest  Treaties  and  Written  Laws  of  the  Romans. 

Although  Latin  writers  relate  that  before  the  first  Punic 
war  the  Romans  were  very  unskilled  in  naval  affairs,  yet  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  they  had  previously  visited  1  many 
and  distant  seas.  This  becomes  evident 2  chiefly  from  two 
treaties,  made  3  by  the  Carthaginians  with  the  Romans,  for 
the  sake  of  commerce,  one  about  the  year  509,  the  other 
about  the  year  348  before  Christ.  Amongst  other  things 


138 


Part  I. 


the  following  had  been  stipulated 4  in  these  treaties  :  The 
Romans  shall  not  sail  beyond  cape 6  Hermaeum,  unless  they 
are  forced  by  storm  or  an  enemy.  If,  however,  a  Roman 
vessel  has  been  compelled  to  come  so  far,  they  shall  neither 
sell  nor  buy  except  what  is  needed  for  their  return  or  for 
sacrifices.  For  the  sake  of  commerce,  the  Romans  shall  not 
sail  to  Sardinia  or  Libya,  nor  found  there  cities  or  trading 
places.6  They  shall  not  bring  their  ships  into  the  harbors  of 
those  regions,  except  to  repair  them  or  to  purchase  food.7 
But  in  Sicily,  as  far  at  least  as  it  is  subject  to  the  Cartha¬ 
ginians,  and  in  Carthage  itself,  they  shall  buy  and  sell  any¬ 
thing  under  the  same  laws  which  govern  the  citizens ;  and 
the  Carthaginians  shall  also  enjoy  the  same  rights  at  Rome. 
— The  oldest  written  laws  were  those  of  the  Twelve  Tables. 
They  were  drawn  up8  in  the  years  451  and  450  before 
Christ.  Several  of  these  laws  are  excellent,  some,  however, 
must  be  considered  disgraceful.  Among  other  things  we 
read  in  them :  If  any  one  has  committed  theft  by  night, 
and  has  been  killed  by  another,  he  shall  be  considered  to 
have  been  justly  slain.  If  he  has  stolen  by  day  and  has 
been  caught  in  the  act  he  shall  be  flogged.  He  who  has 
been  convicted  of  arson 9  shall  be  burnt.  False  witnesses 
shall  be  thrown  from  the  Tarpejan  rock.  If  a  slave  has 
committed  theft,  he  shall  be  handed  over  for  punishment. 
If  any  one  has  composed  a  poem  which  brings  disgrace  on 
another,  he  shall  be  cudgelled.10  If  a  father  has  sold  his  son 
three  times,  the  latter  shall  be  free  from  his  father’s  care. 

No.  129.  1  pervenire  in,  or  ad,  frequentare.  2  by  intelligere. 

3  foedus  facere  (. Relative  clause).  4  sancire.  5  promuntorium.  6  em¬ 
porium.  1  cibaria,  alimenta.  8  conficere,  conscribere,  componere. 
9  incendii  dolo  a  se  excitati  (or  facti)  convinci.  10  fusti  (or  -e)  ferire. 


130.  Some  Sayings  1  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men. 

Some  excellent  sayings  and  precepts  are  ascribed  to  each 
of  the  seven  wise  men  of  Greece,  all  of  whom,  except 
Thales,  governed  the  state  and  deserved  well  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  by  wise  legislation 5  and  the  administration  of  public 


Section  XI. 


139 


affairs.  “  Observe  measure  3  in  all  tilings,”  said  Cleobulus, 
born  at  Lind  us,  a  city  in  the  isle  of  Rhodes.  Another  of 
his  sayings  was :  “  Bestow  benefits 4  on  enemies  as  well  as 
on  friends;  on  the  former  to  gain  them,  on  the  latter  to 
keep  them.”  Moreover  he  is  recorded  to  have  said  :  “  Leav¬ 
ing  the  house  think  on  5  what  you  have  to  do,  coming  home 
reflect  upon  what  you  have  done;  in  fortune  be  not 
haughty,  in  misfortune  do  not  lose  courage.”  Periander, 
king  of  Corinth,  said :  “  Meditate  before  you  act,”  and, 
“  Crimes  that  have  been  committed  shall  be  punished,  but 
prevent  people  from  committing  them ;  be  always  constant 6 
in  your  love  of  friends  whether  they  are  in  good  luck  or  in 
difficulties.”  Yet  in  a  fit  of  anger  he  killed  his  own  wife, 
and  is  justly  accused 7  of  having  oppressed  (Infinity  his 
subjects.8  Pittacus  of  Mitylene  said :  “  Make  use  of  the 
right  moment;  pardon  is  better  than  vengeance;  do  not 
speak  ill  even  of  an  enemy ;  do  as  much  good  as  oppor¬ 
tunity  allows.”  When  his  fellow-citizens  were  willing  to 
present  him  with  many  thousand  acres  of  land 9  he  refused 
them,  saying :  “  Pray,10  do  not  give  me  what  many  people 
begrudge,  what  very  many  eagerly  covet.”  Bias  of  Priene 
in  Ionia"  said:  “Whatever  good  you  do,  ascribe  it  to  the 
gods;  advancing12  from  boyhood  to  old  age,  make  13  wisdom 
your  companion,  it  will  last  longer  14  than  any  other  good  !  ” 
When  he  was  once  on  the  same  vessel  with  several  impious 
people,  and  his  fellow- passengers  invoked  the  gods  when  a 
sudden  squall  arose,  he  said :  “Be  silent,  lest  the  gods  per¬ 
ceive  that  you  are  in  danger.”  In  a  similar  manner  a 
Roman  law,  which  is  mentioned  in  Cicero,  says :  “  The  im¬ 
pious  shall  not  dare  to  propitiate  the  anger  of  the  gods  by 
presents.” 

No.  130.  1  nonnulla  dicta.  2  by  leges  dare.  Likewise  the  following  by 
rem  publicam  administrare.  3  modum  retinere  alicujus  rei.  4  bene 
facere  alicui,  beneficia  conferre  in  ( Ace .)  5  meditari.  6  sibi  constare  in 
amore  erga.  1  argui.  8  civis.  9  jugerum  (=  “  an  acre  of  land”). 
10  rogo  vos,  or  quaeso.  11  oriundus  a  Pr.  ex  I.  12  proficisci.  13  sumere. 
14  Transl.  “ will  be  longer  (diuturnus).  ” 


140 


Part  I. 


131.  Chapter  II. 

When,  on  the  approach  1  of  the  enemy  which  was  about 
to  besiege  his  native  city,  Bias  saw  his  fellow-citizens  endeav¬ 
oring  to  carry  away  their  property  in  haste,  he  departed 
slowly  without  taking  anything.2  When  some  one  asked 
him  why  he  alone  did  not  save  his  property,  he  replied :  “I 
carry  all  my  property  with  me.”  As  if  he  would  say  :  “  Do 
not  long  for  goods  that  are 3  beyond  you  and  can  be  torn 
from  you  by  misfortune,  but  acquire  such  goods  as  lie3 
within  your  souls.”  More  prudent  than  loving4  is  the  pre¬ 
cept  of  Thales  of  Miletus  :  “  Do  not  go  bail  for  anybody.” 
Still  we  know  5  that  he  was  not  void  of  love ;  for  he  contin¬ 
ually  gave  poor  people  so  much  of  his  property  that  he 
always  remained  poor,  though  he  could  have  been6  very 
rich.  He  was  also  accustomed  to  say  that  nothing  was 
easier  than  to  admonish  another,  nothing  more  difficult  than 
to  know  oneself.  Excellent  is  the  following  precept: 
“  Avoid  yourself  what  you  blame  in  another.”  7  Chilon  of 
Lacedaemon,  one  of  the  Ephors,  said :  “  Keep  secrets ;  use 
your  time  w^ell ;  bear  offences  with  an  even  mind ;  these 
three  things  are  very  difficult,  but  necessary.”  He  is  also 
recorded  to  have  said  :  “  Pay  attention  to  yourself ;  honor 
old  age ;  do  not  speak  ill  either  of  the  dead  or 8  of  the  liv¬ 
ing  ;  restrain  your  tongue :  prefer  loss  to  unjust  gain.” 
“  Gold,”  said  he,  “  is  tested  by  a  stone,  the  inclinations  of 
men  by  gold.”  u  Follow  reason  as  a  guide,”  is  a  saying 
ascribed  to  Solon,  the  well-known  lawgiver  of  the  Athenians. 
He  also  said:  “Wish  nothing  too  eagerly;  obey,  before 
you  wish  to  rule ;  flee  the  company  of  the  bad  ;  be  not 
hasty 9  in  choosing  a  friend,  but  do  not  abandon  10  him  who 
is  your  friend.”  The  saying,  “Know  thyself,”  is  attrib¬ 
uted  11  both  to  Chilon  and  Solon.  The  same  precept  was 
written  in  golden  letters  on  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi. 

No.  131.  1  Verb  (Ablat.  absol.).  9  only  sine  ullis  rebus.  3positum 

esse.  4  8.  Gr.  §237.  5. — Y.  Gr.  §139.  3.  5  constat  alone ,  or  with  inter 

omnes.  6  Transl.  “  though  he  could  ( was  able  to)  be”  7  alter.  8  “  not— 
either— or”  ne— neve.  9  festinare.  10dimittere.  11  “  the  baying  is  at¬ 
tributed”  by  dixisse  dicitur,  or  ferunt  dixisse. 


Section  XII. 


141 


SECTION  XII. 

Use  of  the  Infinitive. 

(S.  Gr.  §  266-277.— Y.  Gr.  §  204-213,  with  §  191. 192. 199.) 

132.  To  Die  for  one’s  Country  is  Honorable.1 

“  It  is  sweet  and  honorable  to  die  for  one’s  country.”  By 
their  actions  the  best  men  of  all  ages  have  approved 2  of  this 
saying  of  the  old  poet.  Did  not  Codrus,  the  last  king  of  the 
Athenians,  spontaneously 3  wish  to  be  cut  down  by  the  hands 
of  the  enemy  in  order  to  save  his  country  ?  In  Sparta  the 
boys  learned  to  despise  pain  and  even  death  in  order  to  be 
prepared  as  men,  willingly  to  suffer  anything  for  their 
country.  To  die  while  fighting  bravely  was  considered  the 
highest  praise ;  to  return  from  battle  without  a  shield  was 
the  greatest  disgrace.4  We  read  that,  when  no  more  able  to 
repulse  the  Persians,  Leonidas  with  his  300  preferred  to 
obey  the  laws  of  their  country  and  rather  encounter  death  6 
than  save  their  lives.  Epaminondas  of  Thebes  wished  to 
live  until  it  was  announced  that  his  soldiers 6  had  gained 
the  victory ;  then  he  ordered  the  dart  to  be  drawn 
from  his  wound,  and  he  gladly  died.  Instances  of  such 
courage  can  be  gleaned  not  only  from  the  Greeks,  but  also 
from  the  Romans.  Three  Decii  are  said  to  have  devoted 
themselves  to  a  voluntary  death  for  their  country.  The  first 
of  them  is  recorded 7  to  have  commanded  8  the  left  wing  of 
the  Roman  army  in  the  battle  near  Mount  Vesuvius  in  the 
year  340  before  Christ.  When  his  soldiers  began  to  be 
pressed  back,9  Decius  dared  to  rush  10  into  the  midst  of  the 
enemy,  and  there  he  did  not  cease  11  to  fight  until  he  sank  to 
the  ground  12  covered  13  with  wounds.  The  son  followed  the 
example  of  his  father  in  the  battle  at  Sentinum  in  the  year 
295  before  Christ.  As  he  was  not  able  to  sustain  the  attack 
of  the  Samnites,  and  nevertheless  wished  to  secure 14  the 


142 


Part  I. 


victory  for  the  Romans,  he  determined  to  throw  himself 10 
into  the  lines  of  the  enemy.  Thus  the  Romans  were  so 
encouraged  13  that  they  began  to  resist  wdth  greater  bravery 
and  gained  the  victory.  In  the  battle  at  Ascnlum,  which 
was  fought 16  against  Pyrrhus  in  the  year  279,  the  grandson 
of  the  first  Decius  is  said  to  have  sacrificed  himself 17  in  the 
same  manner.  Another  illustrious  example  is  that  of  the 
Fabii — 306  men,  all  of  that  same  family,  determined  alone 
to  oppose  the  enemy,  and  they  did  not  cease  to  fight  until 
all  of  them  18  had  fallen. 

No.  132.  1  decorus.  2comprobare.  3  ultro.  4dedecus,  turpitudo. 
5  oppetere  mortem.  6  only  suus.  7  ferre.  8  praeesse.  9  urgere,  repri- 
mere.  8.  Gr.  §  146.  Note. —  Y \  Gr.  §  204.  2.  10  se  injicere,  immittere. 
11  desistere.  12  corruere.  13cooperire.  14  in  tuto  collocare.  15  by  ani- 
mum  addere  (or  facere)  alicui.  16  facere,  or  edere,  17  vitam  profundere. 
18  ad  unum  omnes. 


133.  The  Taking  1  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus. 

% 

The  prophets  Isaias  and  Jeremias  had  foretold  that 
Babylon  would  be  taken.  If  we  compare  the  details 8  which 
these  prophets  give  of  the  coming  event  with  those  which 
Herodotus,  Xenophon,  and  others  have  recorded  of  the  tak¬ 
ing  of  the  city,  we  shall  find  that  both 3  wonderfully 4 
agree.  It  is  known  that  Cyrus,  king  of  the  Persians, 
first  vanquished  Croesus  and  destroyed  the  kingdom  of 
Lydia.  Then  he  marched  against  Babylon,  after  he  had 
made  an  alliance  with  the  Medes ;  for  no  one  can  deny 
that  a  kingdom  of  the  Medes  existed  when  Babylon  was 
taken,  as  the  prophet  Daniel  clearly  says  so.  When  the 
Babylonians  had  heard  that  Cyrus  was  approaching  with  an 
army,  they  believed  that  it  would  be  best  to  engage  him  in 
battle ;  but  it  is  known  that  they  were  beaten  and  put  to 
flight.  Then  Cyrus  ordered  the  city  to  be  besieged.5  As 
the  Babylonians  had  suspected  that  Cyrus  would  adopt  this 
course,  they  had  provided6  the  necessaries  of  life  for  ten 
years.  But  in  the  belief  that  the  city  was  so  strongly  forti¬ 
fied  that  it  could  not  be  taken  by  force,  they  despised  7  the 


Section  XII. 


143 


siege  and  gave  themselves  up  to  business  (. Plur .)  and 
pleasure.  For  a  long  time  Cyrus  was  not  able  to  effect 
anything,  and  recognized  the  necessity  of  using  a  new  kind 
of  warfare.  He  therefore  placed  one  division  of  his  army 
there  where  the  Euphrates  enters  the  city,  another  where  it 
leaves  it,  and  ordered  both  to  penetrate  into  the  city  as  soon 
as  they  perceived  that  the  river  was  fordable.8  Thereupon 
he  withdrew  from  the  city  with  the  weaker9  part  of  his 
army,  and  turned 10  the  course  of  the  Euphrates  above 
Babylon  into  a  neighboring  lake.  Thus  the  water  of  the 
river  fell,"  and  the  army  of  the  Persians  rushed  in  from  two 
sides  and  fell  upon  12  the  inhabitants  unawares.13  Those 
who  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  city  did  not  even  know  that 
the  suburbs  had  been  taken,  for  they  were  just 14  celebrating 
a  feast.  Thus  most  of  them  were  cut  down  15  without  resist¬ 
ance.  The  prophet  Isaias  had  foretold  that  Babylon  would 
be  taken  whilst  the  inhabitants  were  banqueting 16  and  drink¬ 
ing,  that  at  the  storming  of  the  city  soldiers  would  ride 17 
upon  camels  and  asses,  and  we  learn  from  other  writers  that 
all  this  actually  occurred.18 

No.  133.  1  expugnare.  8.  Or.  §282.  3. —  Y.  Or.  §215.  5.  2  singula. 
3  utraque.  4  miro  modo  ( not  miro  quodam  modo).  5  obsidione  claudere. 
6  procurare,  providere.  7  neglegere.  8  vado  transiri  posse.  9  debilis. 
10deducere.  11  minui,  cadere.  12  opprimere.  13inopinans.  14  forte. 
15  occidere,  trucidare.  16  epulari,  convivari.  17vehi.  18evenire. 

134.  On  the  Discovery1  of  the  Art  of  Writing. 

We  know  that  the  art  of  writing  was  not  altogether  un¬ 
known  in  the  most  ancient  times,  but  it  is  not  less  evident 
that  it  was  originally  very  defective.2  Certain  signs  and 
images  were  used  to  assist  the  memory,  and  probably  3  from 
these  the  sacred  books  of  the  Egyptians  or  the  so-called  hier¬ 
oglyphics  4  originated.  Still  we  are  aware  that  they  were 
not  real 5  letters,  but  images  of  things.  The  first  letters,  as 
is  believed,  were  invented  by  the  Phoenicians ;  at  least  Cad¬ 
mus,  who  is  reported  to  have  introduced  them  into  Greece, 
came  from  Phoenicia.  Some  learned  men  have  ventured  to 


144 


Part  I. 


deny  this.  Though  the  existence  of  Cadmus  may  be 
doubtful,  there  is  no  reason  to  distrust  Herodotus,  who  not 
only  affirms  that  Phoenicians  came  to  Greece  and  brought 
their  alphabet  with  them,  but  also  that  Phoenician  letters, 
which  he  maintains  to  have  seen  and  read,  were  still  extant 6 
in  his  days  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Thebes.  Ephorus  of 
Cyme,  a  pupil  of  Isocrates,  who,  as  Polybius  and  Cicero  say, 
was  one  of  the  most  careful  searchers  of  antiquity,7  maintains 
the  same.  Aristotle  agrees  with  Herodotus  and  Ephorus, 
and  likewise  affirms  that  the  discovery  of  letters  must  be 
attributed  to  the  Phoenicians.  Diodorus  writes  that  Diony¬ 
sius  was  of  the  same  opinion ;  and  this  Dionysius  is,  without 
doubt,  the  Milesian  who  lived  in  the  days  of  Darius  Hystas- 
pes,  though  some  believe  that  he  was  from  Mytilene,  and  a 
contemporary  of  Cicero.  Thus,  we  must  admit  that  the  dis¬ 
covery  of  the  art  of  writing  is  not  without  reason  ascribed  to 
the  Phoenicians.  The  names  of  the  single  letters,  too,  are 
said  to  be  of  Phoenician  origin.  However  this  may  be,  it 
appears  from  many  notices 8  that  even  several  centuries  after 
Cadmus  the  art  of  writing  was  not  in  use  with  the  Greeks. 
In  the  poems  of  Homer,  which,  as  we  know,  were  composed 
about  500  years  after  Cadmus,  the  art  of  writing  is  not  men¬ 
tioned.  Only  in  one  passage  some  one  is  said  to  have  in¬ 
scribed  on  a  tablet  a^paza  Xuypd,  sad  signs,  which  evidently 
were  no  real  letters.  Much  less  can  we  believe 9  that  Ajax, 
who  according  to  Homer  carved  10  a  sign  upon  a  pebble,11 
knew  and  practiced  the  art  of  writing. 

No.  134.  Hnventio.  2  imperfectus,  rudis.  3S.  Gr.  §  268.3.— F. 
Gr.  §  206. 1— litterae  sacrae  =  “  sacred  b.  ”  4  by  hieroglyphicus  (Adject.). 

5  verus,  Justus.  6  exstare.  7  diligentissimus  investigator  antiquitatis. 

8 indicium.  9  “  can  believe,”  by  the  Future.  10  insculpere.  11  calculus. 

135.  Chapter  II. 

But  there  is  still  another  account  of  the  first  inventor  of 
letters,  to  which  I  would  not,  indeed,  attribute  1  greater  cer¬ 
tainty,  but  which  I  hope  will  be  more  entertaining.  In  the 
works  of  Plato,  Socrates  narrates  the  following:  “I  have 


Section  XII. 


145 


heard  that  in  the  neighborhood  of  Naucratis,  a  city  in  Egypt, 
there  lived  an  admirable  and  almost  divine  man,  to  whom 
also  Ibis,  a  certain  bird,  was  sacred.  This  man  was  called,  I 
think,  Theuth  or  Thotli.  People  say  that  he  first  discovered 
numbers  and  the  art  of  calculating,2  geometry  and  astrono¬ 
my,  the  games  of  chess  and  dice,3  finally  also  letters. 
Thamus  was  then,  as  is  recorded,  king  of  all  Egypt.  The 
seat  of  government  was  at  Thebes,  a  large  city  of  Upper 
Egypt,  which,  according  to  the  oldest  poets,  had  a  hundred 
gates.  To  this  Thamus,  then,  Theuth  is  said  to  have  betaken 
himself  and  shown  him  his  arts  one  by  one.  He  doubtless 
hoped  to  receive  much  praise  and  a  great  reward  from  the 
king.  Thamus,  however,  asked  what  would  be  the  advan¬ 
tage  of  each  art.  And  when  it  seemed  to  him  that  Theuth 
spoke  the  truth  he  praised  him,  but  blamed  him  when4  he 
thought  his  assertions  false.  Thus  they  are  said  to  have  dis¬ 
puted  for  and  against5  each  art,  a  detailed6  narrative  of 
which  would  occupy  too  much  time.  Finally  they  came  to 
the  invention  of  letters,  which  Theuth  declared  to  be  the 
foremost  of  all  arts.  “This  art,7  oh  king,”  said  he,  “is 
most  extraordinary  8 ;  for  I  promise  you,  that  if  they  have 
acquired  it,  the  Egyptians  will  become  wiser  and  obtain  a 
more  unerring  memory ;  for  herein  evidently  a  wonderful 
aid9  to  ( Genit .)  memory  and  wisdom  has  been  discovered.” 
To  which  Thamus  answered  thus :  “  Oh  most  ingenious 10 
Theuth  !  One  is  fit  to  discover  hidden 11  arts,  but  another 
must  needs  pass  judgment  of  what  advantage  or  disadvan¬ 
tage  they  are  to  those  who  use  them.  You,  too,  out  of  pa¬ 
ternal  benevolence  towards  }Tour  letters,  have  said  that  they 
could  do  more  than  they  really  can,  and  you  have  even  main¬ 
tained  what  is  contrary  to  the  truth.  For  it  is  plain  that, 
trusting  to  the  letters,  those  who  acquire  this  art  will  neglect 
their  memory  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  recollect  things  at 
any  time  by  means  of  their  writing.  Thus  you  have  evidently 
discovered  a  means  of  recalling  things  to  mind,12  but  not  the 
art  of  memory.  To  your  scholars  you  present  a  certain  ap¬ 
pearance  of  wisdom,  not  true  wisdom.  For  if  they  have 


146 


Part  I. 


read  much  without  instruction,13  they  will  imagine 14  them¬ 
selves  to  be  wise,  whereas  they  are  unwise,  and  it  will  be 
difficult 15  to  endure  their  company.” 

No.  135.  1  Perfect  Subj.  2ratiocinari.  3calculorum  alearumque 

ludus.  4“ but  when”  =  sin.  See  S.  Gr.  §171,  esp.  Note  1  ( Y.Gr . 
§102).  6  in  utramque  partem.  6  quae  omnia.  7  here  doctrina,  or  dis- 

ciplina.  8singularis.  9mirificum  quoddam  adjumentum.  10artifici- 
osus.  11  arcanus.  12reminisci.  13  institutio,  disciplina.  14opinari. 
15molestus. 

136.  Arion,  the  Player  on  the  Cithern.1 

You  remember,  perhaps,  that  in  early  boyhood  you  were 
told  the  story 2  of  Arion,  the  player  on  the  cithern ;  still  I 
hope  that  you  will  not  regret  to  hear  it  again.  Well,3  Arion 
of  Methymne  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  cithern 
players  of  his  time,  and  according  to  Herodotus  he  was 
moreover  the  inventor  of  the  Dithyrambus,  a  new  kind  of 
poetry.4  He  was  a  friend  of  Periander  of  Corinth,  at  whose 
court  he  spent  a  great  part  of  his  life.  Once  he  made  up  his 
mind  to  go  to  Italy  and  Sicily,  hoping  by  his  art  to  acquire 
riches  and  renown  amongst  the  Italians.  Periander,  who 
seemed  as  it  were  to  forbode 5  that  a  misfortune  would  befall 6 
his  friend,  besought  him  to  remain  at  Corinth ;  but  in  vain. 
With  a  fair  wind  Arion  reached  Italy  and  shortly  gained  7 
the  hearts  of  all ;  all  were  astonished  that  there  was  such 
power 8  in  the  sound  of  the  cithern  and  in  the  human  voice, 
and  honored  the  minstrel 0  with  rich 10  gifts  and  presents. 
But  the  remembrance  of  his  friend  made  him  long  for  Greece. 
In  the  belief  that  for  Periander’s  friendship  Corinthian 
sailors,  above  all  others,  would  care 11  for  his  welfare,  he 
hired 12  a  Corinthian  ship  and  left  Tarentum  to  return  to 
Periander.  But  when  the  ship  had  reached  the  open  sea  the 
sailors  resolved  to  kill  Arion  and  to  take  possession  of  his 
treasures.13  Noticing14  their  plan,  Arion  besought  them  to 
spare  15  his  life,  adding  that  he  was  willing  to  give  them  his 
riches  in  ransom  for  it. 

No.  136.  1  citharoedus  (=  “ a  player  on  the  cithern”).  2fabula. 

3igitur.  S.  Gr.  §168.  1. —  T.  Gr.  §100.  1.  4poesis.  6  praesentire. 


Section  XU 


147 


eaccidere.  7  sibi  conciliare.  8  vis.  9vates.  10largus.  11  studere.  12  con- 
ducere.  13  opes,  divitiae.  14animadvertere.  15eoncedere. 

137.  Chapter  II. 

The  sailors,  however,  thought  it  probable  that  if  they 
granted  him  his  life  Arion  would  betray  them  to  Periander, 
and  therefore 1  all  the  entreaties  of  the  minstrel  were  in 
vain.2  They  consequently  demanded  that  if  he  wished  to  be 
buried  on  the  land  he  should  at  once  take  his  own  life,  or 
that  he  should  otherwise  throw  3  himself  into  the  sea.  Seeing 
that  he  must  die,  Arion  asked  for  permission  to  sing  once 
more 4  on  the  stern  of  the  ship  in  the  full  attire  5  of  a  minstrel, 
and  promised  to  make  away  with  himself 6  immediately  after¬ 
wards.  Anticipating  the  greatest  pleasure  in  listening  to  the 
song  of  the  best  of  all  players  on  the  cithern,  the  sailors 
retired  to  the  middle  of  the  ship,  that  the  minstrel  might  not 
be  disturbed  7  by  the  crowd  of  bystanders.  After  Arion  had 
donned  his  full  attire  he  came  forth,  holding  the  cithern  in 
his  left  hand,  and  standing  upon  the  stern  he  sang  in  clear- 
sounding  melodies 8  his  most  beautiful  song,  as  if  he  hoped 
(. Plujperf .)  that  the  gods  themselves  would  save 9  him  from 
the  hands  of  these  barbarians.  And  when  he  had  finished  10 
his  song  he  threw  himself,  attired  as  he  was  and  with  the 
cithern  in  his  hand,  from  the  stern  of  the  vessel  into  the  bil¬ 
lows.  Thus  the  sailors  were,  indeed,  disappointed  in  their 
hope  11  that  Arion  would  take  his  life  with  the  sword,  but 
doubted  not  that  he  would  perish  in  the  waves,  and  continued 
without  solicitude  12  their  voyage  to  Corinth.  But  a  dolphin, 
allured  by  the  sweetness  of  the  melody,  is  said  to  have  offered 
its  aid  13  to  Arion  and  to  have  borne  14  him  safely  to  the  prom¬ 
ontory  of  Taenarum  in  Laconia. 

No.  137.  1  Relative  Connect.  2  inanis,  irritus.  3dejicere.  4hoculti- 

mum.  5ornatus.  6  manns  sibi  inferre.  7turbare,  impedire.  8acuti 
modi.  9eripere,  servare.  10  ad  finem  perducere,  or  finire.  11  spes  me 
fal’it.  12  securus.  13tergum.  14deferre. 


148 


Part  I. 


138.  Chapter  III. 

Thence  Arion  betook  himself,  in  the  same  attire,  to  Cor¬ 
inth  and  told  Periander  all  that  had  happened.  But  the  lat¬ 
ter  could  not  convince  himself  that  such  wicked  1  men  existed 
in  his  state,  or  that  Arion  had  been  saved  in  so  miraculous  a 
manner.  He  therefore  ordered  his  friend  to  be  watched 
most  carefullv  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  communicate  his 
adventure  to  any  one.  However,  servants  despatched  by  him 
kept  watch 2  in  the  harbor  whether 3  sailors  arrived  from 
Tarentum.  As  soon  as  the  sailors  had  disembarked  4  they 
were  summoned  to  Periander.  When  the  tyrant  asked  them 
whether  they  had  heard  nothing  of  Arion,  one  of  them  said  : 
“  I  remember  to  have  heard  at  Tarentum  that  Arion  was  well 5 
and  highly  praised  by  all ;  but  himself  we  have  neither  seen 
nor  heard.”  Then  suddenly  the  folding-doors 6  of  the  nearest 
hall 7  were  opened,  and  with  the  cithern  in  his  left  hand,  Arion 
came  forth,  clad  in  the  same  attire  in  which  they  had  seen  him 
throw  himself  into  the  sea.  Seeing  him  the  sailors  fell  panic- 
stricken  to  the  ground.  Although  they  knew  that  their  crime 
would  be  most  severely  8  punished  by  Periander,  they  did  not 
dare  to  deny  it,  but  confessed  everything  in  the  same  words 
with  which  Arion  had  related  it  to  Periander.  Prevailed 
upon  by  the  entreaties  of  the  minstrel,  the  tyrant,  indeed, 
spared  their  lives,  but  they  were  commanded  to  go  into  exile 
to  the  barbarians,  whom  they  had  surpassed  in  cruelty  and  in 
inhumanity.  But,  as  is  recorded,  a  monument  of  brass,  though 
not  a  large  one,  was  erected  to  Arion  on  the  promontory  of 
Taenarum — a  man  sitting  on  a  dolphin — which,  as  Herodotus 
notices,9  was  still  extant 10  in  his  days. 

No.  138.  ^celeratus.  2  speculari.  3  si.  4navem  appellere.  5sospes 
atque  integer.  6valvae.  7  conclave.  8  literally,  or  by  gravissimo  sup- 
plicio  aftlcere.  9  significare.  10  exstare  {Present). 

139.  Brevity  and  Obscurity  of  Speech. 

Brevity  and  obscurity  of  speech  has  something  command¬ 
ing,1  and  this  is  the  reason  why  those  who  threaten  other* 


Section  XII. 


149 


very  frequently  adopt  it.  For  as  men  are  more  easily  fright¬ 
ened  in  the  dark,3  it  usually  happens  that  a  certain  3  ob¬ 
scurity  of  speech  seems  to  be  more  powerful.  The  Lacedae¬ 
monians,  I  believe,  often  employed 4  this  manner  of  speech. 
Thus  they  wrote  to  Philip,  king  of  Macedonia :  “  The  Lace¬ 
daemonians  to  Philip.  Dionysius  at  Corinth.”  Such  brevity 
was  far  stronger  and  more  efficacious  than  if  they  had  writ¬ 
ten  :  “  Know  that  Dionysius,  too,  was  formerly  a  very  power¬ 
ful  tyrant,  as  you  now  are,  and  yet  you  see  that,  expelled 
from  his  kingdom,  he  now  lives  as  a  private  person  at  Cor¬ 
inth.  Let  this  example  convince  you  that  it  can  also  fall  to 
your  lot  to  be  turned  out &  of  power.”  The  former  was  evi¬ 
dently  the  speech  of  those  who  wished  to  threaten ;  if  they 
had  used  the  latter  words  one  would  have  believed  that  they 
had  only  desired  to  warn  the  king  not  to  think  himself  too 
secure,  confiding  in  his  power.  And  not  long  after,  when 
Alexander  the  Great  took  it  ill  that  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
sent  him  only  one  ambassador,  they  answered :  “  One  to 
one.”  They  would  have  hardly  been  able  more  effectually  6 
to  humble 7  the  king’s  pride  by  a  long  form  of  speech. 

No.  139.  1  iraperiosus.  3obscurum,  tenebrae.  3  quasi  quidam.  4sequi. 
*  dejicere.  6  gravis,  vehemens.  1  ref utare,  repudiare. 

140.  Chapter  II. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  indeed,1  are  known  to  have  fre¬ 
quently  used  such  brevity  of  address.  But  we  find  that 
others,  even  barbarians,  were  not  unskilled  in  the  same  art. 
Dionysius  wrote  to  the  Locrians :  “  I  shall  cause  the  cicadae 
to  sing  in  your  country,  not  on  trees  or  shrubs,  but  on  the 
ground,”  signifying  that  their  whole  territory  would  be  laid 
waste  by  him.  A  certain  king  of  the  Scythians  is  said  to 
have  sent  the  following  letter  to  the  Byzantines :  “  Do  not 
lessen  my  revenues,3  lest  my  horses  come  to  be  watered 8 
among  you.”  Still  this  speech,  though  of  an  expressive4 
shortness,  could  be  easily  understood.  But  obscure  was  the 
answer  which  Idanthyrsus,  the  Scythian,  is  said  to  have 
(riven  to  Darius,  king  of  the  Persians.  For  when  Darius, 


150 


Part  1. 


through  his  ambassadors,  required  that  he  should  surrender 5 
himself  and  his  property,  Idanthyrsus  is  said  to  have  sent 
him  a  mouse,  a  frog,  a  bird,  and  five  arrows  instead  of 6  an 
answer.  Darius,  indeed,  considered  this  as  a  sign  7  that  the 
Scythians  were  willing  to  surrender  land  and  water  and  air 
and  their  arms  to  the  Persians.  But  one  of  the  nobles 
maintained  8  that  the  following  was  the  true  meaning :  “  If 
you  do  not  retire 9  like  mice  under  the  ground,  or  like  frogs 
under  the  water,  or  like  birds  into  the  air,  you  will  not  es¬ 
cape  our  arrows.”  But  Darius  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
adopt  this  explanation,10  and  thus  he  was  repulsed  by  the 
Scythians  with  great  loss 

No.  140.  1  quidem;  also  quamquam  (placed  at  the  beginning  of  the 

sentence).  See  S.  Gr.  §  172.  Note.  2  vectigal.  3  aquari  {Supine). 
4 gravis,  fortis,  efficax.  5subjicere.  6 pro.  '’indicium.  *dicere,  cen- 
sere.  8  abire.  10  interpretatio. 

141.  Darius  and  Idanthyrsus. 

We  have  related  above  that  Idanthyrsus,  the  king  of  the 
Scythians,  sent  some  obscure  signs  instead  of  an  answer  to 
Darius,  wherein  we  have  followed  Pherecydes  of  Syros,  who 
is  said  to  have  recorded  the  fact.  The  same  thing,  however, 
is  very  differently  related  by  Herodotus  in  the  following 
manner  :  As  the  Scythians  always  withdrew  at  the  approach  1 
of  Darius  and  thus  prevented  a  battle,  Darius  sent  a  horse¬ 
man  as  ambassador  to  king  Idanthyrsus  and  asked  him  why 
he  fled.  For  if  he  considered  himself2  strong  enough  to 
engage  in  battle 3  with  the  army  of  the  Persians,  he  should 
desist  from  his  perpetual  wanderings4  and  contend  with  him 
for  the  sovereignty  in  real 5  warfare.  Then  it  would  soon 
become  manifest  from  the  outcome  to  which  of  them  the 
sovereignty  of  the  country  was  due.  But  if  he  knew  that  he 
was  weaker  than  Darius,  he  should  consider  that  by  his  con¬ 
tinual  flight  the  war,  indeed,  would  be  protracted,0  but  that 
far  greater  damage  would  be  done  to  the  country.  There¬ 
fore,  it  would  be  the  best  to  submit  to  the  king  of  the  Per¬ 
sians.  He  should  then  send  him  as 7  his  lord  water  and  earth 


Section  XII. 


151 


as  presents,  and  should  come  himself  to  arrange  the  affairs 
of  Scythia  in  a  conference.8 

No.  141.  1  appropinquare,  Ablal.  absoh  3sibivideri.  3confligere. 

4  error.  5verus,  justus.  6trahere,  ducere.  7  ut.  8  colloquium  habere, 
Ablat.  absol. 


142.  Chapter  II. 

Whereupon  Idanthyrsus  answered  Darius  somewhat  as 
follows :  He  had  never  before  fled  for  fear  of  anybody,  nor 
did  he  now  fear  him.  If  he  had  retired  1  before  the  army  of 
the  Persians,  Darius  should  not  believe  that  it  was  through 
fear.  For  he  had  done  nothing  but  what  was  usual  in  time 
of  peace.  The  Scythians  had  no  cities  nor  crops  to  make 
them  afraid  of  devastation  2  by  the  enemy.  Yet  they  had  one 
thing  in  a  definite  place,  the  tombs  of  their  ancestors.  Da¬ 
rius  should  search  for3  them  and  destroy  them,  then  he 
would  soon  see  whether  or  not  they  would  struggle  with 
him  for4  the  tombs  of  their  forefathers.  But  otherwise 
they  would  fight  when  it  seemed  good  to  them,  and  not 
when  Darius  wished  it.  That  Darius  had  called  himself  his 
master  seemed  very  foolish  to  him,  for  the  king  of  the  Scyth¬ 
ians  acknowledged  no  master  except 5  Jupiter  and  Histia,  the 
queen  of  the  Sythians.  Instead  of  water  and  earth  he  would 
send  him  such  presents  as  seemed  to  be  becoming  for  a 
haughty 6  man.  He  announced 7  to  Darius  that  he  would 
shed  tears  of  regret  for 8  having  called  himself  king  of  the 
Scythians.  Which  of  the  two  stories  we  have  related  is 
more  genuine  8  no  one  will  be  able  to  decide.10 

No.  142.  1  se  recipere  ab  aliquo.  2vastare,  diripere.  3requirere. 

4de.  5praeter,  nisi.  6insolens,  superbus.  7denuntiare.  Bby  a  clause 
with  quod.  Uverus.  10 dijudicare. 

143.  Necessity  of  a  Good  Education.1 

Socrates  was  of  the  opinion  that  a  good  education  was  very 
useful  to  all  young  men,  but  most  necessary  to  these  who 
excelled  others2  in  talent.3  For  he  said  that  even  horses, 


152 


Part  I. 


naturally  of  the  best  race  and  possessed  of  courage 4  and 
swiftness,  were  only  5  then  of  great  use  when  they  had  been 
trained  at  an  early  age.6  If  that  were  not  done  no  one  could 
ever  be  pleased  with  them.  Thus  also  hunting 7  dogs,  even 
if  naturally  excellent,  ought  to  be  artificially  trained 6  before 
hunters  used  them  for  the  chase.  The  same  happened  *  to 
the  most  talented  men.  For  youths  endowed  with  mental 
gifts,  if  well  instructed  and  diligent  in  inquiring  into  what 
and  how  everything  ought  to  be  done,  usually  became  the 
best  and  most  useful  citizens ;  but  without  education  and  in¬ 
struction  10  the  same  could  easily  become 11  the  worst  and  most 
pernicious  men.  For  through  ignorance  of  their  duties  they 
were  often  impelled  by  the  desire  of  evil  deeds,  and  as  they 
were  likewise 12  proud  and  fierce,  it  was  difficult  to  restrain 
them  from  their  undertakings.13  Hence  it  came  to  pass  that 
such  men  caused  themselves,  their  fellow-citizens,  and  even 
the  state  the  greatest  sufferings. 

No.  143.  1  institutio.  2excellere.  For  construction,  see  B.  Or.  §  195. 
Note  2. — T.  Or.  §166.  2  end.  3  ingenii  facultates,  or  eximium  ingeni- 
um,  or  ingenium  alone.  4  ferocitas.  5  demum.  6  mature.  7  venaticus. 
8condocefacere.  9  mihi  accidit.  10  doctrina,  disciplina.  11  exsistere, 
evadere.  12  idem.  13coeptum,  inceptum. 

144.  Chapter  II. 

There  were  others  who  prided  themselves 1  in  their  riches 
and  believed  that  it  was  not  necessary 3  for  them  to  learn 
anything  ;  their  money  alone  being  sufficient  to  furnish  what¬ 
ever  they  desired.  Honor  amongst  men  would  not  be  want¬ 
ing  to  them  on  account  of  their  riches.  But  it  was  doubtless 
very  foolish  to  think  that  he  who  is  ignorant  and  inexperi¬ 
enced  in  all  things  should  be  able  to  discern  3  what  is  useful 
or  hurtful  to  himself,  for  such  discrimination  (inf.)  is  gener¬ 
ally  the  business  of  a  learned 4  and  wise  man.  Thus  it 
happened  that  those  who  were  rich,  indeed,  but  unlearned, 
acquired  just &  those  things  with  their  money  which  were 
most  hurtful  to  them.  Still  much  less  could  it  be  hoped 
that  such  men  had  a  right  appreciation  of  other  things,  of 


Section  XII. 


153 


justice,  virtue,  of  the  state.  In  all  such  matters  they  could  ad 
vise  neither  themselves  nor  their  friends,  and  would  generally 
do  what  would  injure  rather  than  what  would  benefit  them. 
Thus  the  very 6  richest  could  not  even  acquire  what  is  neces¬ 
sary  for  an  honest  livelihood,  much  less 7  could  he  obtain  the 
true  respect  of  his  fellow-citizens.  Therefore  all  men,  and 
particularly  youths,  ought  to  be  convinced  that  true  honor 
will  never  be  paid 8  to  them  unless  they  distinguish  them¬ 
selves  by  virtue  and  learning. 

No.  144.  1  superbire.  2  opus  esse,  necesse  esse,  debere.  3  discernere, 

distinguere,  dijudicare.  4docere,  or  bene  instituere.  5  ipse.  6vel. 
1  nedum.  8  only  esse. 


145.  Hannibal  and  Antiochus. 

When  Hannibal  had  been  expelled  from  Carthage  and 
came  to  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  he  tried  by  many  means 
to  prevail  upon  the  latter  to  wage  war  against  the  Romans. 
There  were,  however,  at  the  court1  some  adversaries  of 
Hannibal,  who  excited  the  king’s  suspicion  against  him. 
This  disgrace 2  he  bore  at  first  silently ;  but  afterwards  he 
deemed  it  better 3  to  free  himself  before  the  king  from  all 
suspicion,  and  addressed  him  somewhat  in  the  following 
manner :  “  When  once  sacrificing,  his  father,  Hamilcar,  had 
taken  him,  when  still  a  small  boy,  to  the  altar,  and  had 
bound 4  him  by  an  oath  never  to  be 6  a  friend  of  the  Roman 
people.  Under8  this  obligation7  he  had  been  a  soldier8  for 
thirty-six  years ;  the  same  obligation  had  driven  him  from 
his  country  in  time  of  peace  and  led  9  him  as  an  exile  to  the 
king  of  Syria.  Obedient  to  this  obligation,  he  would,  if 
Antiochus  disappointed  his  hope,  travel  over10  the  whole 
earth,  searching  where  he  might  find  forces,  where  arms, 
where  enemies  of  the  Roman  people.  He  hated  the 
Romans,  and  was  an  object  of  hatred  to  them.  Therefore, 
if  war  were  made  against  the  Romans,  he  might  reckon  11 
Hannibal  among  his  first  friends ;  but  if  he  preferred  peace 
with  the  Romans,  he  should  seek  some  one  else  with  whom 


154 


Pakt  I. 


he  could  discuss 12  the  affair.  This  speech  moved  the  king, 
and  reconciled  him  to  Hannibal. 

No.  145.  1  aula  regia.  2  contumelia.  3satius,  melius.  4  obligare. 

6  S.  Gr.  §  268.  2. —  T.  Gr.  §  206.  2.  6  sub.  1  sacrameutum.  8militare. 

9adducere.  10peragrare,  obire.  11  habere.  12  deliberare. 

146.  The  Messiah  Expected 1  by  the  Ancients. 

That  at  the  time  of  Christ  the  Jews  believed  the  Messiah 
would  soon  arrive  and  bring  them  help  is  a  known  fact.2 
Zachary,  Elizabeth,  Simeon,  Anna,  and  many  others  with 
whom  Anna  conversed  in  the  temple,  expected  that  Christ 
would  soon  bring  deliverance  3  to  mankind.  The  Pharisees 
sent  messengers  to  John  to  ask  him  whether  he  was  the 
Messiah  who  was  to  be  sent ;  and  Andrew  said  to  his  brother 
Simon  :  “  We  have  found  the  Messiah.”  Especially  on  the 
Easter  festivals4  the  Jews  of  that  time  earnestly  implored  5 
God  to  send  the  Savior.6  With  what  longing  and  confi¬ 
dence  7  the  learned,  who  shortly  before  and  after  the  birth 
of  Christ  translated  and  explained  the  Holy  Scriptures,8 
expected  the  Messiah  follows  from  this,  that  they  referred 
to  him  all  the  passages  which  they  possibly  could.  We  have 
also  spurious8  psalms  which  are  attributed  to  Solomon,  but 
were  composed  in  the  first  century  before  Christ.  From  the 
seventeenth  of  these  psalms  we  see  that  people  then  most 
ardently  implored  10  God  to  send  the  son  of  David,  that  he 
might  bring  salvation.  We  learn  the  same  from  the  book 
of  Henoch,  which,  as  it  seems,  must  also  be  attributed  11  to 
the  above-mentioned  time.  Nay,  many  learned  Jews,  who 
did  not  embrace  12  the  Christian  doctrine,  believed  that  the 
Messiah  had  really  been  born  in  the  Jewish  country  at  the 
time  when  the  Jewish  kingdom  perished ;  but  that  on 
account  of  the  sins  of  the  people  he  kept  himself  hidden.13 
The  Samaritan  woman  with  whom  Christ  conversed  tells  us 
that  the  Samaritans  were  convinced  that  the  Messiah  would 
also  come  to  them  and  instruct  them  in  the  most  important 
affairs  of  eternal  salvation.  After  she  had  asked  whether 
God  ought  to  be  adored  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  or  in 


Section  XII. 


155 


that  which  stood  on  Mount  Garizim,  she  continued :  she 
knew  that  the  Messiah  would  come ;  should  he  come,  he 
would  teach  them  (se)  everything.  It  seems  she  still  hoped 
that  during  her  lifetime 14  the  age  of  the  Messiah  would 
arrive. 

No.  148.  1  desiderare.  2  inter  omnes  constat.  3  salutem  alicui  ferre, 
afferre  ;  saluti  alicui  esse.  4  dies  pasclialis,  dies  festus  Paschae' -atis). 
5  obsecrare  obtestarique,  implorare  atque  obtestari.  6  salvator,  salutis 
bumanae  auctor.  7  tides.  8  libros  divinos  (sacros)  convertere  et  inter- 
pretari.  9  subdititius.  10  supplicibus  verbis  orare.  11  ponere.  12  am- 
plexari.  13 delitescere  (=  “  to  keep  oneself  hidden”).  14  Ablat.  absol. 
with  vivus. 


147.  Chapter  II. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  also  in  the  East 1  among  those 
who  did  not  profess  the  Jewish  creed,2  there  existed  a  desire 
for  a  Redeemer  and  Savior.3  Witnesses  are  the  Magi,  who 
came  to  Jerusalem  and  asked  where  was  the  new-born  king 
of  the  Jews.  They  therefore  believed  for  certain  that  salva¬ 
tion  would  come  from  the  Jews.  Flavius  Josephus,  Tacitus, 
and  Suetonius  relate  that  in  the  East  an  old  and  constant  opin¬ 
ion,  which  was  founded  on  ancient  books  of  the  priests,  was 
generally  spread,4  that  at  that  time  some  one,  who  was  to  come 
from  Judaea,  would  obtain  supreme  power.6  Certain  it  is  that 
the  religion  of  the  Romans  and  Greeks  had  fallen  to  decay,* 
that  divine  services  were  neglected  7  or  performed  without 
reverence  of  heart.  Cicero  praised  that  old  saying  of  Cato,8 
who  had  expressed  his  astonishment  that  a  soothsayer  “  did 
not  laugh  when  he  saw  a  fellow-soothsayer.  For  how  many  10 
things  that  they  foretold  really  happened?  Or  if  they 
happened,  might  it  not  have  been  through  chance?  At 
Rome  they  endeavored  to  introduce  foreign  sacred  rites 11 ; 
as  the  heart  had  a  longing  for  divine  and  heavenly  things. 
Even  those  who  denied  the  existence  of  the  gods  practiced 
the  magic  arts.  The  Platonists  and  Stoics  thought  that 
with  the  coming  of  the  great  year,  which  the  mathematicians 
had  so  called,  innocence  and  happiness  would  return.  Virgil 
sang  that  the  happy  age  foretold  by  the  Cumean  Sibyl  was 


156 


Part  I. 


approaching,  and  that  the  expected  author  of  salvation, 
whom  he  thought  to  be  the  son  of  his  friend  Pollio,  would 
take  away  the  traces  of  crime,  and  free  the  nations  from 
perpetual  fear.  Also  in  Caesar’s  time  they  brought  forward 
Sibylline  verses,  which  asserted  that  if  they  wished  to  be 
saved,  they  ought  to  call  him  king  who  was  their  king,  and 
many  maintained  that  Caesar  was  designated  by  these  verses. 
The  Egyptian  Hermes  had  predicted,  as  St.  Augustine 
writes,  that  a  time  would  come  when  the  folly  of  the 
Egyptians  in  worshipping  their  gods  so  devoutly  and  so 
long  would  be  apparent,  and  when  all  their  worship  would 
be  ridiculed  and  abolished.12 

No.  147.  1  terrae,  regiones  orientis  (solis).  2doctrinam  Judaeorum 

amplecti.  3  liberator  et  sal  valor.  4  percrebrescere  (Perf.).  5  rerum  po- 
tiri.  6  corruere.  7  sacra  intermittere.  8  only  vetus  illud  Catonis. 
9haruspex.  10  quotusquisque  (Sing.).  11  peregrina  sacra  suscipere. 
12  exstinguere. 

AS.  Man  Needs  Divine  Instruction.1 

Epicharmus,  a  pupil  of  Pythagoras  and  d  comic  poet,1 
who  was  born  in  the  isle  of  Cos  and  died  at  Svracuse, 
maintained  that  man’s  reason  had  come  3  from  the  divine 
reason ;  that  the  body  was  earth,  the  spirit  fire,  taken 3  from 
the  sun ;  that  if  man  died,  both  parts  went  whence  they 
had  come,  the  body  to  the  earth,  the  spirit  upwards.  In  his 
third  book  on  the  state,  Cicero  maintains  that  in  man  the 
divine  fire  of  intellect  and  reason  is,  as  it  were,  concealed.4 
The  philosopher  Xenophanes  from  Colophon,  who  lived 
about  the  year  540  before  Christ,  complained  that  no  one 
knew  anything  certain  about  the  gods  and  the  world ;  and 
that  whatever  good  one  said  about  them,  he  did  not  know, 
but  merely  guessed6  it.  Parmenides  from  Elea  believed 
that  all  men  were  similar  to  the  blind  and  deaf,  a  race  of 
fools.  Heraclides  of  Ephesus  maintained  that  the  human  mind 
had  no  understanding,6  only  the  divine  mind  had  it ;  that  the 
opinions  of  men  were  similar  to  the  playthings  of  boys,  that 
even  the  wisest  man  was  as  a  monkey  in  comparison  with  ’ 


Section  XII. 


157 


the  gods.  Anaxagoras  declared  that,  on  account  of  the 
weakness  of  our  senses,  it  was  not  possible  for  us  to  recog¬ 
nize  what  is  near,  and  Democritus  even  said  that  either 
nothing  was  true,  or  it  was  hidden  from  us.  The  Stoic 
Cleanthes  asked  the  gods  to  free  mankind  from  ignorance 
and  to  grant  them  a  knowledge  of  the  truth.8  Even  Aris¬ 
totle  writes  that  full  certainty  about  the  gods  cannot  be  ob¬ 
tained,9  and  in  his  last  will  he  orders  big  stone  animals,  four 
yards  high,  which  he  had  vowed  for  the  recovery  of  his  son 
Nicanor,  to  be  sent  to  Stagira  for  the  protector  Jupiter  and 
the  protectress  Minerva.  So  far,  then,  was  this  most  saga¬ 
cious  man  from  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God ! 10  Of 
Socrates  we  know  that  when  dying  he  ordered  a  cock  to  be 
sacrificed  to  Aesculapius.  Plato,  or  whoever  wrote  the  dia¬ 
logue  that  is  inscribed  “  the  second  Alcibiades,”  is  of  opin¬ 
ion  that  God  alone  can,  in  truth,  be  the  teacher  of  virtue ; 
that  the  truth  must,  indeed,  be  sought  for,  but  that  certainty 
can  only  be  obtained  if  man  is  enlightened  by  a  clearer 
light,  if  he  is  instructed  by  a  divine  voice ;  and  he  adds 
that  Socrates  entertained  the  same  opinion.  Euripides  begs 
Jupiter  to  teach  him  whence  mankind  had  its  origin,  what 
was  the  source  of  evil,  and  to  which  of  the  immortal  gods 
sacrifices  ought  to  be  offered  in  order  to  be  free  from  evil. 
Plutarch,  finally,  is  convinced  that  man  must  pray  for  all 
good  things,  but  in  particular  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  gods  as  far  as  he  is  able. 

No.  148.  1  doctrina.  2  poeta  comicus.  3profectum  esse,  ortum  esse 
a.  4obrui.  5opinari.  6  intelligentsia.  7  prae  diis  (==  “  in  compar.  with 
the  g .”).  8.  Or.  §  164.  9.  8  vera.  9  nihil  omnino  certi  de  aliqua  re  scire. 
10  8.  Or.  §  272,  and  §  275.  2.  2.—  Y.  Or.  §  119.  3.,  and  §  191.  5. 


158 


Fart  I. 


SECTION  XIII. 

Use  of  the  Participles. 

(S.  Gr.  §278-284. — Y.  Gr.  §214-219.) 

149.  Fear  of  Punishment. 

The  just  and  upright  man,  who  fears  nobody  and  injures 
none,  will  always  be  highly  esteemed  by  all  good  men.  In 
the  mere  affirmation  of  such  a  man,  whose  virtue  we  know 
and  have  tested,  we  shall  have  greater  confidence,1  than  in 
an  impious  man,  even  if  he  takes  an  oath  (per/.)  and  calls 2 
on  God  as  witness  to  the  truth.  Those,  however,  are  not  to 
be  considered  just  who  abstain  from  wrong  for  fear  of  pun- 
ishment ;  but  those  who  will  not  even  then  do  wrong  when 
it  can  be  done  with  impunity.3  For  even  wild  beasts  abstain 
from  prey 4  for  fear  of  the  dogs  that  watch  the  flock. 
Nevertheless  fear  of  punishment  often  contributes  in  some 
way  5  to  make  a  man  finally  good.  For  this  fear,  whilst  de¬ 
terring  him  from  crime,  by  and  by  accustoms  him  to  obey 
the  laws  and  keep  his  passions 6  in  check.7  When  he  has 
thus  often  tasted  the  peace  of  soul,  which  is  acquired  by 
innocence,  he  will  be  easily  led  by  the  force  of  habit  to  8 
abstain  from  wrong,  willingly  and  of  his  own  accord. 
Therefore  the  wisest  lawgivers  deemed  punishments  neces¬ 
sary,  not  only  to  expiate  the  wrong  that  had  been  done,  but 
still  much  more  to  prevent  evil  doing. 

No.  149.  1  fidem  habere.  2  invocare.  3  impune.  4  rapina,  raptus. 

5  normihil  conferre,  aliquid  valere.  6  libido.  7  domare,  coercere.  8. 
Gr.  §  278.  5.  —  T.  Gr.  §  214.  4.  8  by  a  clause  with  ut. 

150.  A  Faithful  Slave. 

M.  Anthony,  the  most  renowned  Roman  orator  before 
the  times  of  Cicero,  had  been  summoned  before  a  court  for 
a  great  crime,  and  it  seemed  that  he  was  not  free1  from 


Section  XIII. 


159 


guilt.  His  accusers  most  obstinately 2  demanded  that  a 
slave  be  summoned  for  the  investigation  3  who,  they  main¬ 
tained,  had  been  a  witness  of  the  crime  which  had  been 
committed  by  his  master.  However,  the  slave  could  not  be 
examined  4  against  the  will 5  of  his  owner.  He  was,  at  that 
time,  still  a  beardless  youth ;  and  though  he  saw  that  the 
affair  would  lead  6  to  torture,7  he  was  not  in  the  least  ter¬ 
rified.  Hay,8  he  exhorted  Anthony,  who  was  troubled  with 
fear  of  the  investigation,  to  surrender  him  to  the  judges  to 
be  tortured,9  assuring  him  that  no  word  would  escape  his 
lips  by  which  his  cause  might  be  injured.  Although 
Anthony  was  moved  by  such  a  disposition  of  his  slave,  he 
nevertheless  delivered  him  up  to  the  judges.  The  slave, 
however,  kept  his  word  with  an  incredible  perseverance.10 
For  though  he  was  lacerated  by  strokes  and  placed  on  the 
rack,.11  and  burnt  with  red-hot  coals,  yet  he  guarded  his 
master’s  safety  and  destroyed  12  the  whole  force  of  the  accu¬ 
sation.  After  Anthony  had  thus  been  freed  from  the 
charge,  he  is  said  to  have  granted  liberty  13  to  the  slave  who 
had  deserved  so  highly  of  his  master. 

No.  150.  1  abesse,  vacare.  2  pertiDax.  3  in  quaestionem.  4  quae* 
rere  de.  5  S.  Or.  §  284.  3. —  Y.  Or.  §  218.  2.  6  pertinere.  7  cruciatuS' 

8  immo  vero.  9  torquere,  cruciare.  10  constantia.  11  eculeus.  12  dis¬ 
solves,  evertere.  13  manumittere. 

151.  Effects  of  Omens. 

Many  instances  are  related  in  ancient  writers  by  which 
they  endeavor  to  prove  that  omens  must  not  be  neglected. 
C.  Marius  had  to  flee  from  Home  for  fear  of  Sylla.  Being 
forced  by  a  storm  to  disembark  1  at  Circeji,  he  himself  and 
his  companions  were  in  the  greatest  distress.2  When  the 
latter  despaired  3  of  safety  Marius  encouraged  them,  saying 
that  the  gods  had  promised  him  protection.  For  when  as  a 
youth  he  was  living  in  the  country  an  omen  had  been  given 
to  him  in  the  following  manner :  One  day  the  nest  of  an 
eagle  with  seven  eaglets4  had  fallen  into  his  lap.  The  harus- 
pices,  being  asked  by  his  parents,  had  answered  that  one  day 


160 


Part  I. 


he  would  become  the  most  renowned  man  among  mortals, 
and  that  he  would  seven  times  attain  the  highest  power. 
Now,  as  yet,  he  had  only  had  the  supreme  power  six  times. 
Therefore,  since  the  promises  of  the  gods  must  be  true,  he 
and  for  that  very  same  reason  they  also  would  escape  that 
danger.  And  so  it  happened.  When  the  same  Marius  had 
reached  Minturnae  he  was  recognized  and  carefully  watched 
in  the  house  of  a  certain  Fannia.  Doubting  whether  he 
should  conceal  himself  there  or  seek  safety  on  board  a  ship, 
he  observed  that  an  ass,  neglecting  the  food 6  that  had  been 
thrown  before  it,  hastened  towards  the  water.  Believing,8 
therefore,  that  this  was  an  omen  which  had  been  given  him 
by  the  gods,  he  at  once  embarked  and  reached  Africa  in 
safety.  This  man,  then,  was  saved  by  omens.  After  Pom- 
pey  the  Great  had  been  beaten  by  Caesar  and  had  taken  to 
flight  he  directed  his  fleet  towards  the  island  of  Cyprus  to 
collect  new  forces.7  Whilst  disembarking  near  the  city  of 
Paphos  he  beheld  a  magnificent  building  on  the  seashore. 
He  therefore  asked  the  pilot,  who  was  sitting  near  him,  what 
was  the  name  of  that  building,  and  the  latter  replied  that  its 
name  was  “the  fated  castle.”  Pompey,  who  was  greatly 
moved 8  by  this  omen,  hastily  continued  his  flight,  but  soon 
met  with  a  miserable  death.9 

No.  151 .  1  appellere,  with  and  without  navem.  9  in  summas  angustias 
adduci.  3  S.  Or.  §  194.  4. —  Y.  Or.  §  165  (desperare).  4  pullus.  6  pabu¬ 
lum.  6reri.  7vis(P£ur.).  8  percellere,  commovere.  9  misere  occumbere. 

152.  The  Poet  Philoxenus. 

When  one  day  the  poet  Philoxenus  had  been  invited  to 
dinner  1  by  the  tyrant  Dionysius,  and  saw  that  a  very  large 
mullet 2  had  been  placed  before 3  Dionysius,  but  a  much 
smaller  one  before  himself,  he  lifted  his  own  from  the  plate 4 
and  held  6  it  to  his  ear,  feigning  to 6  ask  it  something.  When 
Dionysius  inquired  into  the  reason,  Philoxenus  said  to  him : 
“  Oh  king,  I  am  writing  a  poem  on  Galatea ;  therefore  I 
asked  this  fish  something  about  the  Nereids  wherewith  to 
adorn  my  poems.  But  it  tells  me  that  it  has  been  caught  too 


Section  XIII. 


161 


young  and  can  relate  nothing  to  me  about  the  Nereids  on 
account  of 7  its  youth.  If  I  asked  that  larger  one  which  has 
been  placed  before  you,  I  believe  it  would  easily  explain  all 
that  I  wish.”  Dionysius  laughed,  and  sent  the  fish  placed 
before  him  to  Philoxenus.  In  a  similar  manner  Philoxenus 
very  often  used  great  freedom  of  speech  without  fearing  the 
anger  of  the  tyrant.  And  at  that  time,  indeed,  he  came  off 
without  suffering  any  harm.  But  not  long  afterwards 
a  heavy  punishment  was  inflicted  on  him  by  Dionysius  for 
offending  the  king’s  vanity.  The  tyrant  himself  also  made 
poems,  and  though  they  were  inelegant  and  rude,8  yet  he 
wished  them  to  be  considered 9  excellent.  Having  written  a 
tragedy,  he  gave  it  to  the  poet  Philoxenus  for  correction,10  if 
anything  displeased  him  in  it.  But  the  reading11  of  the 
tragedy  excited  so  great  a  disgust  in  Philoxenus  that  he  can¬ 
celled  the  whole  poem,  from  beginning  to  end,  by  a  single 
stroke,12  without  thinking  how  much  he  would  thereby  hurt 
the  vanity  of  the  tyrant.  Dionysius  was  very  angry  and 
ordered  the  poet  to  be  made  prisoner  and  thrown  into  the 
stone-quarries 13  of  Syracuse.  Those  quarries  were  a  very 
strong  prison,  which  the  Sicilian  tyrants  had  caused  to  be 
cut 14  into  the  rocks.  However,  Philoxenus  seems  not  to  have 
been  imprisoned  for  a  long  time,  and  after  his  deliverance  lft 
he  was  again  very  often  with  Dionysius.  But  when,  one  day 
at  dinner,  he  heard  the  latter  read  his  poems,  Philoxenus  rose 
from  his  seat,  whilst  the  rest  were  flattering  and  applauding 
the  tyrant,  and  said  :  “  Send  me  again  into  the  quarries ;  for 
it  is  much  more  tolerable  for  a  cultured  man  to  spend  1S  his 
life  in  prison  than  to  hear  such  miserable  poems.” 

No.  152.  1  cenae  (coenae)  adhibere.  2mullus.  3apponere.  4  patina. 
5  admovere.  6  by  a  clause  with  quasi.  1  per.  8  inconcinnus  et  illepidus. 
*  videri.  10  emendare.  For  constr.  see  S.  Or.  §281.  3,  and  Note. —  Y. 
Gr.  §219.  3.  11  legere.  S.  Gr.  §282.  3.—  Y.  Gr.  §215.  5.  12litura. 

13  lautumiae.  14  excidere.  15  liberare.  16  agere,  either  Infinitive ,  or  Attribu 
tive  Participle  (“  more  tolerable  is.  .  .  .  life  spent.  .  .  .  than  such.  .  . 
poems  heard  ”)•  See  S.  Gr.  §  282.  3. 


162 


Part  I. 


153.  The  Story  of  the  Horatii  and  Curiatii. 

After  the  death  of  Numa  Pompilius,  Tullus  Hostilius,  who 
as  ancient  writers  relate  was  even  fiercer  than  Romulus,  was 
chosen  king.  Under  the  reign  of  Tullus  many  wars  were 
waged  by  the  Romans,  especially  a  war  against  Alba  Longa, 
which  in  some  way  can  be  called  the  mother  of  the  city  of 
Rome ;  for  by  the  help 1  of  the  Albans  Rome  is  said  to 
have  been  founded.  After  the  war  had  broken  out  armies 
took  the  field  on  both  sides.  But  when  all  expected  the 
signal  for  the  beginning2  of  the  battle,  Mettus  Fuffetius,  the 
leader  of  the  Albans,  stepped'  forth  and  proposed  to  Tullus 
that  the  war  should  be  decided 3  by  the  contest  of  a  few,  not 
by  an  engagement  of  the  armies.  Tullus  consented.4  When, 
then,  the  generals  were  advising6  whom  they  might  best 
choose  for  this  contest,  there  were  perchance  in  both  armies 
three  brothers  of  one  birth 6  who  were  neither  unequal  in  age 
nor  in  strength.  They  were  called  Horatii  and  Curiatii. 
The  former  are  said  to  have  been  Romans,  the  latter  Albans. 
After  time  and  place  had  been  agreed  upon  a  treaty  was 
made  between  the  Romans  and  Albans  under  this  condition,7 
that  that  people  should  have  the  sovereignty  whose  citizens 
would  gain  the  victory.  Both  armies  were  drawn  up  in  bat¬ 
tle-array  in  front  of 8  the  camp  and  awaited  the  engagement 
in  suspense.9  In  the  middle  a  large  plain  was  left  where  the 
contest  should  take  place.  From  the  one  side  the  Horatii, 
from  the  other  the  Curiatii  came  forth,  armed,  whilst  their 
countrymen  encouraged  them  not  to  forget  that  the  safety  of 
the  country  depended  10  on  their  bravery.  The  signal  being 
given,  the  attack  commences.11  The  contest  was  very  vio¬ 
lent,12  both  parties  fighting  with  the  greatest  bravery.  The 
victory  was  for  a  long  time  doubtful.  Blood  and  wounds 
were  already  seen,13  when  on  a  sudden  two  Romans  broke 
down,  pierced  with  many  wounds,  amid  the  shouting 14  of  the 
whole  Alban  army.  An  overpowering  fright  seized  16  the 
Roman  legions ;  for  after  two  of  theirs  had  been  cut  down, 
it  seemed  scarcely  possible  that  one  should  hold  out  against 
three  enemies. 


Section  XIII. 


163 


No.  153.  1  adjuvare.  2committere.  3dirimere.  4  res  placet.  5  cir- 

cumspicere.  6  trigemini.  7  lex.  8  pro.  9  by  animum  (-os)  suspend  ere. 
10  positum  esse.  11  “the  att.  com.”  by  Pass,  of  concurrere.  ]iacer. 
13  spectare.  14  conclamare.  15  occupare,  invadere. 

154.  Chapter  II. 

But  whilst  the  three  Curiatii  were  already  wounded, 
Horatius  was  unhurt  and  full  of  courage.  Seeing  that  he 
could  not  withstand  them  together,1  he  took  to  flight 2  in  order 
to  separate  them,  and  to  be  able  to  attack  them  one  by  one. 
The  Curiatii  pursued  him  on  his  flight  with  unequal  swift¬ 
ness,  as  each  one's  wounds  allowed  him.  Horatius  was  not 
disappointed  in  his  hope.3  When  he  had  fled  a  while,4  he 
looked  back  and  saw  the  enemies  following  at  great  intervals. 
At  once  he  turns  round,6  and  making  a  most  vehement 
attack,  he  prostrates  the  first  to  the  ground.  Whilst  the 
army  of  the  Albans  cried  out 6  to  the  two  to  help  their 
brother,  Horatius  already  hastens  to  his  second  victory.  For 
the  second  of  the  Curiatii,  too,  separated  from  his  brother, 
was  cut  down  by  the  Roman,  as  his  strength  was  exhausted.7 
Thus  the  chances  of  war 8  were  equal,  as  only  one  on  either 
side  remained,  and  the  Romans  exulted  and  encouraged 9 
their  warrior  by  applause  and  acclamation.  He,  however, 
uninjured  in  body,  and  encouraged 10  by  gaining 11  two 
victories,  beheld  his  adversary  worn  out  by  his  wounds  and 
despairing  of  the  victory  after  the  fall 12  of  his  two  brothers. 
The  Roman  exultingly  exclaims:  “Two  have  I  given  to 
the  shades  13  of  my  brothers ;  the  third  I  will  give  for  the 
sake 14  of  this  war,  that  the  Romans  may  rule  over  the 
Albans,”  and  having  lodged  16  his  sword  in  the  body  of  the 
third  of  the  Curiatii,  he  prostrates  him  to  the  ground. 
Thus  was  Alba  subjected  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Romans. 
Amidst  the  congratulations 16  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  Horatius, 
adorned  with  the  conquered  arms 17  of  three  foes,  returned  in 
triumph  to  Rome.  Before  the  Capenian  gate  he  was  met 
i  by  his  sister,  who  had  been  betrothed 18  to  one  of  the 
Curiatii.  And  as  she  recognizes  on  the  shoulders  of  her 


164 


Part  I, 


brother  the  military  cloak  19  which  she  herself  had  made,30 
and  which  she  had  presented  to  her  betrothed,  she  loosens 
her  hair,  and  in  a  plaintive31  voice  utters  the  name  of 33  her 
slaughtered  lover. 

No.  154.  1  uni  versus.  *fugam  capessere.  3spes  me  non  fallit. 
4aliquamdiu.  5se  convertere.  6inclamare  alicui.  7afficere.  8  Mars, 
or  fortima  belli,  "juvare.  10excitari,  ferociorem  fieri.  11  reportare. 
12  by  caedere.  13  manes.  14  in  causam.  15defigere.  16  congratulari. 
I7spolia.  18despondere,  spondere.  19paludamentum  (=  “ mil.  cloak”). 
20  conficere.  21flebilis.  22  appellare  aliquem  nomine. 


155.  Chapter  III. 

The  lamentation  1  of  his  sister  amidst  such  public  rejoicing 
aroused  the  anger  of  the  fiery  youth ;  he  draws 3  his  sword 
and  transpierces  the  girl,  reproaching 3  her  at  the  same  time : 
“  Go 4  to  your  betrothed,”  said  he,  “  with  your  untimely 5  love. 
The  same  shall  happen  to  every  Roman  (woman)  who  bewails 
( Fut .)  an  enemy.”  The  deed  was  truly  shocking.8  King 
and  senate  were  of  the  opinion  that,  though  the  country  had 
been  saved  by  him,  Horatius  should  be  delivered  to  the 
judges,  and  after  having  examined 7  the  case,  the  latter  con¬ 
demned  him  to  death.  But  at  the  advice 8  of  the  king  him¬ 
self,  the  youth  exclaimed :  “  I  appeal 9  to  the  people.” 

Thus  the  right  of  appeal 10  originated  and  the  highest  judg¬ 
ment  was  transferred  to  the  citizens.  While  they  were  in 
doubt  what  step  to  take  in  so  important  an  affair,  the  father 
of  Horatius  hastily  entered  the  court.  At  the  sight  of  the 
old  man  the  multitude  was  much  moved.  He  said  that  his 
daughter  had  been  justly  killed  for  neglecting  the  glory  of 
her  relatives  and  her  country,  and  only  bewailing  her  private 
grief.  If  he  judged  otherwise,11  he  himself  according  to  his 
right  as  father  would  have  punished  13  his  son  with  his  own 
hand.  They  should  not  deprive  him  of  all  his  children, 
whom  they  had  shortly  before  seen  blessed  with  a  glorious 13 
offspring.14  Having  said  this,  the  old  man  embraced  the 
youth,  and  cried  with  a  loud 16  voice :  “  Could  you  be 
capable 18  of  leading  him  to  death  whom  but  a  little  while 


Section  XIII. 


165 


ago  1T  you  honored 18  as  conquerer  after  he  had  overcome 
the  enemy  and  saved  his  country?  Go,  lictor;  will  you 
afford  a  more  pleasing  spectacle  to  the  Roman  people  by 
binding  those  hands  which  shortly  before,  whilst  armed, 
acquired19  the  sovereignty  for  Rome?  Do  you  believe  that 
satisfaction  will  be  given  to  the  country  by  convicting  its 
champion?  Give  him  to  (his)  father,  give  him  to  (his) 
country  !  ”  Moved  by  these  entreaties,  the  people  acquitted 
the  criminal 20  and  returned  him  to  his  father. 

No.  155.  1  comploratio.  2stringere.  3  verbis  increpare.  4abire. 

5  iatewipestivus,  immaturus.  6atrox.  7  causam  cognoscere.  8suadere. 
9provocare  ad.  10  provocatio  (=  “  right  of  app”).  11  aliter.  12animad- 
vertere  in  aliquem.  13egregius.  14stirps.  15magnus.  u  S.  Or.  §  272. 
—  Y.  Or.  §  119.  3.  17modo.  18decorare.  19parere.  20 sons. 

156.  Two  Dreams. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Hamilcar,  the  Carthaginians  had 
besieged  the  city  of  Syracuse  for  a  considerable  time.  One 
night  the  general  thought  that  he  heard  a  voice  in  a  dream  1 
announcing  that  on  the  following  day  he  would  enter  the 
city  in  the  company  of  some  friends,  and  take  his  dinner 
there.  Full  of  joy,  as  if  the  victory  had  been  promised  him 
from  on  high,2  he  believed  that,  on  the  advice 3  of  the  gods, 
he  should  attack  the  city  at  once.  But  when  the  line  of 
battle  had  been  formed,4  a  tumult  arose  in  his  army.  The 
Syracusans  made  a  sudden  sally,5  overpowered  the  enemy, 
and  led  Hamilcar  with  several  friends  in  fetters  into  the  city. 
Thus,  more  disappointed  by  his  hope  than  by  the  dream,  he 
dined  as  a  captive  at  Syracuse.  When  Eudemus  of  Cyprus, 
a  friend  of  Aristotle,  was  taking  a  trip,  he  fell  sick 8  at 
Pherae,  a  city  which  was 7  then  under  the  cruel  dominion  8 
of  Alexander.  All  the  physicians  despaired  of  his  recovery. 
Suddenly  a  youth  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream  and  said  that 
within  a  few  days  Alexander  would  die,  but  that  he  would 
soon  recover 8  and,  after  five  years,  return  to  his  native  coun¬ 
try.  Alexander  was  soon  afterwards  assassinated  at  the 
instigation 10  of  his  relatives,  and  Eudemus  recovered.  But 


166 


Part  I. 


when  five  years  afterwards  he  was  on  his  way  to  Cyprus  and 
hoped,  with  the  favor  11  of  the  gods,  to  return  home,  he  was 
killed  on  the  voyage.  Thus  he  did  not  return  to  the  country 
which  he  had  hoped  for,  but  to  his  true  home.  This  is  said 
to  have  happened  in  the  lifetime  12  of  Aristotle. 

No.  156.  1  in  somnis,  or  per  somnum.  2divinitus.  3auctor.  4aciem 
instruere.  5  eruptio,  excursio.  c  aegrotare,  with  coepisse,  in  morbum 
incidere.  7  teneri,  with  Ablat.  (“  under  ”).  8dormnatus.  9  convalescere. 
10auctor.  11  favere,  propitius.  12vivere,  vivus. 


157.  The  Oldest  Roman  Poets. 

Livius  Andronicus  is  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  Roman 
poet  and  the  first  who  produced  a  play  1  at  Rome  under  the 
consulship  of  Sempronius  Tuditanus  in  the  year  240  before 
Christ.  It  seems  that  he  also  translated 2  Homer’s  poems 
into  the  Latin  tongue.  Uext  to  him  in  time  is  C.  Uaevius, 
who  wrote  an  epic  poem  on  the  first  Punic  war,  which  was 
received  with  great  praise.  But  by  chastizing 3  the  manners 
of  many  noble  Romans  on  the  stage  he  caused  great  distress 
to  himself.  At  the  instigation  of  the  Metelli  he  was  ban¬ 
ished  from  Rome  and  died  at  Utica  under  the  consulate  of 
Cornelius  Cethegus  in  the  year  204  before  Christ.  When 
Livius  Andronicus  was  still  living  and  Naevius  a  youth  Q. 
Ennius  was  born,  who  equalled,  or  rather  far  surpassed,  the 
glory  of  the  former  two.  His  birth-place  was  Rudiae  in  Ca¬ 
labria,  whence  he  was  led  to  Rome  bv  Cato  the  Elder  in  the 

/  « j 

same  year  in  which  Uaevius  died.  He  enjoyed  the  intimate 
friendship 4  of  the  noblest  Romans ;  of  Scipio,  under  whose 
leadership  the  second  Punic  war  was  finished ;  of  Laelius, 
Cato,  and  others.  The  Consul  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior  marched 
with  his  army  to  Aetolia  accompanied  by  Ennius.5  The 
poet’s  most  renowned  poem  is  the  Annals,  in  which  the  sec¬ 
ond  Punic  war  is  celebrated.  He  died,  seventy  years  old,  at 
Rome  under  the  consulship  of  Q.  Marcius  and  Servilius  Cae- 
pio  in  the  year  169  before  Christ.  When  Ennius  was  still  a 
youth  M.  Pacuvius  was  born,  whose  plays 8  are  praised  by 
Cicero  on  account  of  their  well -elaborated  verses.  He  is 


Section  XIII. 


167 


said  to  have  died  at  the  age  of  ninety  years  under  the  con¬ 
sulship  of  C.  Claudius  and  M.  Perperna  in  the  year  130  be¬ 
fore  Christ.  L.  Attius  and  Caecilius  Statius  are  also  men¬ 
tioned,  not  without  praise,  among  the  oldest  dramatists.7 
All  of  them,  however,  are  surpassed  by  T.  Maccius  Plautus, 
an  Umbrian,  who  died  about  eighty  years  before  the  birth  of 
Cicero,  but  it  is  uncertain  under  whose  consulship  it  oc¬ 
curred.  He  is  said  to  have  composed  more  than  100  come¬ 
dies,  of  which,  however,  even  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  only 
twenty-one  were  considered  as  really  belonging  to  Plautus,8 
almost  all  of  which  are  still  extant.  More  elegant  than 
Plautus  is  Terence,  who  came  as  a  slave  from  Carthage  to 
Rome,  and  is  therefore  called  Afer.  He  was  set  at  liberty 9 
by  his  master.  From  Terence  we  have  six  plays,  which  are 
very  elegantly  written,  (and)  which  he  is  said  to  have  pol¬ 
ished  with  the  assistance  10  of  Scipio  and  Laelius.  Renowned 
was  also  C.  Lucilius,  a  Roman  knight,  the  inventor  of  the 
satire,  which  Horace  afterwards  perfected.  He  died  when 
Marius  was  consul  for  the  third  time,  in  the  year  103  before 
Christ.  Lucretius  Carus  can  also  be  reckoned  among  the 
older  poets  on  account  of  (his)  old-fashioned  11  manner  of 
writing,  though  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Cicero. 

No.  157.  1  fabulam  docere,  or  dare.  2  convertere,  vertere,  transferre. 
fcexagitare,  perstringere.  4  familiaritas,  acc.  to  S.  Gr.  §  207.  1. —  Y.  Gr. 
§  162.  2,  or  with  uti.  5  S.  Gr.  §  284.  1. — Y.  Gr.  §  218.  2.  6fabula. 
7poeta  scenicus.  8  ‘'belonging  to  Plautus”  by  the  Adj.  Plautinus. 

9  manumittere.  10  adjuvare.  11  priscus. 

158.  Roman  Laws  Hostile  to  the  Christians. 

Though  the  Romans  granted 1  defeated  nations  the  liberty 
to  worship  the  gods  of  their  country,  yet  they  did  not  wish 
foreign  gods  to  be  venerated  by  Roman  citizens.  During 2 
the  second  Punic  war  so  much  foreign  worship  had  crept 
into  the  state  that  either  men  or  the  gods  seemed  on  a  sud 
den  to  have  changed.3  But  when  this  had  become  known 
the  senate  ordered  the  praetor  to  free  the  people  from  these 
religious  ceremonies.  Then  a  decree  was  passed  by  the  sen- 


168 


Part  I. 


ate  that  no  one  should  sacrifice  in  a  public  or  sacred  place 
after  a  new  and  foreign  manner.  When  in  the  year  186  be¬ 
fore  Christ  the  abominable  secret  worship  of  Bacchus  had 
been  introduced  a  consul  said  in  the  assembled 4  senate : 
“  How  often  in  the  days  of  our  fathers  and  grandfathers 
have  orders  been  given  to  the  magistrates  to  forbid5  foreign 
worship,  to  keep  such  as  offer  sacrifice  and  soothsayers  away  6 
from  the  market,  from  the  circus,  and  from  the  city,  to 
gather  and  burn  books  that  tell  fortunes,  to  abolish  any 
method  of  offering  sacrifices  besides  the  Roman.  For  men 
most  experienced  in  all  divine  and  human  laws  were  of 
opinion  that  nothing  would  tend  more  to  the  destruction7 
of  religion  than  if  sacrifices  were  offered,  not  after  the  cus¬ 
tom  of  the  country,  but  according  to  foreign  rites.”  In 
Cicero’s  books  on  the  laws  we  likewise  read  :  “No  one  shall 
have  separate  gods  nor8  new  ones;  foreign  ones  shall  not  be 
venerated  unless  they  have  been  adopted 9  by  the  state.” 

No.  158.  1  concedere,  dare.  2  by  a  clause  with  dum  geritur.  3alium 
fieri.  4  convocare  (Ablat.  absol.).  5 a  republica  prohibere.  6propulsare. 
1  destruere.  8  ne  quis — neve  (“  no  one— nor  ”).  9adsciscere. 

159.  Chapter  II. 

Maecenas,  who  in  Dio  Cassius  gives  advice  to  Augustus  on 
the  administration  of  the  commonwealth,  says:  “Always 
and  everywhere  honor  the  deity  according  to  ancestral  laws 
and  institutions,  and  compel  all  to  do  the  same.  Despise  and 
punish  those  who  wish  to  introduce  1  foreign  divine  worship. 
Such  innovators  seduce  many  citizens  to  change  the  customs 
of  their  country,2  and  that  {Relat.)  is  the  occasion  of  conspir¬ 
acies,  dangerous  plots  and  societies.”  Domitius  Ulpianus 
still  collected  the  decrees  of  the  emperors  in  order  to  show 
what  punishments  ought  to  be  inflicted  upon  those  men  who 
loved  3  the  true  God.  Those  old  laws  issued  for  the  pres¬ 
ervation  4  of  the  religion  of  the  state  threatened  the  Chris¬ 
tians  with  ruin.  Moreover,  it  was  forbidden  to  form  asso¬ 
ciations  5  without  the  permission  of  the  state,  and  this  law 
was  also  an  obstacle  to  the  Christians.  It  is  known  that  in  the 


Section  XIII. 


169 


year  313  Constantine  and  Licinius  issued  that  famous  edict 8 
by  which  they  allowed  the  Christians  to  perform  their  wor¬ 
ship  publicly  and  to  profess  their  religion  freely.  In  the 
year  341  Constantius  and  Constans,  the  sons  of  the  great  Con¬ 
stantine,  forbade  under  punishment7  the  sacrificial  worship 
of  the  gods,  and  in  the  year  353  Constantius  ordered,  under 
pain  of  death,  that  in  all  cities  and  everywhere  else  their 
temples  should  be  closed.  Those  laws  were,  indeed,  little 
observed  at  Home  and  Alexandria,  but  in  other  cities  the 
gods  ceased  to  be  worshipped.8  In  the  country,  too,  many 
persevered  in  the  old  superstition,  wherefore  the  worshippers 
of  the  false  gods  were  called  “  country  people.” 9  A  law 
issued  in  the  year  399  says :  “  If  temples  are  in  the  country, 
they  shall  be  destroyed  without  din  and  noise,  for  when 
they  have  been  pulled  down  and  removed  all  inducement 10 
to  superstition  will  be  destroyed.”  Yet  Theodosius  most 
strictly  prohibited  the  annoyance  of  those  Jews  and  heathens 
who  kept  quiet  and  did  not  commit  any  seditious  actions. 
Whoever  robbed  them  of  anything  and  was  convicted  should 
be  compelled  to  return  it  three  or  four  fold. 

No.  159.  1  See  158,  9.  2  by  the  Adj.  patrius.  3  Par  tic.  Gonstr. 

4  tueri.  5  sodalitates  esse.  6  edictum  proponere.  7  poena  proposita. 
8  S.  Gr.  §  146.  Note. —  Y.  Gr.  §  204.  2.  9  paganus.  10  incitamentum. 

160.  Take  up  and1  Read. 

With  great  sorrow  had  St.  Monica  seen  h$r  son  Augustine, 
whom  she  had  brought  up 2  with  motherly  love,  plunge  him¬ 
self  into  licentiousness  and  vice.3  At  last  God  had  pity  with 
the  misery  of  the  unfortunate  youth,  and  led  him  back  to 
Himself.  Once,  as  St.  Augustine  himself  tells  us  in  his 
“  Confessions,”  4  he  was  sitting  in  a  little  garden  near  the 
house  together  with  his  friend  Alypius.  Oppressed  with 
grief  at  his  sins,  he  made  the  resolution  to  free  himself  from 
them,  and  he  shed  abundant  tears.5  And  he  said  to  himself 6 : 
“  Be  it  done !  I  must  get  out  of  the  fetters  of  vice.”  As  the 
;  presence  of  (his)  friend  prevented  the  stream  of  tears  he  betook 
himself  to  a  remote  part  of  the  garden  and  begged  assistance 


170 


Part  I. 


of  God.  There  he  heard,  as  it  were,  a  boy  or  a  girl  singing : 
“  Take  up  and  1  read  !  Take  up  and  read  ! 55  He  reflected 
whether  those  words  occurred  in  some  child’s  play,7  but  he 
could  not  remember  ever  to  have  heard  them.  Believing 8 
that  this  was  a  divine  voice,  he  seized  the  Bible 9  and  opened 
it ;  for  he  had  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  with  him  in  the  garden. 
And  he  found,  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  words 
with  which  the  apostle  gives  the  advice  to  walk  honestly  as 
in  the  day,  to  avoid  impurities,  banquetings,  and  every  kind 
of  intemperance,  and  to  imitate  Christ  our  Lord.  This  admo¬ 
nition  vehemently  struck  his  soul,  which  had  been  given  to 
such  vices,  and  he  told  his  friend  Alypius  what  had  happened. 
The  latter  took  the  book  and  continued  reading  in  the  place 
which  has  just  been  mentioned :  “  Him  that  is  weak  in  faith  10 
take  unto  you,”  and  he  deemed  himself  to  be  pointed  out  by 
these  words.  Thus  God  in  His  goodness  drew  both  young 
men  near  to  Himself.  What  joy  did  St.  Augustine,  who  thus 
became  a  faithful  servant  of  God,  afterwards  cause  11  to  his 
pious  mother,  at  whose  death  12  he  was  present ! 13 

No.  160.  1  “and”  is  not  to  be  translated.  2 Pass.  Partic.  Constr.  S. 

Or.  §283.  2.  2.,  “by  her”  which  appears  in  the  English  sentence  when 
changed  into  the  Passive ,  is  not  to  be  translated.  3intemperantiae  et 
flagitiis  se  dedere.  4  in  confessionibus.  5  vim  lacrimarum  profundere, 
lacrimas  tenere  non  posse,  se  dare  lacrimis.  6secum  loqui.  7lusio 
puerorum.  8reri.  9  divinae  litterae,  libri  divini  (sacri).  10  infirmus  fide. 
11  gaudio  afflcere  aliquem.  12  by  the  Partic.  13adesse. 


SECTION  XIY. 

Use  of  the  Gerund. 

(S.  Gr.  §  285-289.— Y.  Gr.  §  220-224.) 

161.  On  Settling  Quarrels.1 

There  are  two  ways  of  quarrelling,2  the  one  by  *  discussion,4 
the  other  by  force ;  of  which  the  former  is  more  peculiar  to 
men,  the  latter  to  animals.  In  a  discussion  one  must  take 


Section  XI Y. 


m 


care  not  to  be  more  desirous  of  gaining  a  victory  than  of 
stating 6  the  truth.  For  nothing  is  more  obliging,  nothing 
more  useful  for  the  maintenance  6  of  peace  than  the  effort  to 
acknowledge 7  truth  and  justice  also  in  an  adversary.  But  if 
one  abuses  the  art  of  speaking  for  the  oppression  of  his  adver¬ 
sary,  enmity  and  not  concord  will  result 8  from  the  discussion. 
Therefore  no  one  is  fitter  for  the  settling 9  of  quarrels  than 
he  who  strives  without  anger  and  passion  to  vindicate 10  the 
right  of  both  parties.  How  distinguished,  in  this  matter,  do 
we  find  Menenius  Agrippa,  who  used  so  great  a  mildness11 
of  speaking  that  he  easily  reconciled  12  the  most  quarrelsome 13 
people  to  the  fathers.  For  all  perceived  that  he  had  spoken 
only  to  consolidate  the  common  weal  without  any  desire  to 
prefer  the  opposite  party.  But  that  other  kind  of  quarrelling, 
too,  which  is  carried  on  by  force,  cannot  always  be  avoided 
amongst  men  ;  one  must  have  recourse 14  to  the  latter,  as 
Cicero  says,  if  it  is  not  possible  to  make  use  of  the  former. 
Therefore  wars  must,  indeed,  be  waged,  not,  however,  from 
the  desire16  of  oppressing  others,  but  to  be  able  to  live  in 
peace  without  injury.  Yet  after  gaining  the  victory  one 
must  spare  those  who  have  been  conquered,  if  they  did  not 
make  themselves  worthy  of  a  heavier  punishment  by  their 
cruelty  in  waging  the  war.  Thus  the  ancient  Homans  acted 
towards  the  Sabines,  Aequi,  and  Volsci.  Though  they  had 
the  power  of  oppressing  them,  yet  they  used  the  milder  way 
of  forbearance,16  and  even  admitted  them  to  citizenship 17 
with  equal  rights.  Carthage,  on  the  contrary,  which  had 
conducted  the  war  from  a  desire  of  ruling  and  by  fraudulent 
actions,  was  entirely  destroyed.  Likewise  they  were  not  able 
to  spare  Numantia,  as  the  Numantines  suffered  no  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  pass  of  renewing  hostilities.  Thus  by  sparing  the 
conquered  and  crushing  the  proud  the  Homans  obtained  pos¬ 
session  of  the  world. 

No.  161.  1  controversias  componere.  2  contendere,  certare.  3  per. 

4  disceptatio.  5  confirmare,  stabilire,  or  in  venire.  6  tueri.  7conservare. 
8etfici.  9  dirimere,  componere.  *°vindicare.  11  lenitas.  13  reconciliare 
aliquem  alicui,  also  placare.  13  contention^  cupidus.  14confugere. 
16  libido,  or  cupiditas.  16  by  parcere.  11  aliquem  in  civitatem  recipere. 


172 


Part  I. 


162.  On  the  Desire  of  Learning. 

As  by  its  very  nature  the  bird  is  impelled  to  fly  and  the 
fish  to  swim,1  so  is  the  mind  of  man  impelled  to  think.  By 
thinking  the  mind  is  nourished  and  strengthened,2  so  that  in 
all  things  it  is  able  to  perceive  what  is  true,  what  false; 
moreover,  we  are  enabled  3  by  the  exercise  of  this  faculty  to 
comprehend  and  understand  all  that  we  see  or  hear.  But  as 
there  exists  an  immense  multitude  of  subjects  to  the  knowl¬ 
edge4  of  which  man’s  mind  feels  itself  strongly  attracted, 
one  occupies  himself5  with  the  investigation*  of  these, 
another  of  those  things ;  and  what  each  one  has  acquired  he 
communicates  to  others.  Thus  one  becomes  the  scholar  of 
the  other ;  for  to  learn  is  to  think  under  another’s  guidance.7 
But  this  faculty  of  learning,  if  we  investigate  the  truth,8  is 
found  in  man  alone ;  animals  can  by  force  and  practice 9  only 
be  brought 10  so  far  that  a  certain  appearance  of  learning  is 
recognized  in  them.  But  for  men  there  is  not  only  the 
noblest  joy  but  also  the  greatest  advantage  contained  11  in 
learning.  Boys  and  young  men  ought,  therefore,  not  only 
to  learn  much  by  exercising  their  faculties,  but  also  to  make 
themselves  fitter 12  for  learning.  For  one  must  learn  as  long 
as  there  is  anything  which  one  does  not  know ;  that  is,  as 
long  as  one  lives.  There  are  many  examples  of  the  most 
renowned  men,  who,  throughout  their  whole  life,  preserved  13 
the  desire  of  learning.  Of  Pythagoras,  Solon,  and  Plato  it 
is  known  that  they  undertook  the  greatest  and  most  trouble¬ 
some  journeys  out  of  love  for  the  investigation  of  truth. 
How  desirous  of  learning  Solon  was  may  be  judged  14  from 
that  Pentameter  which  ancient  writers  have  often  quoted  19 
for  the  encouragement  of  young  people :  yr^aaxco  S  ahi 
TioHa  dcdaaxofievo^.  “  I  am  getting  an  old  man,”  says  he, 
“continually  learning1*  many  things.”  The  philosopher 
Democritus  is  said  to  have  made  a  present  of  his  paternal  in¬ 
heritance  17  to  his  native  city  that  he  might  not  be  drawn 
away  18  from  his  studies  by  the  administration  of  his  property. 
That  inheritance,  however,  was  so  large  that  the  father  of 
Democritus,  as  is  related,  was  able  to  give,  without  difficulty,11 


Section  XIV. 


173 


ft  dinner  to  Xerxes  and  his  whole  army.  Very  well  known 
in  this  regard — to  add  hut  one  instance — is  Archimedes. 
After  the  taking  of  Syracuse  a  soldier,  in  order  to  plunder,20 
had  made  his  way  into  the  house  of  Archimedes,  and  asked 
him  with  his  sword  drawn  who  he  was.  But  the  latter  was 
so  deeply  engaged 21  in  his  investigation  that  he  gave  only 
this  answer:  “Do  not  disturb  my  circles.’’  Thus  he  was 
slain  by  the  soldier. 

No.  162.  1  natare.  2  corroborare.  3 Steffi ci.  4  cognoscere.  5intentum 
esse.  6  investigare,  indagare.  1  ducere,  dux.  8  verum  quaerere.  9  assue- 
facere.  10perducere,  adducere.  11  contineri  (“for  men”  Oenit.).  12para- 
tus,  promptus.  13tenere,  retinere.  14  existimare,  cognoscere.  15laudare. 
16addiscere.  11  patrimonium  (=  “  pat.  inh”).  18  abducere,  avocare,  ab- 
strahere.  19  molestia.  20  praedari,  or  praedam  facere.  21  intentus. 


163.  On  the  Improvement1  of  the  Soul  and  the  Body. 

It  is,  no  doubt,  deserving  of  great  praise  to  spend  much 
labor  2  on  exercising  the  body  and  developing 3  its  strength, 
but  it  is  certainly  more  praiseworthy  to  bestow  pains 4  on  the 
cultivation  5  of  the  soul.  This  was  well  understood  even  by 
the  wisest  men  of  antiquity.  Therefore  they  often  blamed  * 
those  who  were  more  eager  to  show  the  strength  of  their 
body  than  (that)  of  their  mind.  Thus,  in  Cicero’s  book  on 
old  age,  Cato  justly  censures7  a  certain  Milo  of  Croton,  who 
wept  when  he  saw  some  young  people  exercising  themselves  in 
running,  leaping,  and  wrestling,  and  could  no  more  take  part 
in  such  exercises  on  account  of  his  old  age.  For  that  man 
seems  to  have  believed  that  true  dignity  consisted  not  so 
much  in  perfecting  the  soul  as  in  acquiring  greater  strength 
and  nimbleness 8  of  the  body.  Something  similar  is  related 
of  Plato.  A  certain  Anniceris  from  Cyrene  had  occupied 
himself 9  most  zealously  for  several  years  with  the  taming 
and  managing10  of  horses,  and  possessed  the  greatest  skill11 
in  riding.  Desirous  of  showing 12  his  skill  in  the  presence  of 
many  distinguished  men,  he  gave  one  day  a  proof 13  of  it  in 
the  academy  where  Plato  and  a  great  multitude  had  assem¬ 
bled  to  see  him.  At  full  speed  14  he  drove  his  horses  several 


174 


Part  I. 


times  around  in  a  great  circle,16  and  whilst  driving18  he 
directed  his  chariot  so  accurately  that,  in  returning,  the 
wheels  never  deviated  from  the  track17  which  had  been 
marked  out  before.  When,  therefore,  the  crowd,  inclined  18 
to  admiration,  applauded  19  him  with  great  acclamation,  Plato 
blamed  that  man,  who  had  spent  so  much  labor  on  learning  a 
thing  of  so  little  value.  For  he  said  that  it  wTas  not  possible 
that  he  who  had  employed 20  his  life  in  practicing  such  an 
art  was  not  entirely  drawn  away  from  study.  Besides  virtue, 
nothing  was  deserving  of  admiration  but  what  was  the 
result 21  of  earnest  thought.  Thus  the  hope  of  being  praised 22 
by  Plato  disappointed  Anniceris. 

No.  163.  1  excolere.  2  multum  laboris  impertire.  3perficere.  4ope- 
ram  collocare,  ponere  in.  5  See  1.  6  vituperare.  7  reprehendere.  8  agi- 

litas.  9  occupatum  esse  in  aliqua  re.  ,0regere.  11  peritia.  12  ostentare. 
13  specimen  edere.  14cursu  incitato,  concitato.  15  in  orbem  agitare. 
16  vehere.  17  orbita.  18  pronus,  propensus.  19  plaudere.  20  consumere 
in  aliqua  re.  21  by  gignere,  efficere.  22  laudem  sibi  par&re  (comparare)  a. 

164.  Solemnities1  of  a  Roman  Triumph. 

The  custom  of  celebrating  triumphs  was  especially  a 
Roman  custom.  Such  a  triumph  was  a  solemn  procession 2 
which  a  commander,  who  had  endeavored 3  to  secure  a  most 
important  victory  to  the  commonwealth,  was  given  the  permis¬ 
sion  4  of  holding 6  through  the  city  to  the  Capitol.  Romulus 
himself  is  said  to  have  had  the  first  opportunity  of  celebrat¬ 
ing  such  a  triumph,  when  he  returned  victorious  to  the  city, 
after  having  slain  Acron,  the  king  of  the  Caeninenses,  who, 
wishing  to  avenge  the  Sabine  virgins,  had  made  war  against 
the  Romans.  After  the  expulsion  8  of  the  kings,  when  the 
people  to  some  extent  took  part 7  in  the  administration  of 
public  affairs,8  the  permission  to  hold  a  triumphal  procession 
generally  depended 9  on  the  senate,  sometimes  on  the  people, 
and  was  only  given  to  him  who  had  conquered  a  foreign 
nation,  slain  at  least  5,000  enemies  in  battle,  and  extended 
the  Roman  dominion.  The  Campus  Martius  was  always 
considered  as  the  fittest  place  for  beginning  the  triumphal 


Section  XIY. 


175 


procession.  Thence  it  moved  by  the  triumphal  road  across 
the  Circus  Flaminius,  then  through  the  triumphal  gate  to 
the  Capitol,  those  places  being  most  convenient  for  display 
and  for  watching 10  such  a  pageant.11  For  the  sake  of  adding- 
more  brilliancy  to  it,  all  the  streets  were  strewn  with  flowers, 
and  altars  wTere  erected  to  burn  12  incense.  The  procession 
was  headed  13  by  flute-players  and  singers,  who  sang  triumphal 
hymns.14  After  them  followed  the  oxen,  by  the  sacrificing 
of  which  thanks  should  be  given  to  the  gods.  Then  all  the 
booty  taken  from  the  enemy,  statues,  paintings,  precious 
vessels,  arms  and  other  things,  besides  all  the  presents  sent 
by  the  allied  nations,  were  carried  on  many  wagons.  To 
give  the  people  an  opportunity  of  learning  what  nations  and 
cities  had  been  conquered,  wooden  tablets,  on  which  the 
names  were  inscribed,  were  carried  here  and  there  in  the 
procession.  Then  followed  the  captured  princes  and  generals 
with  their  children  and  relatives,  the  lictors,  and  a  long  train 
of  dancers,  singers,  censer-bearers,16  and  others. 

No.  164.  1  sollemnia.  2pompa.  3  operam  dare.  4facultas,  potes- 
tas.  5  agere.  6expellere.  7  participem  esse.  8rem  publicam  adminis- 
trare.  9  proficisci  a.  10  explicare  et  spectare.  11  See  2.  12  S.  Gr.  §  288.  1. 
—  T.  Gr.  §  223.  13aperire,  or  initium  facere.  14  carmen.  15suffitor. 

165.  Chapter  II. 

At  some  distance  1  followed  the  general  himself,  clad  in  pur¬ 
ple  garments,  that  is  to  say,  in  an  embroidered  2  toga  and  the 
tunica  palmata,  with  a  garland  of  laurel  around  his  head,  a 
laurel-branch  3  in  the  right  hand,  in  the  left  an  ivory  sceptre, 
on  the  top  of  which  was  a  golden  eagle.  He  stood  on  a  gilt 4 
chariot  which  was  adapted  6  to  carry  also  the  general’s  chil¬ 
dren.  To 6  prevent  every  opportunity  of  pride  and  self- 
sufficiency,7  a  slave  stood  behind  the  general,  who  continually 
whispered  *  the  following  words  into  his  ear  :  “  Remember 
that  you  are  a  man  !  ”  The  chariot,  at  the  side  of  which 
were  the  general’s  legates  and  tribunes  of  war,  was  drawn  by 
four  white  horses,  sometimes  by  elephants.  From  the  time 
of  Augustus,  the  consuls  and  senators,  who  formerly  used  to 


176 


Part  I. 


walk  before  the  triumphal  chariot,  always  followed  it  on 
foot.9  The  army,  which  under  the  general’s  command  had 
done  10  so  much  to  gain  the  victory  and  achieve  great  things, 
closed  the  procession.  But  a  large  multitude  of  citizens, 
very  eager  to  see  such  splendor,  followed  without  any  order. 
The  soldiers  were  crowned  with  garlands  and  sang  songs  for 
the  glorification  11  both  of  their  general’s  deeds  and  their 
own.  Now  and  then  the  words  “  Io  Triumphe !  ”  were  in¬ 
serted,12  in  the  repetition  13  of  which  the  whole  crowd  most 
enthusiastically 14  joined.15  When  the  general  had  nearly 
reached  the  Capitol,  he  ordered  the  captured  princes  and 
generals  of  the  enemy  to  be  thrown  into  prison  and  after¬ 
wards  to  be  put  to  death.  Yery  seldom  was  a  general  in¬ 
clined  16  to  spare  the  life  of  the  captives.  After  thanks  had 
been  rendered  to  the  gods  for  the  victory,  the  general  gave 
his  friends  and  the  noblest  citizens  a  most  splendid  banquet 
at  the  Capitol,  whence  he  was  then  conducted  home  by  the 
people  with  music17  and  torch-lights.18  Yery  often  all  this 
could  not  be  carried  out  in  one  day,  but  several  days  were 
necessary  19  to  finish  a  triumphal  procession. 

No.  165.  1  spatium  intermittere  {Ablat.  absol.).  2pictus.  3  only 

laiirus.  4auratus.  6  accommodatus  ad.  6  ad.  8.  Gr.  §  288.  1.  —  V  Gr. 
§  223.  7  superbire  et  sibi  placere.  8  insusurrare.  9  pedes,  itis.  10  valere, 
adjuvare  ad.  11  celebrare  12  interponere.  13  repetere.  14summo  stu¬ 
dio.  15  participem  fieri.  16  propensus  ad,  also  by  impellere  ad.  17  can- 
tus.  18funale,  is.  n.  19  necessarius  ad. 


SECTION  XY. 

Use  of  the  Supine. 

(S.  Gr.  §  290-291.— Y.  Gr.  §  226.  227.) 

166.  C.  Marius  Conquers  the  Cimbri  and  Teutons. 

When  C.  Marius  had  finished  the  Jugurthine  war,  he  was, 
in  the  year  104  before  Christ,  elected  consul  a  second  time, 
and  sent  as  general  against  the  Cimbri  and  Teutons.  These 


Section  XY. 


177 


nations 1  had  come  from  the  farthest 2  Horth,  and  had  al¬ 
ready  cut  to  pieces  four  Roman  armies,  so  that  a  great  terror 
seized  the  minds  of  all.  It  is  astonishing  to  hear  how 
Marius  prepared  his  soldiers  for  the  conquest  of  these  ter¬ 
rible  foes.  For  a  long  time  he  kept  them  in  a  well-fortified 
camp  which  the  enemy  did  not  dare  to  attack.  By  very 
hard  labor  and  strict  military  discipline  he  roused 3  the 
courage  of  the  soldiers  and  their  desire  for  fighting.  At 
the  same  time  he  now  and  then  despatched  horsemen  to 
reconnoitre 4  what  the  enemy  were  doing.  Yet  the  bar¬ 
barians  did  not  move  from  their  position.  Soon  forage 5 
and  water  were  wanting  in  the  camp,  and  the  soldiers  be¬ 
came  indignant 6  that  they  were  kept  so  long  enclosed,  and 
were  in  want  of 7  the  most  necessary  things.  Marius  en¬ 
couraged  them  to  quit  the  camp  and  to  go  to  the  Rhone  to 
fetch  water.8  This  was  easy  to  say,  but  very  difficult  to  do ; 
but  the  orders  of  the  commander  had  to  be  obeyed.  As 
often,  then,  as  the  soldiers  went  to  forage 9  they  met 10  with 
some  of  the  enemy  and  engaged  in  combat11;  the  same 
happened  to  those  who  were  sent  to  fetch  water ;  and  not 
rarely  were  the  Roman  soldiers  victorious.12  Marius  had 
thought  this  the  best  means  to  accustom  his  men  to  the 
sight  of  the  terrible  13  barbarians,  and  that  they  would  thus 
cease  to  fear  them.  Soon  the  courage 14  of  the  Romans  in¬ 
creased  ;  in  the  camp  utterances  were  heard  that  it  was  a 
pity  to  see  how  much  Roman  bravery  was  despised  by  the 
enemy.  The  general  should  lead  them  to  battle;  that  it 
was  better  to  fall  while  fighting  than  to  be  killed  while 
being  sent  out  like  servants  16  to  fetch  water. 

No.  166.  ’gens.  2ultimus.  3acuere,  stimulare.  4speculari,  ex- 
plorare.  5  pabulum.  6indignari.  7carere.  8aquari.  9pabulari. 
,0congredi.  11  manus  conserere  (=  “  to  eng.  in  c.”).  12  superiorem 

discedere.  13atrox.  14  animus  (Plur.).  15calo. 

167.  Chapter  II. 

All  this  was  pleasing  to  Marius.  He  prepared  with  the 
greatest  care  whatever  he  thought  necessary.  As  soon  as 


178 


Part  I. 


he  found 1  a  favorable  opportunity  for  the  combat,  lie  cour¬ 
ageously  attacked  the  Teutons,  who  had  pitched  their  camp 
nearer  to  him.  The  battle  was  fought  at  Aquae  Sextiae  in 
the  year  102  before  Christ.  By  the  strategetical  skill 2  of 
Marius  and  the  military  science  of  the  Homans  the  barbari¬ 
ans  were  put  to  flight  and  their  camp  taken  by  storm.3  Yet 
only  a  few  were  captured  alive.  These  were  of  such  a  size 
of  body  that  people  hurried  together  from  all  sides  to  look 
at  those  fearful 4  men,  whose  name  had  shortly  before  filled 
every  one  with  terror.  It  is  incredible  to  say  how  great  a 
joy  the  news  of  this  victory  produced  5  at  Home.  But  the 
commander  believed  that  he  ought  not  to  delay,6  and  im¬ 
mediately  marched  with  his  victorious  army  into  Upper 
Italy,  where  the  other  consul,  Catulus,  was  hard  pressed 7  by 
the  Cimbri.  Marius  sent  faithful  men  in  advance  to  an¬ 
nounce  his  plans.  Thus  the  two  consular  armies  were  soon 
united  to  attack  the  Cimbri  with  combined  forces.  In  the 
Raudian  fields,  not  far  from  Yerona,  in  the  year  101  before 
Christ,  that  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Cimbri  were 
beaten  and,  wonderful  to  say,  cut  down  nearly  to  the 
last  man.8  Thus  Marius  had,  within  four  years,  finished 
the  war,  in  which  Rome  seemed  to  be  destined  to  perish.9 
The  senate  sent  prominent 10  men  to  congratulate  him ;  the 
people  hastened  to  all  the  temples  to  thank  11  the  gods ;  the 
praises  of  Marius  were  endless.  He  returned  triumphantly 
to  the  city,  bringing  with  him  the  prisoners,  who  though 
fettered  were  still  terrible  to  behold  ;  and  although  he  had, 
against  the  law,  discharged  12  the  consulship  for  four  years  in 
succession,13  he  was  again  elected  consul  for  the  following 
year.  This  was  his  sixth  and  last  consulship ;  for  the 
seventh,  on  which  he  entered  in  the  year  86  before  Christ, 
he  held  but  a  fortnight,  as  he  died  on  the  Ides  of  January. 

No.  167.  1  nancisci.  2  virtus  imperatoria.  3  impetu  facto  expug- 

nare.  Mmmams.  6efficere,  excitare.  6cunctari,  morari.  7gravissime 
urgere.  8  ad  unum  omnes.  9  “  to  be  destined  to  perish  ”  Periphr.  Conjug. 
in  —  urus.  ,0priaceps,  or  Superl.  of  nobilis.  11  by  salutare.  12gerere. 
13  deinceps. 


Section  XY. 


179 


168.  The  Grateful  Lion. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  that  gratitude 1  is  praiseworthy, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  say  why  many  are  so  far  from  showing 2 
it  towards  their  benefactors  3  that  they  even  return  injuries 
for  benefits.  Such  can  even  learn  from  animals  ( bestia ), 
since  it  is  astonishing  to  see  that  they  are  not  altogether 
void  of  gratitude.4  It  is  on  the  one  hand  5  very  pleasant 
to  read,  on  the  other  very  difficult  to  believe,  what  Gellius 
relates8  of  a  certain  lion.  One  day  the  people  had  assem¬ 
bled  to  view  the  (scenic)  hunting 7  which  was  exhibited  in  the 
Circus  at  Home.  Many  wild  beasts  of  unusual  size  and 
fierceness  had  been  brought  from  different  countries  to 
delight  the  spectators,  among  which  animals  was  a  lion,  ter- 
tible  to  behold  8  and  remarkable  for  its  fierce  roaring  9  and 
extraordinary  strength.  A  slave,  Androclus  by  name,  who 
had  been  condemned  to  death,  was  conducted  into  the  Circus 
to  fight  with  the  ferocious  beast.  As  soon  as  the  lion  had 
seen  the  slave,  it  gazed  at 10  him  for  a  while,  and  (it  is  al¬ 
most  incredible  to  say)  having  approached  him  in  the  man¬ 
ner  of  a  fawning  dog,  prostrated  itself  at  his  feet  and  licked 
his  hands.  It  was  easy  to  see  that  there  was  something 
unusual  in  the  event.  The  people,  therefore,  asked  An¬ 
droclus,  after  he  had  been  removed  from  the  Circus,  how  h 
came  to  pass  that  the  lion  had  not  dared  to  touch  him 
And  Androclus  told  them  he  had  been  so  cruelly  treated 
by  his  master  that  he  had  taken  refuge  in  a  desert.11  It 
was  impossible  to  describe  what  hardships  he  had  suffered 
there  for  several  days,  as  he  was  without  food  and  shelter.12 
Finally  he  had  found  a  cave,  which  he  had  hardly  entered 
when  a  lion  of  enormous  size  followed  him,  limping  13  and 
groaning,14  with  the  blood  flowing  from  one  of  its  feet. 
Frightened  at  first  at  the  sight  of  the  approaching  animal, 
he  had,  however,  soon  recovered  courage  when  the  animal 
had  raised  its  foot  asking,  as  it  were,  for  help.  He  had 
then  plucked  out 15  a  thorn  sticking  fast  in  the  foot,  pressed 
out  the  matter,18  and  thus  freed  it  from  pain.  For  this  act 
of  kindness  (though  it  is  hard  to  believe)  the  lion  had  been 


180 


Part  I. 


so  grateful,  that  it  remained  with  him  in  the  cave  for  three 
years,  and  had  constantly  brought  him  the  best  portions  of 
its  prey  to  sustain  his  life.  One  day,  in  the  absence  of  the 
lion,  he  had  left  that  hiding-place,17  had  been  captured  by 
soldiers,  brought  back  to  his  former  master,  and  condemned 
to  death.  Now,  Androclus  added,  on  entering  the  Circus,  I 
meet  with  that  same  lion,  and  still  mindful,  as  it  were,  of 
the  benefit  it  shows  its  gratitude  18  towards  me.  The  people 
believed  it  unlawful  to  punish  the  slave.  Androclus  was 
set  at  liberty ;  the  lion  was  given  him  as  a  present,  and  the 
people  so  highly  esteemed  the  grateful  animal  that,  when 
Androclus  conducted  it  through  the  city,  they  adorned  it 
with  flowers  and  presented  money  to  its  leader. 

No.  168.  Animus  beneficiorum  memor.  2  8.  Gr.  §  275.  2.  2. — Y. 
Gr.  §  191.  5.  zby  a  clause  “  those  who”  etc.  4  beneficiorum  immemor 
(=  “  without  grat .”).  6  “on  the  one  hand  —  on  the  other”  by  ut  —  ita. 
6  memoriae  prod  ere  (Perf.).  7venatio.  8aspicere.  9  fremitus.  10con- 
templari.  nloca  deserta.  12  deversorium.  13  claudicare.  14gemitus 
edere.  16evellere.  16  sanies.  11  latibulum.  18  gratiam  referre  alicui. 


PART  II. 


Exercises  Based  on  Latin  Authors. 


SECTION  XVI. 


Aesopian  Fables  from  Phaedrus. 

t 

169.  A  Few  Preliminary  Remarks1  on  the  Fable  and  its 

Inventor. 

The  fable  is  a  kind  of  poetic  narrative  which  does  not 
teach  by  proofs,  but  shows  by  fictitious  examples  what  is 
good  or  bad,2  what  useful  or  hurtful.  These  examples  are 
mostly  taken  from  the  lives  of  animals,  of  which  some  are 
very  similar  to  men  in  this  respect,3  others  in  that.  For  by 
examples  men  are  taught  the  easiest.  However,  not  only 
the  matter,  but  also  the  style4  of  the  fable  is  very  simple,  so 
that  even  without  any  learning  it  can  be  understood  by  every¬ 
body.  But  one  who  has  learned  what  is  good  and  useful 
from  the  example  of  others  will  try  to  imitate  it  in  his  life, 
and  one  who  has  understood  what  is  bad  and  hurtful  will 
avoid  it.  Thus  the  fable  does  not  only  teach,  but  is  also  ad¬ 
vantageous  and  useful.  Now  5  this  species  of  narrative  is 
commonly  called  the  Aesopian  fable,  because  it  is  said  to 
have  been  invented  by  Aesop.  Others  doubtless  have  also 
made  use  of  this  kind  of  teaching  in  ancient  times,  but 
Aesop  is  the  earliest  whose  name  has  been  handed  down  to 
us,  and  who  by  his  fables  has  acquired 6  the  reputation  of 
great  wisdom.  Herodotus,  the  most  ancient  historian7  of 
the  Greeks,  mentions  him  as  a  renowned  writer  of  fables. 
He  also  says  that  Aesop  was  the  slave  of  a  certain  Jadmon 
of  Samos,  that  he  was  wickedly  8  assassinated,  and  that  the 
oracle  itself  had  called  upon  the  friends  of  Aesop  to  avenge 
his  murder.®  Finally,  from  what  Herodotus  relates  we  learn 
that  Aesop  flourished  about  the  year  560  before  Christ, 

(183) 


184 


Part  II. 


Whatever  else  is  related  of  his  life  is  uncertain.  However, 
Phaedrus  says  that  he  was  a  Phrygian  by  birth  ;  that  he  was 
very  ugly  10  and  deformed,  and  many  other  things  of  the 
same  kind  have  been  invented  by  later  writers.11 

No.  169.  1  pauca  praeponuntur.  2  by  honestus  and  turpis.  3  res. 

8.  Gr.  §  238.  7.  c.  3. —  Y.  Gr.  §  153.  4sermo.  Mgitur.  6sibi  parare, 
parfire.  7  reruin  scriptor.  8  nefarie.  9  ad  ulciscendam  caedem  excitare. 
10  foedus.  11  only  posterior. 

170.  Chapter  II. 

But  we  have  no  mind  to  pass  over  in  silence  1  what  Plu¬ 
tarch  of  Chaeronea,  a  distinguished  Greek  writer  of  the 
first  century  after  Christ,  has  related  of  Aesop.  For  if  we 
believe2  him,  Aesop  was  for  his  eminent  wisdom  invited3 
by  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  and  came  to  Sardes,  where  great 
honors  were  bestowed 4  upon  him.  At  the  same  time  Solon 
came  also  to  Sardes.  When  the  latter  failed  to  admire  the 
power6  and  riches  of  Croesus,  and  deemed  certain  private 
men  of  Greece,  who  were  already  dead,  happier  than  the 
most  powerful  king,  Aesop  took  his  recklessness 6  ill  and 
made  reproaches 7  to  him.  “  Oh,  Solon,”  said  he,  “  to  kings 
one  must  speak  either  as  little  as  possible  or  in  the  most  sub¬ 
missive  manner.”8  To  which  Solon  replied.:  “By  no 
means,9  but  to  kings  we  must  speak  either  as  little  or  as 
well  as  possible.”  That  the  fables  of  Aesop  enjoyed  10  great 
authority  in  the  remotest  time  can  be  proved  from  many 
passages  of  ancient  writers.  However,  those  fables  seem  not 
to  have  been  consigned  to  writing  by  the  author,  but  circu¬ 
lated  11  by  oral  tradition,12  and  they  were  composed  not  in 
verse,  but  in  the  language  of  common  life.  Remarkable  is 
what  Socrates  relates  of  himself  in  Plato.  For13  he  says 
that  whilst  in  prison  he  had  put  into  verse 14  several  fa¬ 
bles  of  Aesop  which  he  retained  in  his  memory.  The  same 
was  afterwards  done  by  other  Greeks,  especially  by  a  certain 
Babrius,  who,  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  collected  a  great 
many  Aesopian  fables. 

No.  170.  1  tacere  (==  “  to  pass  over  in  sil”).  2  fidem  habere,  ere 

dere.  3  Participle.  8.  Gr.  §282  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §215.  3,  and  §  216  end. 


Section  XVI. 


185 


4  tribuere,  habere.  5  opes.  6  insolentia,  immodestia.  1  alicui  aliquid 
crimini  vertere.  8quam  mitissime.  9  minime  vero.  10  by  esse.  11  di 
vulgare.  12  sermo  hominum.  13  enim.  14  redigere. 

171.  The  Poet  Phaedrus. 

The  oldest  fable  (circulated)  among  the  Romans  is  that 
delightful  story  of  Menenius  Agrippa  on  the  discord  which 
arose  1  between  the  members  of  the  body  and  the  stomach,3 
which  fable  was  not  only  highly  entertaining,  but  also  very 
useful  to  the  Roman  people.  However,  among  the  Romans 
Phaedrus  must  be  considered  the  first  writer  of  fables.  As 
he  himself  relates,  he  was  born  in  Thrace,  which  is  said  to 
have  been  a  very  renowned  abode  of  the  Muses  and  the  na¬ 
tive  country  of  the  most  ancient  poets  Linus  and  Orpheus. 
Having  by  an  unfortunate  incident 3  been  led  into  slavery,4 
he  came  as  a  youth  into  the  family  of  Augustus,  and  there 
he  displayed 5  such  great  learning  and  so  great  a  fondness 6 
for  the  liberal 7  arts  that  Augustus  granted  him  freedom. 
For  this  reason  he  is  usually  called  Phaedrus,  a  freedman8 
of  Augustus.  In  most  cases  Phaedrus  has  made  use  of  the 
materials  which  Aesop  had  invented  and  has  put9  them  into 
verses  of  six  feet.10  It  seems,  however,  that  in  some  fables 
he  too  sarcastically 11  censured 13  and  hurt  certain  distin¬ 
guished  13  men,  among  these  Sejanus,  the  most  powerful 
flatterer  of  the  emperor  Tiberius.  The  poet,  therefore,  was 
obnoxious14  to  Sejanus  and  was  falsely  accused  by  him  and, 
as  it  seems,  thrown  into  prison  16  by  Tiberius.  It  was  only  16 
under  the  reign  of  Claudius,  when  he  was  a  very  old  man,17 
that  he  recovered  his  liberty.  The  Fables  of  Phaedrus  are 
divided  into  five  books.  It  seems  that  the  two  first  were 
published  18  under  the  reign  of  Tiberius;  the  three  last  the 
poet  published  19  after  that  emperor’s  death,  as  we  see  from 
the  prologue  to  (  Gen.)  the  third  book. 

No.  171.  1  by  esse.  2  venter.  3  ad  versus  casus.  4  in  servitutem  ab- 
ducere.  6  ostendere.  6  studium.  1  bonus,  or  optimus.  8  libertus. 
9  polire.  10  versus  senarius.  11  nimis  dicaciter.  12  notare.  13princeps. 
14  invisus.  15  in  carcerem,  or  in  vincula  conjicere.  16  demum.  17  ad- 
modum  senex.  18  edere.  19  in  publicum  emittere. 


186 


Part  II. 


172.  How  one  Fox  Deceived  a  Raven,  and  another  took  Revenge 

on  an  Eagle. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  13  and  I.  28.) 

One  day  a  raven  had  stolen  some  cheese,  and  holding  it  in 
his  beak  he  flew 1  towards  a  wood.  There  he  alighted  on  a 
lofty  tree  to  eat  the  cheese.  A  fox  saw  him  and  began  to 
praise  him  with  deceitful  words.  “  How  bright  is  thy 
plumage,  oh  raven!”  said  he,  “ how  charming  the  graceful¬ 
ness  of  thy  body  and  the  beauty  of  thy  countenance !  If 
thou  were  not  without 2  voice  I  would  indeed  call  thee  the 
king  of  birds.”  Deceived  by  this  praise  the  raven  opened 
his  mouth  to  show  the  power  of  his  voice.  The  cheese  fell 
to  the  ground  and,  smiling,  the  fox  seized  and  greedily  de¬ 
voured  it.  Another  fox  came  home  and  found  that  her  off¬ 
spring  had  been  taken  away  by  an  eagle.  The  latter  had 
flown  to  the  top  of  a  high  tree  to  feed  his  own  young  ones 
with  the  prey.3  The  poor  mother  besought  the  eagle  with 
many  tears  not  to  make  her  miserable  by  killing  her  young. 
But  on  account  of  the  height  of  the  tree  the  eagle  considered 
himself  safe  from 4  all  danger  and  despised  the  entreaties  of 
the  fox.  Overpowered  5  by  grief,  the  latter  snatched  some 
firebrands 6  from  a  nearby  altar  and  placed 7  them  around 
the  tree  so  that  it  was  soon  on  fire.  Too  late 8  did  the  eagle 
see  his  disadvantage,  but  neither  was  he  able  to  preserve  his 
own  young  ones  from  death  nor  did  the  fox  save  her  off¬ 
spring. 

The  former  fable  teaches  us  that  fools  are  deceived  by 
flatterers  if  they  listen  to  them ;  the  latter  that  we  must 
never  despise  an  enemy  of  howsoever  low  a  rank  he  may  be, 
for  revenge  easily  finds  an  opportunity  of  doing  harm.* 

No.  172.  ’avolare.  2deesse.  3  aliquid  carpendum  apponere.  4ab. 
*  capere.  6  fax  ardens.  7  congerere.  6  sero  (-=  “  too  late  ”).  9  nocere. 


Section  XVI. 


187 


173.  How  one  Fox  Got  out  of  a  Well,1  and  how  another  was 

Repaid  2  by  a  Stork. 

(Pkaedr.  Fab.  IV.  9  and  I.  26.) 

A  fox  had  fallen  into  a  well.  Leaping  upwards  with  all 
his  might  he  endeavored  to  escape ;  but  the  brink  was  too 
high,  and  the  poor3  animal  was  kept  inclosed  as4  in  a  prison. 
By  chance  a  he-goat  came  there  to  drink.  On  seeing  the 
fox  he  asked  whether  the  water  was  good.  u  Yery  sweet, 
my  friend,”  said  the  fox ;  “  thou  wilt  hardly  be  able  to 
satisfy  thy  desire  by  drinking.”  Impelled  5  by  thirst  and  at 
the  same  time  enticed  by  the  praise  of  the  water,  the  goat 
descended  into  the  well.  At  once  the  fox  leaped  on  the 
goat’s  horns,  escaped,  and  left  the  latter  imprisoned.  One 
day  a  stork  was  invited  to  dinner  by  a  fox.  The  latter 
served  everything  and  especially  a  delicious8  broth’  on 
plates,8  so  that  the  hungry  stork  was  hardly  able  to  take 
anything.  When  the  stork  had  returned  home  without 
complaint,9  he  in  turn 10  invited  the  fox  to  dinner,  but 
served 11  all  his  delicacies 19  in  bottles.13  The  stork  very 
easily  partook  of  everything,  but  the  fox  tried  in  vain,  and 
had  to  go  away  hungry. 

From  the  latter  fable  we  learn  that  no  one  must  be  aston¬ 
ished  at  being  treated  14  as  he  treats  others ;  from  the  former, 
that  we  should  beware  of  the  shrewdness  of  those  who  try 
to  profit  by  the  disadvantages  of  their  neighbors. 

No.  173.  1  puteus.  11  by  parem  gratiam  alicui  referre.  3  miser. 

4tanquam,  velut.  5allicere.  6suavis  (or  grati)  saporis,  or  only  suavis. 
'sorbitio.  8  patina.  9queri.  S.  Or.  §  282.  2.—  T.  Or.  §216.4.  10  re 

vocare.  napponere-  12  cibi  delicatiores,  or  cuppedia,  orum.  13lagoena. 
,4tractare. 


174.  Two  Faithful  Dogs. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  23  and  V.  10.) 

A  thief  went  towards  midnight1  to  a  country-house  to 
steal,2  if  it  were  possible.  He  feared,  however,  the  old 3  dog 
who  used  to  watch  the  house.  Therefore  he  threw  some 
bread  to  the  dog  in  order  to  win  4  him  by  a  show  of  kindness. 


188 


Part  II. 


But  experienced  in  such  things,  the  animal  said :  “  Thou 
art  greatly  mistaken,  if  thou  believe  that  this  food  will 
restrain  my  tongue;  for  I  am  not  so  inexperienced  and 
foolish  as  to  be  deceived  by  thy  unexpected  liberality.” 
And  at  once  the  dog  began  to  bark  loudly,5  so  that  the 
frightened  thief  took  to  flight.®  By  his  courage  and  swift¬ 
ness  another  dog  had  always  done  great  service 7  to  a  hunter 
for  many  years ;  but  at  length,®  when  old  age  pressed  heavily 
on  him,9  he  grew  languid.  Nevertheless  the  old  dog  still 
went  out  hunting 1(1  with  his  master.  One  day  he  caught  a 
bristly  boar 11  by  the  ear,  but  on  account  of  his  decayed 12 
teeth  was  unable  to  hold  him  fast.  When  the  boar  had 
escaped  and  the  hunter’s  hope  was  disappointed,  the  latter 
became  angry  and  reproached  the  dog.  But  the  old  animal 
said  :  “  I  have  not  forsaken  thee  purposely,13  but  my  strength 
has  been  diminished  by  old  age.” 

Do  not  condemn  him  who  satisfies  you  in  all  things  as 
long  as  it  is  his  duty 14  to  please  you,  and  as  long  as  he  is 
able  to  do  so.  This  the  latter  fable  teaches ;  the  former 
tells  us  that  snares  are  laid  in  vain  for  experienced  people. 

No.  174.  1  media  nox.  2furari.  Supine,  or  by  a  clause  with  lit. 
3vetus.  4placare,  conciliare.  5magna  voce.  6aufugere.  ’multa 
officia  praestare.  8postremo.  9aliquem  urgere.  10  Supine.  Hsetosus 
aper.  12  cariosus.  13  by  consilium,  here  also  dolus.  14  oportet. 

175.  How  Mockery1  was  Punished,  and  a  Rash  Plan  Aban¬ 
doned. 

(Phaedr.  Fab.  I.  9  and  Append.  I.  2.) 

Nothing  can  be  more  foolish  than  that  he  who  is  not  him¬ 
self  on  his  guard  gives  good  advice  to  others.  This  we  shall 
show  by  the  example  of  a  sparrow  and  a  hare.  An  eagle 
surprised  2  a  hare  by  a  sudden  attack.  The  captured  animal 
burst  out  into  loud  cries  of  distress.  In  this  calamity 
reproaches  were  made  to  the  hare  by  a  sparrow,  who  mock¬ 
ingly  3  asked  him:  “Why  didst  thou  delay?  Why  didst 
thou  not  make  use  of  thy  known  swiftness  of  foot?”  But 
hardly  had  he  thus  spoken  when  he  himself  was  seized  by  a 


Section  XVII. 


189 


hawk,  and  whilst  crying  aloud  was  torn  to  pieces.4  Thus 

the  sparrow  perished  by  the  same  fate  for  which  he  had  just 

before  ridiculed  the  hare  with  his  foolish  advice.  From  the 

following  fable  we  learn  how  useful  it  is  for  those  who  believe 

their  misfortune  too  great  to  be  borne  to  have  regard  to 

others ;  for  he  who  does  so  in  the  right  manner  5  will  soon 

find  that  he  is  not  the  only  one  who  suffers,  and  hence  he 

will  learn  patience  in  misfortune.  Owing  to  the  noise  of 

dogs  and  hunters  the  hares  had  been  seized  with  so  great  a 

terror8  that  thev  wished  to  die  rather  than  to  live  thus  in  con- 
€/ 

tinual  fear.  Therefore  the  plan  was  formed  that  all  should 
throw  themselves  into  a  lake.  When  the  whole  train  arrived  in 
great  haste  on  the  shore,  a  large  multitude  of  frogs  sitting  in 
the  grass  threw  themselves,  frightened  7  by  the  approaching 8 
throng  of  hares,  without  delay  into  the  lake.  Then  an 
old  hare  said:  “Behold,  my  friends,  also  others  have  their 
fears.  Let  us,  then,  as  the  other  animals,  stick  to  that  life 
which  has  been  granted  us  by  nature.” 

No.  175.  1  irrisio.  2  opprimere.  3irridere.  4laniare,  lacerare. 

6  only  recte.  6  by  terror  alicui  injicitur.  7  exterrere.  8  adventare. 


SECTION  XVII. 

Greek  Generals  from  Nepos. 

176.  A  Few  Preliminary  Remarks 1  on  the  Life  and  Writings  of 

Cornelius  Nepos. 

Cornelius  Nepos  was  born  in  Northern  Italy,  which  was 
called  Gallia  Cisalpina,  of  the  illustrious  family3  of  the 
Cornelii.  His  birthplace  is  said  to  have  been  Hostilia,  a  vil¬ 
lage  3  near  Verona ;  this,  at  least,  is  certain,  that  in  the  Mid¬ 
dle  Ages 4  the  Veronese  erected  a  statue  to  Cornelius  Nepos 
as 5  their  distinguished  townsman  6  among  the  other  Veronese 
in  the  city  hall.7  The  year  in  which  he  was  born  cannot  be 


190 


Part  II. 


accurately  determined  8;  however,9  his  life  doubtlessly  falls 
within  the  period  of  time 10  between  the  years  100  and  30 
before  Christ.  Even  as  a  boy  Nepos  seems  to  have  been 
taken  11  by  his  father  to  Rome ;  and  it  is  probable  that  he 
spent 12  his  whole  life  in  the  city  or  in  neighboring  villas. 
From  his  very  boyhood  13  he  likewise  seems  to  have  entirely 
devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  letters,  and  especially  of 
those  which  pertain  to  history.  In  his  youth  as  'well  as  in  his 
manhood 14  this  love  of  arts  and  letters  was  so  great  that  he 
never  sought 16  nor  discharged  16  any  public  office,  but  spent 17 
all  his  time  in  those  studies.  He  18  was  a  man  of  the  highest 
integrity  and  sweetness  of  manners,  and  enjoyed  the  intimate 
friendship  19  of  the  noblest  Romans,  especially  of  M.  Tullius 
Cicero  and  T.  Pomponius  Atticus.  Q.  Valerius  Catullus  of 
Verona,  by  no  means  an  obscure20  Latin  poet,  has  dedicated 
his  poems  to  Cornelius  Repos,  either21  because  they  were 
fellow-countrymen  or  because  Nepos,  as  Catullus  himself 
says,  had  already  highly  esteemed  those  lyric 22  poems. 

JVo.  176.  1  See  169,  1.  2  gens.  3vicus.  4 media  aetas  (Singul.).  5ut. 

6civis,  or  popularis.  7  curia.  8definire.  9verumtamen.  10  in  id  tempus, 
quod  est.  ndeducere.  12degere.  13jamapuero.  14  by  adolescens,  and 
vir.  15petere.  16  administrare.  17  tempus  consumere  in  aliqua  re. 
18 idem.  19uti  familiaritate  et  amicitia.  20ignobilis.  S1  “ either—  or” 
sive — sive  22lyricus,  melicus. 


177.  Chapter  II. 

Of1  all  his  writings  Repos  seems  to  have  edited  first  the 
three  books  of  Chronicles,2  in  which  he  had  collected  3  the 
memorable  events4  of  all  peoples,  especially  of  the  Greeks 
aud  Romans.  The  poet  Catullus  admiringly  calls  these  books 
learned  and  laborious  ones.  A  second  work  of  Repos  was 
the  three  books  of  examples,  in  which  he  described  the  cus¬ 
toms  and  institutions  of  ancient  peoples.  But  the  most  ex¬ 
tensive  9  and  the  most  celebrated  work  of  Repos  was  that  on 
illustrious  men.  This  work  is  said  to  have  been  distributed 
into  sixteen  books  and  to  have  treated  6  of  renowned  kings 
and  generals,  lawyers7  and  orators,  poets  and  historians,* 


Section  XVTI. 


191 


philosophers  and  grammarians,9  both  of  the  Greeks  and  the 
Romans.  Of  these  works  of  Nepos  none  is 10  complete.11 
But  of  the  books  on  illustrious  men  five-and-twenty  biogra¬ 
phies  12  have  been  preserved  to  us  which  are  usually  inscribed 
“  vitae  excellentium  imperatorum,”  although  not  all  of  them 
treat  of  generals.  Many  learned  men,  however,  believe  that 
those  biographies,  except 13  the  biography  of  Atticus,  have 
been  abridged 14  by  a  certain  Aemilius  Probus,  who  lived  at 
the  close 16  of  the  fourth  century  after  Christ,  under  the  reign 
of  Theodosius  the  Great ;  others  even  maintain  that  they 
have  been  written,  for  the  greater  part,16  by  this  man.  But 
neither  of  these  two  opinions  can  be  established 17  by  sure 
proofs.  It  is  rather  probable  that  Cornelius  himself,  and  no 18 
other,  is  the  writer  of  that  famous  little  book. 

No.  177.  1  ex.  2  chronica,  orum.  3  complecti.  4  res.  5  amplus. 
5agere.  ’'juris  consultus.  8historicus.  9  grammaticus.  10  exstare, 
superesse.  11  integer.  12  only  vita.  13praeter.  14  contrahere.  15  sub 
finem.  16  maximam  partem.  17  confirmare,  stabilire.  18  8.  Or.  §  165. 
NoteS.— Y.  Or.  §108.  2. 


178.  Chapter  III. 

It  cannot,  indeed,  be  denied  that  in  the  biographies  of 
Nepos  some  errors  are  found.  For  the  writer  has  sometimes 
confounded  1  men  of  the  same  name.2  To 3  give  one  example, 
in  the  first  two  chapters  of  the  life  of  Miltiades,  he  has  re¬ 
ported  of  this  conqueror  of  Marathon  what,  for  the  greater  part, 
pertains  to  his  uncle  Miltiades,  the  son  of  Cypselus.  In  other 
things,  too,  both  historical  and  geographical,4  he  has  some¬ 
times  erred.  But  the  whole  style  5  is  so  far  from  the  man¬ 
ner6  of  the  Theodosian  time,  that  at  least  at  this  age,  without 
doubt,  no  one  has  attained  a  like 7  simplicity  and  sweetness 8 
of  language.  The  writer  describes  the  most  important 9  things 
with  the  greatest  conciseness  and  clearness  10 ;  his  language, 
without  affected  beauty,  is  so  charming  and  pleasant  that  a 
certain  natural  grace  11  everywhere  appears.  Nepos  has  not 
aimed  at  the  refined  elegance  12  of  the  Ciceronian  language, 
but  he  desired  to  use  the  familiar  and  almost  common  13  kind 


192 


Part  II. 


of  expression ;  and  in  this  he  is  so  excellent  that  he  has 
always  greatly  14  delighted  the  minds  of  his  readers.  Xepos 
himself  tells  us  whence  he  has  taken 15  the  materials 16  for  the 
composition  of  his  biographies.  Foremost  of  all  is  Thucy¬ 
dides,  who  is,  without  doubt,  one  of  the  greatest  historians 17 
not  only  of  the  Greeks  but  of  all  ancient  nations.  Besides 
Thucydides,  Xepos  made  use  of  a  panegyric 18  of  Agesilaus, 
which  was  formerly  believed  to  have  been  composed  by 
Xenophon.  But  it  is  very  probable  that  it  has  not  been  writ¬ 
ten  by  him.  Among  other  authors  from  whose  writings19 
Nepos  has  taken  many  things,  the  most  worthy  of  mention 
are  Theopompus,  who  was  born  in  the  year  405  before  Christ, 
and  wrote  a  history 20  of  the  Greeks ;  Dinon,  who  lived  a 
little  later  and  wrote  a  Persian  history ;  Timaeus,  who  wrote 
a  history  of  Sicily  and  Italy  ;  and  Polybius,  the  friend  of  the 
younger  Scipio,  of  whose  great  work  only  the  first  five  books 
are  extant. 

No.  178.  1  commutare.  aejusdem  nominis,  or  Adject,  cognominis. 

3  lit.  4  historicus, — geographicus.  5  scribendi  genus.  6  ratio.  1  par. 
8suavitas.  9  gravis.  10perspicuitas.  11  nativa  venustas.  12  exculta  ele- 
gantia.  13  quotidianus.  14  maximopere.  15sumere,  or  sibi  comparare. 
16  rerum  copia.  17  rerum  scriptor.  18  laudatio.  19scriptum,  also  liber. 
20  res  gestas  scribere.  also  historiam  scribere. 


179.  Miltiades  and  Histiaeus. 

(Nep.  Milt.  Ch.  1—3.) 

Miltiades  of  Athens,  Cimon’s  son,  has  by  his  own  virtues 
increased  the  glory  inherited  from  his  forefathers.  Elected 
general  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  organize1  the  Thracian 
Chersonese,  he,  on  the  journey  itself,  reduced  Lemnos  and 
other  islands  under  the  power  of  the  Athenians.  By  justice, 
bravery,  and  good  fortune  he  obtained  in  the  Chersonese, 
within  a  short  time,  an  almost  royal  authority.  But  when 
the  Persian  king  Darius  came  there 2  to  make  war  upon  the 
Scythians,  he  gave  Miltiades  the  perpetual  sovereignty  over* 
those  regions.  After  a  bridge  had  been  built  on  the  river 
Hister,  the  king  led  the  army  across4  and  left  as  garrison  of 


Section  XVII. 


193 


the  bridge  Miltiades  and  other  Greeks  whom  he  had  made 
princes  in  the  cities  of  Ionia  and  Aeolia.  For  by  this  con¬ 
trivance  5  he  hoped  to  effect  that  the  princes  would  believe 
their  own  welfare  to  be  identical 6  with  that  of  the  king,  and 
would  keep  Asia  under  his  power.  Darius  was  unfortu¬ 
nate7  against  the  Scythians.  Messengers  after  messengers 
brought  the  news 8  that  the  army  was  in  the  greatest  danger,9 
that  the  king  had  taken  to  flight.  Then  Miltiades  believed 
that  by  fortune  itself  an  opportunity  had  been  given  them 
of  freeing  Greece.  He  called  upon  the  princes  to  break 
down  the  bridge,  and  showed 1#  that  if  it  were  done  the  whole 
army  with  the  king  himself  would  perish  within  a  short 
time ;  the  Greeks  in  Europe  would  be  safe,  those  in  Asia 
would  be  free  from  all  fear  of  the  Persians.  Not  a  few  of 
the  princes  acceded  to  this  plan ;  but  Histiaeus  of  Miletus 
opposed  it.  “  On  the  dominion  of  Darius,”  said  he,  “  our 
power,  too,  rests.  If  the  king  perishes,  what  hope  will  you 
have  ?  Which  of  you  prefers  to  be  punished  by  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  ruling  under11  Darius?”  Histiaeus  prevailed.15 
But  though  Miltiades  was  conscious  that  he  had  been  more  a 
friend  of  common  freedom  than  of  his  own  sovereignty,  he 
did  not  believe  himself  any  more  13  safe  in  the  Chersonese, 
and  returned  to  Athens. 

No.  179.  1  constituere.  2illuc.  3  Gen.  4  trajicere,  traducere.  5ars, 

artificium.  6ponere.  7  adversa  fortuna  uti.  8 only  afferre.  9discrimen, 
also  periculum.  10  docere,  demonstrare.  11  sub.  12  vincere.  13  “  not — 
any  more,”  non  amplius. 

180.  The  Battle  at  Marathon. 

(Nep.  Milt.  Ch.  4-5.) 

Under  the  leadership1  of  Datis  and  Artaphernes,  Darius 
had  despatched  an  army  of  200,000  foot  and  10,000  horse 
with  a  fleet  of  500  ships  to  subdue 2  Greece.  After  Euboea 
had  been  conquered  3  the  immense  army  marched  into  At¬ 
tica,  and  pitched4  camp  in  the  plain  of  Marathon.  The 
Athenians,  terrified  by  the  nearness  of  so  great  a  danger,  at 
once*  sent  a  courier  to  Sparta,  and  asked  the  Lacedaemo- 


194 


Fart  IT. 


nians  to  come  most  speedily  to  their  help.  At  home  ten 
generals  were  chosen  to  lead  the  army  and  defend  the  city, 
among  them  Miltiades.  And  since,  by  his  valor  and  expe¬ 
rience  in  military  affairs,  he 6  had  the  greatest  influence 7 
with  all,  it  was  determined  by  his  advice8  to  attack  the  ene¬ 
my  in  the  open  plain.  Miltiades  knew  the  minds  of  the 
Persians  ;  he  hoped  that  if  he  could  begin  the  battle  at  once 0 
his  own  soldiers  would  be  superior  to  them.  The  army  of 
the  Greeks  consisted  of  9,000  Athenians  and  1,000  Plateans ; 
of  the  other  states  none  had  come  to  the  help  of  the  Athe¬ 
nians.  Miltiades  had  chosen  10  a  suitable  place  for  fighting  at 
the  foot  of  a  mountain  ;  by  hills  and  trees  the  hostile  cavalry 
was  hindered  from  surrounding  the  small  body 11  of  the 
Greeks.  But  the  leaders  of  the  Persians  also,  trusting  in 
the  number  of  their  army,  were  very  eager  to  fight,12  and  led 
their  troops  to  battle.  In  this  engagement  it  was  perceived 
how  much  more  was  effected 13  by  the  bravery  of  the  Greeks 
than  by  the  vast  number  of  the  barbarians.  The  Persians 
were  completely  defeated  and  so  much  frightened  that,  aban¬ 
doning  14  their  camp,  they  hastened  in  sudden  flight  to  their 
ships  and  returned  to  Asia.  What  victory  has  ever  been  more 
illustrious 15  than  this  ?  With  a  small  body  Miltiades  had 
overthrown  the  tenfold  number  of  Persians  and  liberated  Ath¬ 
ens  and  the  whole  of  Greece  from  the  danger  of  servitude. 
So  much  more  power  has 16  the  love  of  country  and  freedom 
than  the  desire  of  sovereignty. 

No.  180.  1  8.  Gr.  §284. 1.  —  Y.  Gr.  §  218.  2.  ’  opprimere.  8.  Gr. 
§288.  1. —  Y  Gr.  §  223.  3  Ablat.  dbsol.  4ponere.  5statim.  6  “And 

since  .  .  .  .  he”  =  Qui  quum.  See  S.  Gr.  §  238.  6,  esp.  Note.  7  valere 
(=  “  to  haveinfl.”).  8  8.  Gr.  §284.  1.—  Y.  Gr.  §218.  2.  9quam  pri- 
mum.  10  by  capere.  11  manus.  12  8.  Gr.  §  286.  —  Y.  Gr.  §  221,  and  §  132, 
esp.  1.  13  Subjunctive.  14omittere.  Ablat.  absol.  15  praeclarus.  16  “to 

have  power  ”  posse,  or  valere. 

181.  Death  of  Miltiades. 

(Nep.  Milt.  Ch.  7-8.) 

Most  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean  sea  had  surrendered 
themselves  and  their  property  to  the  Persians,  and  supported 


Section  XVII. 


195 


them  in  the  war  against  the  Athenians.  Therefore  Milti- 
ades  was  sent  with  a  fleet  of  70  ships  to  bring  them  back  1 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Athenians.  Many  returned  of 
their  own  accord  to  their  duty,  others  were  conquered  by 
force.  The  island  of  Paros  resisted  most  vigorously.  Its  city 
was  already  surrounded  by  a  blockade  and  cut  off  from  all 
supplies,  the  sheds  and  pent-houses  were  already  erected, 
and  the  besiegers 2  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  taking  pos¬ 
session  of  the  city,  when  on  a  sudden  at  night  a  mighty  fire 
was  seen  far  off,  which  both  armies  believed  to  be  a  signal 
given  by  the  fleet  of  the  Persians.  Miltiades  feared  to  be  sur¬ 
rounded  by  them,  and,  raising  the  siege,3  returned  with  all 
his  ships  to  Athens.  The  Athenians  were  much  offended 
by  the  return  of  Miltiades.  Therefore  they  accused  him  of 
treason,  since,  bribed  by  the  money  of  the  Persians,  he  had 
abandoned  4  the  siege  of  Paros  without  bringing  the  affair  to 
an  issue.  He  himself  was  prevented  5  by  the  wounds  re¬ 
ceived  in  that  war  from  pleading  his  cause6  before  the 
judges ;  but  still  his  brother  Stesagoras  effected  so  much 
by  his  speech  that,  on  inquiry  into  the  matter,  Miltiades 
was  acquitted  of  the  capital  charge.  Nevertheless  they 
deemed  him  deserving  of  punishment,  and  condemned  him 
to  a  fine  of  50  talents ;  and  as  this 7  sum  was  so  great  that 
he  could  not  pay  it,  they  threw  him  into  the  state  prison, 
where  not  long  afterwards  the  conqueror  of  Marathon  died. 
But  all  agree 6  in  this,  that  he  was  not  condemned  on  account 
of  the  crime  at  Paros.  He  had  frequently  filled 9  the  high¬ 
est  offices,  had  held  in  the  Chersonese  the  sovereignty  and 
title  of  tyrant,  and  seemed  to  have  obtained  10  too  great  a 
power  to  be  content 11  with  the  position  of  a  private  citizen. 
Therefore,  from  fear  of  the  tyrannis,  they  condemned  that 
man  who,  according  to  the  testimony  of  all,  wras  possessed  of 
no  less  gentleness  and  kindness12  than  of  the  valor  and  vir¬ 
tue  of  a  general.13 

No.  181.  1  reducere.  2  Transl.  “  and  it  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  (in 
eo),  that  the  besiegers  (here  by  hostis)  took  p.”  etc.  3  obsidionem  omittere. 
Ablat.  absol.  4  discedere  ab.  6  impedire.  S.  Gr.  §  253. —  T.  Gr.  %  196. 


196 


Part  II. 


6  causam  dicere,  also  se  defendere,  or  verba  facere.  7  either  quae  pecunia 
quum,  etc.,  or  quae  summa {with,  or  without  pecuniae)  quum,  etc.  See  S. 
Gr.  §238.  6.,  esp.  Note.  8  consentire.  Acc.  with  Inf.  9  versari.  10adi- 
pisci.  11  by  quam  ut,  and  posse.  12  comitas  atque  humanitas.  13  by  the 
Adj.  imperatorius. 

182.  Themistocles  and  the  Battle  at  Salamis. 

(Nep.  Them.  Ch.  1-5.) 

Themistocles  had,  in  early  youth,  so  much  estranged  1  his 
parents  from  himself  by  too  independent  a  life  that  they 
disinherited  him.  But  his  courage  was  not  broken  but 
raised  by  this2  disgrace.  He  began,  with  the  greatest 
activity,  to  devote  himself  to  state  affairs,  and  by  his  pru¬ 
dence  and  eloquence  proved  himself  so  very  dexterous  3  both 
in  the  assembly  of  the  people  and  in  the  discharge  of  busi¬ 
ness,  that  in  a  short  time  no  one  was  preferred  to  him.  The 
first  public  office  which  he  discharged 4  w’as  that  of  a  general 
in  the  Corcyrean  war.  At  that  time  he  persuaded  the  people 
to  increase  the  fleet  by  100  ships.  And  when  these  had 
been  built  with  the  greatest  rapidity,  he  conquered  the  Cor 
cyreans,  crushed  6  the  pirates,  and  brought 6  great  riches  to 
Athens.  It  was,  however,  to  the  greatest  advantage  of  the 
Athenians  that 7  they  had  become,  by  the  advice  of  Themis¬ 
tocles,  very  skilled  in  naval  affairs.  For  Xerxes,  king  of  the 
Persians,  had  already  set  out  with  innumerable  forces  and  a 
fleet  of  1,200  men-of -war 8  against  Greece  to  make  good9 
the  disgrace  of  the  defeat  at  Marathon.  Not  unjustly  did 
the  Athenians  fear  that  they  especially  were  aimed  at.10 
Moved  by  this  fear,  they  sent  messengers  to  Apollo  to  con¬ 
sult  the  oracle  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.  The  answer  of 
Pythia,  that  the  Athenians  would  be  safest 11  behind  wooden 
walls,  was  obscure.  Themistocles  alone  understood  what 12 
those  wooden  walls  meant,13  and  he  convinced  his  fellow- 
citizens  that  the  fleet  was  pointed  out  by  Apollo.  There¬ 
fore  they  betook  themselves  with 14  all  their  property  on 
board  the  ships  and  abandoned  the  city,  after  handing  over 
the  castle  to  the  priests  and  a  few  aged  15  men.  Meanwhile 
Leonidas  with  300  Spartans  had  perished  at  Thermopylae 


Section  XVII. 


197 


fighting  most  bravely.  Thus  18  it  happened  that,  on  the  ad¬ 
vice  of  Themistocles,  the  war  was  waged  on  board  the  ships. 
As  the  common  fleet  of  the  Greeks  numbered 17  but  300 
ships,  of  which  200  belonged  to  the  Athenians,  Themistocles 
kept  himself  in  the  straits  of  the  sea,  that  the  multitude  of 
the  enemy  might  not  be  able  to  surround  him. 

No.  182.  1  abalienare.  2  Relative.  3promptus.  4(munere)  fungi, 
(munus)  capessere.  5  delere,  opprimere.  6  conferre.  1  quod.  8  navis 
longa.  9sarcire.  10petere.  11  tutus.  12  quo.  uby  valere.  uby  que 
(See  N epos).  15  Comparative.  16  Transl.  “  by  which.”  11  habere. 

183.  Chapter  II. 

The  first  naval  battle  was  fought  near  Artemisium. 
Neither  of  the  two  parties  obtained  the  victory.  Never¬ 
theless  Themistocles  believed  it  necessary  to  retire 1  from 
Artemisium,  that  the  enemy,  after  doubling 2  Euboea,  might 
not  endanger  the  fleet  of  the  Greeks  from  two  sides.  There¬ 
fore,  after  abandoning 3  Artemisium,  the  ships  were  drawn 
up  opposite  Athens  near  Salamis.  In  the  meantime  the 
land-forces  of  the  Persians  had  arrived  at  Athens.  By 
order 4  of  Xerxes  the  city  and  castle  were  at  once  destroyed 
by  fire.  By  its  blaze  the  Greek  sea-forces  were  so  much 
frightened  that  all  except6  the  Athenians  wished  to  go 
home  and  to  defend  themselves  behind  their  walls.  The¬ 
mistocles  alone  convinced  the  generals  that,  united,  the 
Greeks  would  be  a  match  6  for  the  Persians,  but  disunited 
would  have  no  hope  of  safety.  But  all  this  was  insufficient 
to  move 7  Eurybiades,  the  general  of  the  Spartans  ;  therefore 
Themistocles  used  a  stratagem  to  force  the  united  fleet  of  the 
Greeks  to  fight.  Through  the  most  faithful  of  his  slaves  he 
informed 8  the  king  of  the  Persians  that  the  Greeks 
intended  9  to  depart  in  various  directions.  They  could  all 
be  simultaneously  crushed,  if  it  pleased  the  king  to  attack 
them  at  once ;  but  if  he  allowed  10  them  to  go  home  one  by 
one,  the  war  would  become  greater  and  of  longer  duration. 
When  Xerxes  heard  these  things,  he  resolved  11  at  once  to 
fight  on  the  following  day.  But  on  the  one  hand  the  place 


198 


Fart  II. 


was  so  favorable  to  the  Greeks,  and  on  the  other  so  unfavor¬ 
able  to  the  Persians,  that  Theinistocles  with  a  small  number 
of  vessels  completely  defeated  the  largest  fleet  within  12  the 
recollection  of  men.  But,  as  even  after  this  defeat  Xerxes 
had  still  such  large  forces  that  it  was  to  be  feared  he  might 
even  13  with  these  be  able  to  oppress  Greece,  Themistocles, 
through  a  second  messenger,  inspired  14  him  with  the  fear 
that  his  return  to  Asia  might  be  cut  off,15  as  the  Greeks  had 
determined  to  destroy  the  bridge  across  the  Hellespont. 
Thus  it  happened  that  Xerxes  returned  to  Asia  as  quickly  as 
possible. 

No.  183.  1  discedere.  Periphr.  Conjug.  2  superare  Ablat.  absol. 

3relinquere.  Ablat.  absol.  4  8.  Or.  §  221.  2.  1.,  or  §  47.  II.  1. —  T.  Or. 
§28 .  init.  5praeter.  6  parem  esse  alicui.  7  minus  movere.  8nuntiare, 
07'  certiorem  facere.  9  id  agere  ut.  10pati.  Acc.  with  Inf.  11  consti- 
tuere.  12  post.  13  vel.  14  injicere  alicui  aliquid.  15aliquem  reditu 
excludere. 

184.  Life  and  Fate  of  Themistocles  after  the  Battle  at 

Salamis. 

(Nep.  Them.  Ch.  6-10.) 

The  victory  at  Salamis,  which  was  won  1  less  by  the  arms 
of  the  Greeks  than  by  the  prudence  of  Themistocles,  is  not 
unjustly  compared  with  the  trophies  of  Marathon.  But  not 
less  great  did  Themistocles  show  himself  in  peace.  The 
Athenians  possessed  then  only  the  Phalerian  harbor,  which 
Themistocles  deemed  neither  large  nor  good  enough.  He, 
therefore,  persuaded  them  to  build  the  triple  harbor  of 
Piraeus,  and  surround  it  with  walls.  He  also  caused2  the 
walls  of  the  city  to  be  restored.  But  the  Lacedaemonians, 
who  tried  to  prevent  the  execution  of  his  plan,  he  deceived 3 
by  a  stratagem,  and  thus  succeeded  in  enclosing4  the  city 
with  the  strongest  walls  before  the  Lacedaemonians  were 
able  to  hinder  it.  For,  on  his  advice,  the  Athenians  prose¬ 
cuted  5  (Pluperf.)  the  work  with  so  much  ardor  that  they 
spared  neither  sanctuaries  nor  tombs;  but  for  the  construc¬ 
tion  0  of  the  walls  brought 7  everything  that  seemed  fit  for 


Section  XYII. 


199 


the  fortification.  Thus  Athens  was  far  better  fortified  than 
formerly.  By  these  achievements 8  the  authority  of  The- 
mistocles  had  grown  so  much  that  he  could  9  as  little  escape 
the  envy  of  his  fellow-citizens  as  Miltiades.  Therefore  they 
sent  him  by  ostracism  into  exile.  But  as  he  enjoyed  10  great 
honor  even  as  an  exile  while  living  at  Argos,  he  was,  during 
his  absence,  accused  of  treason  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  be¬ 
cause  he  had  given  advice  to  the  king  of  the  Persians  about 11 
the  overthrow 12  of  the  freedom  of  Greece.  This  being  done, 
the  Athenians  condemned  him  to  death.  Fearing  that  he 
might  not  be  able  to  live  safely  at  Argos,  Themistocles  fled  13 
first  to  Corey ra,  then  to  Admetus,  king  of  the  Molossians, 
who,  after  offering  his  right  hand  as  a  pledge,14  received  him 
under  his  protection.  The  king  performed  what  he  had 
promised ;  for  when  in  the  name  of  the  state  the  Athenians 
demanded  the  surrender 15  of  Themistocles,  he  secretly 16  sent 
him  with  a  guard  on  board  a  vessel  to  Pydna. 

No.  184.  1  parere  Perf.  2  curare.  8.  Or.  §281.  3.  and  Note. —  V 
Or.  §219.  3.  3fa!lere,  frustrari.  4saepire,  also  cingere.  6  facere 
(opus).  6  exstruere.  8.  Or.  §  288.  1. — Y.  Or.  §  223.  7congerere. 
8  by  res  gerere.  9  See  84,  9.  105?y  esse  in  honore.  11  de.  I2opprimere. 

13  confugere.  14  only  dextram  dare.  15  aliquem  exposcere  (—  “  to  dem. 
the  8urr.  of  somebody  ”).  16  clam. 


185.  Chapter  II. 

On  this  journey  a  great  storm  arose  and  drove  1  the  ship 
towards  the  island  of  Naxos,  which  was  at  that  time  being 
besieged 2  by  the  Athenians.  It  was  evident  that  Themis¬ 
tocles  was  doomed  to  perish  if  recognized  by  them.  There¬ 
fore,  by  many  promises  he  prevailed  3  on  the  ship-master  to 
keep  the  vessel  at  anchor  at  a  distance  from  the  island.  A 
few  days  afterwards  they  arrived  at  Ephesus,  where  Themis¬ 
tocles  disembarked.  Thus  he  came  to  Asia  under  the  reign 4 
of  Artaxerxes  and  at  once  sent  a  letter  to  that  king,  in  which 
he  asked  5  for  his  friendship.  He  said  he  had  indeed  fought 
against  king  Xerxes  in  the  battle  at  Salamis  in  order  to  de¬ 
fend  his  country,  but  after  saving 6  his  country  he  had  ef- 


200 


Part  II. 


fected  by  his  advice  that  the  king,  too,  had  been  freed  from 
a  great  danger.  For  by  a  letter  from  him  the  king  had  been 
informed  of  the  plan  of  the  Greeks  to  destroy  7  the  bridge. 
Should,  therefore,  Artaxerxes  receive  him,  who  had  been 
expelled  from  all  Grecian  territory  under  his  protection,8  he 
would  be  no  less  a  good  friend  to  him  than  his  father  had 
experienced  in  him  a  brave  enemy.  Artaxerxes,  who  ad¬ 
mired  the  great  virtues  of  Themistocles,  was  easily  persuaded 
to  promise  his  friendship  to  such  a  man.  After  Themis¬ 
tocles,  then,  had  spent 9  the  space  of  two  years  in  learning 
the  language  of  the  Persians,  he  himself  went  to  the  king 
and  is  said  to  have  conversed  with  him  with  not  less  facility 
than  even  the  most  accomplished 10  of  the  Persians.  Most 
agreeable  to  Artaxerxes  was  the  advice  which  Themistocles 
offered  him  about  the  subjugation  11  of  the  Greeks.  Having 
been  munificently  rewarded  he  returned  to  Asia  Minor  and 
fixed  his  abode  at  Magnesia,  where,  as  Thucydides,  the  best 
authority  12  in  these  things,  has  handed  down  to  posterity,  he 
died  of  sickness.  In  the  market-place  at  Magnesia  a  statue 
was  erected  to  him.  His  tomb  is  not  far  distant  from  the 
city,  but  his  bones  are  said  to  have  been  brought 13  to  Attica 
and  there  secretly  interred  by  his  friends. 

No.  185.  1  ferre,  agere.  2  obsidere,  obsessum  tenere  3commovere, 
adducere.  4regnare,  Ablat.  absol.  5  petere.  6  servare,  Ablat.  absol. 

7  dissolvere,  rescindere,  S.  Gr.  §  286. —  Y.  Or.  §  221,  esp.  1,  and  §  220. 

8  in  fidem  recipere.  9  consumere  aliquid  in  aliqua  re.  10  eruditissiinus 
quisque.  11  subjicere,  8.  Gr.  §289.2. —  Y.  Gr.  §224.2.  125yauctor 
alicujus  rei.  13  deferre,  deportare. 


186.  A  Brief  Notice 1  of  Aristides. 

(Nep.  Arist.  Ch.  1-3.) 

Aristides,  a  contemporary  of  Miltiades,  with  whom  he  had 
been  general  in  the  battle  at  Marathon,  distinguished  himself 
so  much  above 2  all  the  rest  by  his  justice  that  for  that  very 
reason  he  was  exiled  from  the  state  by  the  Athenians.  How¬ 
ever,  this  was  brought  about  more  by  the  eloquence  of  The¬ 
mistocles,  who  was  his  rival,3  than  because4  Aristides  seemed 


Section  XYII. 


201 


worthy  of  any  punishment.  Even  as  an  exile  the  latter 
tried  to  benefit  his  country  as  much  as5  he  could.  After 
the  naval  victory  near  Salamis  he  was  recalled  by  the  people 
and  fought  together 6  with  Pausanias,  the  general  of  the  Lace¬ 
daemonians,  at  Platea  against  the  army  of  the  Persians.  Un¬ 
der  their  leadership,7  then,  Mardonius  was  defeated 8  and 
slain,  and  this  is  the  most  illustrious  achievement  of  Aris¬ 
tides  in  military  affairs.  But  how  great  his  innocence  and 
justice  were  can  be  learned  from  many  examples.  The 
Lacedaemonians  had  up  to  this  time  been  the  leaders  of  the 
Greeks  not  only  on  land,  but  had  also  maintained 9  the  su¬ 
premacy  at  sea.  Aristides,  who  was  the  commander 10  of 
the  ships  of  the  Athenians,  won  11  by  his  moderation  the 
hearts  of  all  the  Greeks,  whereas  Pausanias,  the  leader  of 
the  common  fleet,  estranged  them  12  by  his  haughtiness ; 
whereby  it  happened  that  most  of  the  states  transferred  13 
fne  chief  command  of  the  common  fleet  of  Greece  to  the 
Athenians,  the  more  easily  to  repel  the  barbarians  if  war 
were  renewed.  Aristides,  whose  justice  was  known  to  all, 
was  chosen  to  determine  the  amount  of  money  14  which  was 
to  be  paid  by  each  state  into  the  common  treasury.  The 
surest  sign,  however,  that  he  was  a  man  of  the  greatest  mod¬ 
eration  is  this,  that,16  though  he  had  often  held  16  the  chief 
command,  he  hardly  left  enough  means  when  dying  where¬ 
with  to  be  buried.  He  died,  however,  in  the  fourth  year 
after  the  expulsion  17  of  Themistocles. 

No.  186.  1  ftyquidam  only  ;  “of”  de.  2  inter,  or  Dative.  3  obtrecta- 
tor,  aemulus.  4  quod  {Subjunct. ).  5utcumque.  6simul.  7  S.  Or.  §  284. 
1. —  Y  Or.  §218.  2.  8profligare,  fugare.  9  obtinere.  10  praeesse,  prae- 
fectum  esse.  11  sibi  conciliare.  12  abalienare  a  se.  13deferre.  Aionly 
constituere  pecuniam.  8.  Or.  §  288.  1. —  Y.  Or.  §  223.  16  quod. 

16  fungi,  or  by  praeesse.  17  by  post,  and  expellere. 


187.  Cimon’s  Prudence  and  Merit  as  a  General.1 

,  • 

(Nep.  Cira.  Ch.  1-2.) 

Cimon,  the  son  of  Miltiades,  bore  many  hardships  in 
youth.  For  after  his  father’s  death  the  son  was  kept  in  the 


202 


Part  II. 


public  prison  until 2  be  paid  the  prescribed  fine.  That  be 
might  be  able  to  do  so  Cimon  gave  bis  sister  Elpinice  in 
marriage  to  Callias,  a  very  rich  citizen,  who  promised  to  pay 
the  money  for  him.  Being  thus  restored  to  liberty,  Cimon 
succeeded3  in  soon  attaining  to  the  highest  station.4  For  he 
was  distinguished  not  only  for  his  eloquence,  but  also  for  his 
great  liberality,  and  was  no  less  skilled  in  civil  law  than  in 
military  affairs.  From  his  boyhood  he  had  lived  much  with 
his  father  in  the  camp  and  among  soldiers,  whence  it  hap¬ 
pened  that  his  authority  with  the  army  was  always  held  very 
high.  II  is  first  achievements6  as  general  he  accomplished 
on  the  river  Strymon  against  the  Thracians,  and  after  hav¬ 
ing  put  these 6  to  flight  he  founded,  as  Nepos  relates,  the 
city  of  Amphipolis,  which  he  assigned 7  to  Athenian  colo¬ 
nists.  But  Thucydides  says  that  that  city  was  founded  by 
another  general  of  the  Athenians.  The  most  illustrious 
deed  of  Cimon  was  the  conflict  near  the  river  Eurymedon, 
in  which  on  one  day  he  obtained  8  a  double  victory.  For 
after  having  at  daybreak  attacked  the  fleet  of  the  Persians 
and  taken  possession  of  almost  all  their  ships,  he  at  once  dis¬ 
embarked  his  troops  to  attack  the  land-forces  of  the  enemy, 
and,  having  routed 9  them,  he  took  on  the  same  day  their 
camp  and  returned  home  laden  10  with  immense  booty.  On 
this  journey  he  brought  those  islands,  which  had  attempted 
to  fall  off  from  the  dominion  of  the  Athenians,  back  to  their 
duty,  the  well-disposed  he  confirmed  in  their  allegiance.  On 
coming  to  Scyrus  he  expelled  by  force  of  arms  the  Dolopi- 
ans,  who  were  disaffected  towards 11  the  Athenians,  from  the 
city  and  island.  The  Thracians  who,  trusting  in  their 
strength,  had  fallen  off  willingly  submitted 12  to  him  on  his 
arrival.  Of  the  booty  a  great  part  was  spent 13  on  embellish¬ 
ing  and  fortifying  the  citadel  of  Athens. 

No.  187.  1  virtus  imperatoria  (=  “ merit  as  a  general”).  2dum. 
3  contingit,  8.  Or.  §  275.  2. —  T.  Or.  §  191.  4  summum  locum  assequi, 
also  by  pervenire  ad  principatum.  5  only  res.  6  Relative.  7  tradere, 
with  incolere  ( also  habitare).  8.  Gr.  §  281.  3.  Note. —  T.  Or.  §  219.  3. 
8  reportare,  potiri.  *  devincere.  Ablat .  absol.  10  onustus.  11  abalienatus 
ab.  13  se  subjicere.  13  conferre  ad  aliquid,  consumere  in  aliqua  re. 


Section  XVII. 


203 


188.  Banishment,'  Death  and  Character2  of  Cimon. 

(Nep.  Cim.  Ch.  3-4.) 

But  abhorring  too  great  a  power3  in  one  man,  the  Athe¬ 
nians  could  not  endure  that  Cimon  was  alone  distinguished 
in  the  state ;  wherefore  they  sent  him  for  ten  years  into 
exile  by  ostracism.  But  they  quickly  repented  of  this  in¬ 
justice,  and  after  five  years,  when  about  to  wage 4  war  with 
the  Lacedaemonians,  they  recalled  him  to  Athens.  But  as 
Cimon  deemed  it  best  to  reconcile  the  two  most  powerful 
states  of  Greece  to  each  other,5  he,  of  his  own  accord,  went 
to  Sparta,  and,  by  his  prudence,  restored  peace.  Hot  long 
afterwards  he  was  elected 6  chief  commander  by  the  Athe¬ 
nians  and 6  sailed,  with  a  fleet  of  200  ships,  to  Cyprus ;  but 
after  he  had  conquered  a  great  part  of  the  island,  he  was 
wounded  and  died  at  the  siege7  of  the  city  of  Cittium. 
The  Athenians  are  said  to  have  deeply  felt  the  loss  of 8 
Cimon  for  a  long  time  even  after  his  death.9  Ho  one 
equalled  him  in  liberality.  Wherever  he  betook  himself, 
he  ordered  servants  to  follow  him  with  money,10  that,  should 
anybody  ask  his  help,  the  means  might  not  be  wanting 11  of 
assisting  the  needy  (Sing.).  In  his  gardens  and  estates  no 
one  was  hindered  from  using  the  fruit  and  the  other  things 
according  to  his  own  good  pleasure.13  He  daily  invited 
many  to  dinner,  and  scarcely  a  day  was  suffered  to  pass  on 
which  those  who  were  in  the  market-place  uninvited  were 
not  invited  13  by  him.  And  he  is  said  to  have  been  even  so 
kindly  disposed,14  that,  when  he  saw  a  poor  man  not  well 
dressed,  he  often  gave  him  his  own  cloak.  He  refused 
nothing  to  any  one 15 ;  many  became  rich  through  him  ; 
poor  people  were  not  unfrequently  buried  at  his  expense. 
Therefore  it  is  not  at  all  to  be  wondered  at  that  by  such  con¬ 
duct  18  he  won  for  himself  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

No.  188.  1  exsilium.  2  mores.  3  nimia,  or  nimis  magna  potentia. 
4  Periphr.  Conjug.  5 inter  se.  6  S.  Gr.  §  282.  1. —  T.  Gr.  §  215.  3,  and 
§216  end.  7  by  oppugn  are  S.  Gr.  §289.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §224  2.  8  cum 
dolore,  or  vehementer  desiderare.  9  by  mortuus.  See  S  Gr.  §  236.  1. 
10nummus  ( Plur .).  11  deesse.  12  by  a  Relative  cla.use  with  velle  13devo- 
care.  14  benignitas.  15  8.  Gr.  §  68,  Note  3. —  Y.  Gr.  §  44.  8.  16  se  gerere. 


204 


Part  II. 


189.  Military  Talent 1  of  Iphicrates. 

(Nep.  Ipliicr.  Ch.  1-3.) 

Iphicrates  of  Athens  was  a  man  of  a  large  bodily  frame  9 
and  a  commanding3  appearance.  But  most  of  all  did  his 
military  talent  shine  forth,  whereby  he  effected  so  much 
that,  through  his  fault,  nothing  ever  came  to  a  bad  end.  In 
military  affairs  he  invented  many  things,  others  he  im¬ 
proved  ;  he 4  was  the  first  to  make  the  arrangement  that  the 
foot-soldiers  should  use  longer  spears  and  swords  ;  the  shields 
and  corselets  he  made  lighter,  and  yet  took  care  that  they 
none  the  less &  covered  the  body.  By  this  arrangement  the 
soldiers  became  more  nimble  for  action.6  As  general  he 
exercised  7  the  greatest  severity  of  discipline.  His 8  soldiers 
were  not  only  the  best  drilled  ( Superlat .),  but  also  the  best 
in  obeying  their  general’s  command ;  as  soon  as  the  signal 
was  given  for  battle,  all  stood,  without  any  trouble,  arrayed 
in  their  place,  so  that  the  most  skilled  general  seemed  to 
have  drawn  them  up  one  by  one.  After  the  army  had  thus 
been  drilled 9  by  this  discipline,  he  gained 10  for  himself 
great  glory  in  that  war  which  the  Athenians  then  waged 
against  the  Lacedaemonians.  Several  times  he  put  their 
troops  to  flight ;  one  division  of  the  Lacedaemonians  he 
intercepted,  a  thing  which 11  caused  the  greatest  admiration 
among  all  the  Greeks.  Having  been  placed,  with  the  per¬ 
mission  12  of  the  Athenians,  by  Artaxerxes  over  the  merce¬ 
naries,  whom  the  king  used  in  a  war  against  the  Egyptians,  he 
trained  them  with  such  great  success  that  in  Greece  the 
Iphicratian  soldiers  were  no  less  praised  13  than  afterwards 
the  Fabians  among  the  Romans.  After  he  had  returned  to 
Greece,  he  was  sent  to  the  help  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and 
by  his  speedy  arrival  prevented  Sparta  from  being  destroyed 
by  Epaminondas.  Hence  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  Iphi¬ 
crates  is  either  to  be  preferred  or  to  be  believed  equal 14  to 
the  first  generals  of  the  Greeks.  He  was  also 15  a  good 
citizen  and  dear  to  his  friends;  therefore  he  contrived  to 
live  to  an  advanced  age  without  any  punishment,  a  lot  that 
befell  few  Athenian  nobles.16 


Section  XYII. 


205 


No.  189.  Ungenium.  2  corpus  (=  “bodily  fr.”).  3  imperatorius. 
4  hie.  b  literally,  or  by  aeque.  6  res  gerere.  S.  Gr.  §288.  1. —  T.  Or. 
§223.  1  uti.  *by  ipse.  9  erudire.  10comparare,  par&re.  11 8.  Gr. 

§238.  5 .—  Y.  Gr.  §152.  1  12permissu.  S.  Gr.  §  221.  2.  1. — Y.  Gr. 
§  28  init.  13  in  laude  esse.  ,4parem  putare,  or  only  comparare,  conferre. 
15  “  he  —  also”  idem.  16  princeps. 

190.  Person  and  Character  of  Epaminondas. 

(Nep.  Epam.  Ch.  1-7,  Beg.) 

In  presenting  1  a  picture  of  Epaminondas  nothing  must  be 
passed  over  which,  after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks,  ought 
not  to  be  wanting  in  the  person  of  the  first  man  in  the  state, 
though  it  be  considered  more  trifling 2  among  other  nations. 
He  was  born,  indeed,  of  poor  parents,  though  his  ancestors 
were  noble,  and  was  taught  by  the  most  illustrious  teachers 
all  the  arts  in  which  the  best  youths  were  usually  instructed. 
On  the  arts  of  dancing,  singing,  and  playing  on  the  cithern 
he  spent  so  much  labor  3  that  he  surpassed 4  all  his  contem¬ 
poraries  in  the  knowledge  5  of  these  arts.  The  greatest  ap¬ 
plication,  however,  he  bestowed6  upon  the  study  of  philos¬ 
ophy,  in  which  he  had  Lysis  of  Tarentum,  a  Pythagorean, 
for  his  teacher.  With  him  7  he  exercised  himself  so  long 
and  with  such  diligence  that  he  was  not  only  most  dear  to 
his  teacher,  but,  according  to  the  agreement 8  of  all,  by  far 
the  most  distinguished  of  his  schoolmates.  As  a  youth  he 
proved  himself,  in  wrestling  and  running,  a  match  for  the 
most  practiced9;  in  the  use  of  arms  he  was  very  skilful. 
These  endowments  10  of  the  body  were  surpassed  by  many 
virtues  of  the  heart.  For  he  distinguished  himself  no  less 
by  modesty  and  prudence  than  by  patience  and  greatness  of 
mind  11 ;  he  was  temperate,  gentle,  and,  even  in  manhood, 
very  desirous  of  learning ;  when  in  company  the  subject  of 
discourse  12  was  philosophy  or  the  administration  of  the  com¬ 
monwealth,  he  never  repented  of  the  time  spent  in  listening 
to  such  conversations.  He  himself,  indeed,  was  poor,  but 
he  bore  the  want 13  of  riches  with  ease.  Nevertheless  he 
frequently  supported  others  with  money.  For  if  any  of  his 
fellow-citizens  needed  help,  Epaminondas  conducted  himself 


206 


Paht  II. 


so,14  that  he  seemed  to  have  all  things  in  common  with  his 
friends.  For  he  himself  prescribed15  how  much  of  his 
property  each  of  his  friends  should  contribute  to  support 16 
the  needy  {Sing.).  But  he  always  contrived  that  he  who 
received  knew  by  whom  each  thing  in  particular  had  been 
given. 

No.  190.  1  exprimere.  2levis.  3operam  conferre  ad,  or  in  aliquid, 
operam  navare  alicui  rei.  4  superare,  antecedere.  6  peritia,  scientia.  b  See 
3,  or  studium  consumere  in  aliqua  re.  7  Relative.  8 consensus.  S.  Gr. 
§  221.  2.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §28  init.  9exercitare.  10bonum.  11  literally ,  or 
magnus  animus.  12  sermonem  habere,  disputare,  disserere.  13  facile 

carere  (=  “to  bear  the  want  of - easily  ”).  14  sic  se  gerere,  or  talem 

se  praestare.  15imperare,  praecipere.  16  S.  Gr.  §  288. 1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  223. 


191.  Chapter  II. 

Of  his  disinterestedness  Epaminondas  gave  an  illustrious 
example  when  King  Artaxerxes  attempted  to  bribe  him  with 
gold  through  a  certain  Diomedon.  Diomedon  had  brought 
with  him  an  immense  amount  of  gold  to  Thebes,  and  he 
hoped  that  Epaminondas  could  be  won  over  to  his  side 2  by 
the  aid  of  a  youth,  Micythus,  whom  he 3  loved  exceedingly.4 
And  Micythus,  indeed,  was  easily  won  5  by  Diomedon.  But 
as  Epaminondas  heard  of  the  affair  he  summoned  both  before 
him,6  and  ordered  Micythus  at  once  to  give  back  the  money 
which  he  had  received.  Diomedon,  indeed,  he  forgave  for7 
having  held  him  on  a  level  with  himself,  and  for  believing 
that  he  would  prefer  gold  to  the  love  of  his  country  ;  still  he 
quickly  expelled  him  from  the  city  lest  he  might  also  tempt 8 
others  with  his  riches.  He  even  caused  Diomedon  to  be 
conducted  by  a  guard  to  Athens.  And  he  said  that  he  did 
this  not  on  account  of  Diomedon,  but  for  his  own  sake ;  for 
if  that  gold  were  taken  away  from  him  9  it  could  easily  be 
said  that  Epaminondas  himself  had  taken  the  stolen  money 
which,  when  offered,  he  had  refused  to  accept.  Epaminondas, 
moreover,  merits  the  greatest  praise  for  his  love  of  truth, 
which  was  so  great  in  him  that  not  even  for  the  sake  of  a 
joke  did  he  ever  utter  a  lie.  In  suffering 10  offenses  he  was 


Section  XVII. 


207 


very  patient,  and  he  deemed  it  unlawful  to  be  angry  either 
with  one’s  friends  or  country.  Although  the  Thebans  were 
inferior  to  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  in  eloquence,  Epaminondas 
proved  himself  so  terse 11  in  his  answers  and  so  elegant 12  in 
speech  that  he  was  considered  equal 13  to  the  most  renowned 
orators  of  his  time.  He  gave  the  most  brilliant  specimen  of 
eloquence  as  ambassador  of  the  Thebans  at  Sparta,  before  the 
battle  at  Leuctra.  For  by  that  speech,  which  he  delivered  in 
the  presence  of  the  embassies  of  most  of  the  Grecian  states, 
he  effected  that  many  of  them  soon  afterwards  detached 
themselves  14  from  the  alliance  with  the  Lacedaemonians,  and 
thus  impaired  their  power  almost  as  much  as  by  the  very 
victory  at  Leuctra.  With  (AMat.)  this  character,  therefore, 
it  is  not  to  be  wxmdered  at  that  Epaminondas,  in  the  time  of 
peace,  was  considered  the  first  man  in  the  state. 

No.  191-  1  afferre.  2  ad  voluntatem  perducere.  3  ille.  4maxime. 
5  capere.  6  ad  se  vocare.  1  by  a  clause  with  quod  and  Subjunct.  8  temp- 
tare  (tentare).  9  ille.  10  ferre,  perferre.  JS.  Gr.  §  289.  2. —  T.  Gr.  §  224. 
2.  11  concinnus,  promptus.  12ornatus.  13  parem  putare.  14discedere, 

se  separare. 

192.  Military  Exploits 1  and  Death  of  Epaminondas 

(Nep.  Epam.  Ch.  7-10.) 

When,  expelled  from  Thebes  by  Pelopidas,  the  Lacedae¬ 
monians  invaded  Boeotia  with  a  select2  body  of  troops,  Epa¬ 
minondas  was  sent  as  commander-in-chief  with  an  army  to 
repel  them.  He  then  fought  that  famous  battle  at  Leuctra, 
by  which  the  power  of  the  Lacedaemonians  was  overthrown,3 
and  not  only  was  Thebes  saved  from  ruin,  but  the  freedom 
of  the  other  states  of  Greece  was  also  restored.  Not  long 
afterwards  the  Thebans,  from  envy,  chose  another  leader, 
who  was  very  inexperienced  in  war.  Epaminondas  was  in 
the  army  as  a  common  soldier.4  Under6  that  leader,  how¬ 
ever,  such  great  mistakes  were  made  that  the  army  of  the 
Thebans  wras  shut  up  in  a  very  narrow  defile  and  besieged 
by  the  enemy.  Almost  all  despaired 6  of  safety ;  Epami¬ 
nondas  alone,  it  was  thought,  could  save  them.  Unmindful 


208 


Pakt  II. 


of  the  insult  he  had  received,  he  conducted  the  army  with 
such  great  care 7  that  he  freed  it  from  the  greatest  danger 
and  restored  8  it  unimpaired  to  his  country.  Very  famous  is 
that  capital  trial9  which,  through  the  envy  of  his  adversaries, 
Epaminondas  had  to  undergo.10  As  chief  commander  he  had, 
with  two  colleagues,  one  of  whom  was  Pelopidas,  marched 
the  army  of  the  Thebans  into  Peloponnesus.  But  his  adver¬ 
saries  at  home  persuaded  the  people  to  give  11  the  manage¬ 
ment12  of  that  war  to  other  generals.  Epaminondas,  who 
had  perceived  their  inexperience  in  warfare,  believed  that  he 
should  not  obey 13  the  decree  of  the  people,  lest  the  whole 
army  might  perish.  Therefore,  both  he  himself  and  his  col¬ 
leagues  retained  the  chief  command  four  months  longer  than 
they  had  been  commanded  by  the  people.  Then,  after  the 
war  which  he  had  undertaken  had  been  successfully  finished,14 
he,  with  his  colleagues,  led  the  army  back  from  Peloponnesus, 
and  having  arrived  at  Thebes  he  laid  down 15  the  chief 
command  in  the  assembly  of  the  people. 

No.  192.  1  “ Military  exploits,”  by  res  bellogerere.  2deligere.  3pro- 

sternere.  4  gregarius  miles,  or  privatus  numero  militis.  5  Only  Ablat. 
6  desperare  aliquid,  or  de  aliqua  re.  7  diligentia.  8  reducere.  9  causa 
capitis.  10  subire.  Periphr.  Conjug.  11  trad  ere,  committere.  12  gerere. 
8.  Or.  §281.  3.  Note. —  Y.  Or.  §219.  3.  13  parere.  Periphr.  Conjug. 

14  fdiciter  gerere.  15  se  abdicare.  8.  Or.  §232.  2.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §177.  1. 


193.  Chapter  II. 

By  a  law  of  the  Thebans  capital  punishment  was  resorted 
to  if  any  one  kept  the  chief  command  longer  than  a  decree 
of  the  people  allowed.1  According  to9  this  law,  then,  the 
adversaries  of  Epaminondas,  omitting 3  him,  accused  his  col¬ 
leagues.  But  the  whole  blame  was  thrown  4  by  the  latter 
upon  Epaminondas,  as  he  himself  had  ordered  them  to  do. 
Therefore,  they  indeed  were  acquitted,  but  he  6  was  sum¬ 
moned  before  the  court.6  Here  he  frankly  7  said  that  he 
must  confess  to  whatever  had  been  charged  as  a  crime  against 
him  ;  there  was,  then,  no  doubt  that  according  to  8  the  law  he 
oould  be  punished  with  death.  But  one  thing  he  would  ask 


Section  XVII. 


209 


of  the  judges  that  they  might  grant  him  an  inscription  to 
this  effect :  “  Theban  judges  have  condemned  Epaminondae 
to  death  because  he  has  freed  Thebes  and  all  Greece  from 
the  tyranny  of  the  Spartans ;  because  he  has  overthrown  by 
that  one  battle  at  Leuctra  the  most  powerful0  enemies  of  the 
common  liberty  and  invested  their  city ;  because  by  his  chief 
command  he  has  so  much  increased  10  the  glory  and  power  of 
the  state  that  the  Thebans  have  obtained  11  the  supremacy  of 
all  Greece.”  After  these  words  he  was  dismissed  from  the 
court  amid  12  the  laughter  of  all  and  with  the  greatest  glory, 
as  not  one  of  the  judges  was  willing  to  sentence  him. 
Towards  the  end 13  of  his  life  Epaminondas  led,  as  chief  com¬ 
mander,  for  the  fourth  time,  an  army  of  the  Thebans  into 
Peloponnesus.  The  battle  was  fought  with  the  Lacedaemo¬ 
nians  near  Mantinea.  After  having  drawn  up  the  line  of  bat¬ 
tle  Epaminondas  was  recognized  by  the  enemy  whilst  fighting 
bravely  in  the  front  rank.  As  they  believed  that  the  The¬ 
bans’  entire  hope  of  victory  rested 11  solely  on  Epaminondas, 
they  rushed  15  upon  him  alone  with  so  violent  an  attack  that 
on  both  sides  a  vast  slaughter  was  made  and  many  were 
killed.  Epaminondas  himself  fell,16  pierced  vith  a  deadly 
weapon.  The  iron  point  of  the  spear  remained  in  his  body. 
He  could  not  doubt  that  he  was  sure  to  die 17  as  soon  as  it 
was  extracted.  Therefore  he  kept  it  in  as  long  as  the  fight 
continued.  But  after  the  victory  of  the  Thebans  had  been 
announced,  he  said :  “  I  have  lived  long  enough ;  for  I  die 
unvanquished.”  Then  he  ordered  the  iron  to  be  drawn  out, 
and  so  he  died.  And  with  18  him  sank  the  splendor 19  of 
Thebes,  which,  having  been  made  by  him  the  head  of  all 
Greece,  neither  before  his  birth  nor  after  his  death  was  at 
any  time  free  from  foreign  dominion. 

No.  193.  1  per  populi  scitum  licet.  2  only  Ablat.  3  praetermittere. 
4  transferre.  5  hie.  6  in  judicium  vocare.  7  libere,  ingenue.  8  secundum. 
9potens.  10  amplidcare.  11  adipisci,  or  per venire  ad.  12  cum.  13  8  Or. 
§237.  3. —  Y  Or.  §137.  5.  14positum  esse,  also  situm  esse.  I5irruere 
in  aliquem,  petere  aliquem.  16  concidere.  17  Periphr.  Gonjug.  18  simul 
cum.  19  majestas. 


210 


Part  II. 


SECTION  XYIIL 

Stories  from  Ovid. 

194.  The  Poet  P„  Ovidius  Naso. 

Publius  Ovidius  Naso  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
poets  of  the  age  of  Augustus.  Of  his  life  he  himself  relates 
the  following :  He  was  born  at  Sulmo,  in  the  country  of  the 
Paelignians,  in  the  year  43  before  Christ,  under  the  consul¬ 
ship  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  one  of  whom  was  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Mutina  against  M.  Antonius,  the  other  was  wounded 
and  died  later.  He  belonged 1  from  the  time  of  his  fore¬ 
fathers  to  the  equestrian  order.  His  brother  was  one  year 
older  than  himself,  but  was  born  on  the  same  day,  so  that 
this  day,  as  Ovid  himself  relates,  was  celebrated  with  two 
cakes.2  It  is  also  mentioned  by  the  poet  that  his  birthday 
was  on  a  certain  festival 3  of  Minerva,  which  feast  day 4  was 
called  Quinquatrus  by  the  Homans,  whence  wre  learn  that 
he  was  born  on  the  20th  of  March.5  The  two  brothers  were, 
as  boys,  first  instructed  at  Sulmo  ;  but  the  father,  a  wealthy  6 
and  prudent  man,  soon  brought 7  them  to  Rome,  and  entrusted 
them  for  further  culture  8  to  the  most  renowned  teachers. 
At  Rome  the  elder  brother  devoted  himself9  with  the 
greatest  eagerness  to  eloquence,  and  exercised  himself  much 
and  diligently  in  the  schools  of  the  rhetoricians,10  that  he 
might  become,  according  to11  the  fathers  wish,  a  useful 
orator  and  pleader  of  causes.12  But  Publius  found  no 
delight13  in  these  occupations,  and  gave  himself  up  entirely 
to  poetry,  which  he  had  loved  14  from  his  boyhood.  This 
was  displeasing  to  his  father.  “  Why  do  you  practice  16  this 
useless  occupation,”  said  he,  “  from  which  you  will  have  no 
profit  ?  Homer  himself  left  no  wealth  behind  him.”  Moved 
by  such  admonitions,  he  resolved  16  to  give  up  17  his  poetical 
exercises  and  devote  himself  to  eloquence.  But  his  speech 


Section  XYIII. 


211 


turned18  of  itself  into  rytlim.19  “Whatever  I  attempted  to 
say  was  a  verse,”  says  he  himself ;  and  therefore  he  perse- 
vered20  in  the  same  pursuit  to  which  nature  impelled  him, 
even  when,  together  with  his  brother,  he  had  taken  the  gown 
of  manhood. 

No.  194.  1  esse,  with  Genii.  2libum.  3  dies  festus.  4  here  Plur 
dies  festi.  5  See  S.  Gr.  §  347.—  Y.  Gr.  §  279,  and§  280.  1.  Glocuples. 
7  deducere.  8excolere.  S.  Gr.  §281.  3.  with  Note. —  7.  Gr.  §219.  3. 
9  incumbere  ad,  or  in  aliquid.  10  rhetor.  n  ex.  ,2patronus  causarum. 
13  non  delectari.  14adamare.  15tractare.  1U  constituere.  17  omittere, 
relinquere.  18  venire.  19  numerus.  20  permanere. 


195.  Chapter  II. 

The  brother  of  the  poet  died  at  the  age  of  twenty  years, 
and  Publius,  to  obey  his  father,  again  betook  himself  to  the 
study  of  eloquence.  He  listened  to  the  lectures 1  of  the  most 
renowned  rhetoricians  of  his  time,  of  Porcius  Latro  and 
Arellius  Fuscus,  and  exercised  himself  with2  them  in 
speaking.3  The  rhetorician  M.  Annaeus  Seneca,  who  was 
an  intimate  friend  of  Latro,  relates  the  following  of  Ovid : 
“  I  remember  to  have  heard 4  Naso  declaim  6  with  the  rheto¬ 
rician  Arellius  Fuscus,  whose  hearer  he  was.  lie  was  also8 
an  admirer  of  Latro,  though  he  pursued  a  different  kind  of 
speaking.  His  speech  then  could  not  be  considered  anything 
else  but  a  poem  without  metre.7  But  he  so  eagerly  listened 
to  Latro  that  he  transferred  many  of  his  maxims8  into  his 
own  verses.  He  was,  however,  considered  a  good  orator, 
and,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  he  delivered  that  controversial  dis¬ 
course9  far  more  ingeniously  10  than  Arellius  Fuscus,  with 
the  one  exception  that 11  he  went  through  the  single  points12 
without  a  certain  order.”  A  little  later  Seneca  thus  con¬ 
tinues:  “But  Naso  very  seldom  delivered  controversial  dis¬ 
courses  ;  he  rather  liked  to  pronounce  hortatory  speeches 13 ; 
all  argumentation  was  annoying  to  him.  He  used  the 
words  by  no  means  without  restraint,14  except  in  poems,  in 
which  he  did  not  ignore  his  faults,  but  he  loved  them. 
Once  his  friends  requested  him  to  blot  out 16  from  his  poems 


212 


Part  II. 


three  verses  which  displeased  them.  He  in  return  16  requested 
them  to  accept  three  verses  against  which  nothing  should 
be  objected  by  them.  The  condition  17  seemed  fair.  The 
former  secretly  wrote  down  the  three  verses  which  they 
wished  to  be  blotted  out,18  the  latter  those  which  he  wished 
to  remain  intact.  After  the  papers  had  been  opened,19  on 
both  sides  the  very  same  verses  were  found  written.” 
Seneca  adds :  “  Hence  it  follows  that  to  this  eminently  gifted 
man,  not  the  judgment,  but  the  will20  was  wanting  to 
restrain  his  freedom 21  of  language.  Sometimes  he  said  that 
that  face  was  handsomer22  on  which  there  was  some  blem¬ 
ish.  ” 23  How,  after  we  have  inserted 24  what  Seneca  has 
recorded,  let  us  return  to  the  narration  of  the  poet  himself. 
After  finishing 25  his  studies  he  began  to  discharge  certain 
little  offices ;  but  soon  he  was  so  much  disgusted  with  all 
business  that  he  abandoned 26  it  altogether,  and  again  devoted 
himself  entirely  to  poetry.  He  was  a  familiar  friend  of  the 
most  illustrious  poets  of  that  time,  especially  of  Propertius, 
Aemilius  Macer,  Cornelius  Bassus.  “  Melodious 27  Horace 
fascinated28  also  our  ears,”  says  he.  He  only  saw  Virgil, 
who  was  much 29  older ;  “  a  sad  fate  ”  30  kept  him  away  from 
the  poet  Tibullus.  His  first  poems  acquired  for  Ovid  the 
greatest  renown  in  all  Pome ;  but  they  were  for  the  most 
part,  as  the  life  of  the  poet  itself,  full  of  frivolity  31  and 
lasciviousness,32  and  he  threw  many  of  them  wTith  his  own 
hand  into  the  fire. 

No.  195.  1  declamatio.  2apud.  3declamare.  4  8.  Gr.  §274.  2 —  V 
Gr.  §206.  3.  5  S.  Gr.  §  281.  4.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §  206.  4  end.  6  idem.  7so- 
lutus  (==  “ without  m.”).  8  sententia.  9  controversia.  10  ingeniosus. 

11  excepto  eo,  quod.  12  per  locos  discurrere.  13suasoria.  14  licenter. 
15tollere.  16  contra.  17  lex.  18  8.  Gr.  §  274.  3  —Y.  Gr.  §  206.  5  end. 
19  codicillos  aperire.  20  animus.  2!  compescere  licentiam.  S.  Gr. 
§  288.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  223.  22decens.  23naevus.  24interponere.  25ab- 
solvere.  26abjicere.  21numerosus.  28tenere.  29aliquanto.  30“amara 
fata.”  31  le  vitas.  32lascivia. 

196.  Chapter  III. 

When  Ovid  was  about  fifty  years  old  a  serious  calamity 
befell  him.1  By  some  misconduct,2  the  nature  of  which 3  is 


Section  XVTIL 


213 


entirely  unknown,  he  aroused  the  most  violent  anger  of  Au¬ 
gustus  and  was  sent  aw7ay 4  by  him  as  an  exile  to  Tomi,  a 
city  which  is  situated  in  Moesia  on  the  Euxine  Sea.  Rome 
and  the  pleasures  of  the  great  city  had  always  rendered  the 
poet  most  happy.5  The  more  violently,  then,  was  he  cast 
down  by  this  banishment,  in  which,  excluded  from  all  inter¬ 
course  6  with  friends  and  learned  men,  he  was  forced  almost 
exclusively  to  live  among  barbarians.  Ovid’s  father,  an  old 
man  of  ninety  years,  likewise  his  mother,  had  died  shortly 
before,  and  the  son  consoled  himself  somewhat 7  in  the  grief 
of  his  exile  by  the  thought  that 8  his  parents  had  not  partici¬ 
pated  in  that  grief.  But  he  had  to  leave  his  wife  and  his 
daughter  at  Rome.  All  entreaties  and  lamentations  of  the 
poet,  all  intercession 9  of  his  friends  were  ineffectual  and  use¬ 
less.  Neither  Augustus  nor  Tiberius  allowed  him  to  return 
to  Rome,  nor  even  10  to  choose  another  abode.  And  thus  he 
died  after  an  exile  of  ten  years  in  the  year  17  after  Christ  at 
Tomi  and  was  buried  in  the  same  place.  From  his  early 
youth  Ovid  wrote  very  many  poems,  the  earliest  of  which 
chiefly  treated11  of  love  affairs.12  When  about  thirty  years 
old  he  published  a  tragedy,  Medea,  of  which  Quintilian  says 
that  it  showed  how  much  that  man  might  have  been  able  to 
accomplish  if  he  had  preferred  13  to  restrain  14  his  talent  in¬ 
stead  of15  indulging  it.18  The  most  celebrated  of  all  the 
poems  of  Ovid  are  the  fifteen  books  of  Metamorphoses,  in 
which  the  poet  sets  forth  17  selected  fables  of  the  ancients  on 
the  changes  18  of  things  from  the  origin  of  the  world  to  the 
time  when  Julius  Caesar  is  said  to  have  been  changed  into 
a  star.  In  this  poem  Ovid  used  the  heroic  metre,  whereas 
he  preferred  the  elegiac  metre  in  his  other  poems.  When  the 
Metamorphoses  had  hardly  been  finished  and  the  poet  was 
occupied  with  the  composition  of  another  great  poem,  which 
is  entitled  Fasti,  that  misfortune  happened  whereby  lie  was 
sent  into  exile.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  of  the  Fasti,  in 
which  the  origin  of  the  festivals  and  religious  rites  19  of  the 
Romans  is  described,  only  six  books  have  been  finished 20 
which  refer 21  to  the  first  six  months  of  the  year.  During 


214 


Part  II. 


his  exile  Ovid  wrote  two  large  collections 22  of  poems,  viz. : 
five  books  of  Tristia  and  four  books  of  Epistolae  ex  Ponto. 
In  these  poems  are  partly  described  the  dangers  and  suffer¬ 
ings  of  the  voyage  and  the  sad  life  at  Tomi ;  partly  his 
friends  are  entreated  to  ask 23  of  Augustus  a  more  tolerable 
situation24  for  the  poet.  Many  of  the  letters,  especially 
those  which  he  wrote  to  his  wife,  are  of  exquisite  tender¬ 
ness  26  and  beauty,26  but  from  each 27  shine  forth  the  greatest 
sorrow  and  ardent  yearning  for  his  native  country.  All 
the  poems  of  Ovid  were  the  product28  of  the  richest  talent 
and  were  written  with  so  much  facility  and  charm  29  that 
hardly  anything  similar  can  be  found.  But  especially  the 
Metamorphoses  have  at  all  times  been  much  read,30  and  must 
always  be  most  particularly 31  recommended 32  to  boys  and 
young  men. 

No.  196.  1  affligere.  2  facinus.  3  quod  quale  fuerit.  4  relegare. 

5beatus.  6  consuetudo  et  usus.  7  aiiquantulum  8  eonsolari  aliquid  eo 
quod.  9  deprecatio  ( Plur .).  10aut  saltern.  11  versari  in  aliqua  re. 
12amores.  13  malle.  I4temperare.  15  here  quam.  16indulgere  alicui. 
n  explicare.  18  commutare.  19  caerimonia  (=  “  relig.  rite”).  20  absol- 
vere,  ad  finem  perducere.  21  pertinere.  22  voluraen,  corpus.  23impe- 
trare.  24  sors.  25  suavita3.  26  venustas.  27  singuli.  28  proficisci. 
29  gratia.  30  lectitare.  31  maximopere.  32  corumendare. 


197.  The  Four  Ages  of  the  World. 

(Ovid.  Metam.  I.  89-130.) 

Under  the  reign  of  Saturn,  who  was  the  oldest  of  the  gods, 
the  Golden  Age  is  said  to  have  been  on  earth.  Men  prac¬ 
ticed  virtue  and  righteousness  and  abstained  from  all  evil 
deeds  out  of  love  of  rectitude,  not  for  fear  of  punishment. 
There  was  no  need  1  of  laws  and  judges  ;  without  them  peo¬ 
ple  lived  in  safety.  Contented  with  that  food  which  the 
earth  produced2  of  its  own  accord,  they  passed  through  3  life 
without  trouble  and  labor.  Navigation  to  become  acquainted 
with  foreign  shores  was  unknown  ;  unknown  were  helmet 
and  sword  ;  no  soldiers  were  required  ;  no  war  was  feared ; 
all  enjoyed  tranquillity  free  from  care.  There  was  a  per- 


Section  XYIII. 


215 


petual  spring  on  earth,  so  that  men  were  not  in  need 4  of 
houses.  The  fields  were  not  ploughed,  and  jet  they  produced 
fruits ;  no  seed 5  was  sown,  and  jet  the  fields  were  covered 
with  the  most  beautiful  flowers.  The  earth  was  flowing 6 
with  milk  and  honey,  and  without  compulsion  it  yielded 
what  everybody  wished.  When,  after  the  expulsion 7  of 
Saturn,  Jupiter  had  taken  possession  of  the  dominion  of  the 
world,  the  golden  times  at  once  ceased,8  in  their  stead  came9 
the  Silver  Age.  Many  things  soon  became  worse.  Jupiter 
made  four  seasons  of  the  year,  the  heat 10  of  summer  followed 
the  short  spring,  and,  after  unsteady  autumns,  cold  winters 
returned.  Then  for  the  first  time  did  men  long  11  for  houses, 
and  they  lived  partly  in  caverns,  partly  in  huts 12  made  of 
twigs.  The  fields  now  began  to  be  ploughed  and  seed  to  be 
sown  ;  labor  and  exertion  were  necessary  to  obtain  what 13  to 
live  on.  But  crimes  were  unknown  and  virtue  was  honored  ; 
concord  and  peace  united  14  men  with  one  another.  In  the 
Brazen  Age  weapons  were  already  used  and  wars  were  waged, 
but  without  cruelty  and  perfidy.  But  in  the  fourth,  or  the 
Iron  Age,  all  wickedness  broke  out15  among  men;  virtue 
took  to  flight,  fraud  and  artifice  succeeded  in  its  place,  and 
the  whole  of  human  life  was  changed.18  This  Iron  Age 
seems  still  to  exist 17  in  our  own  time. 

No.  197.  1  opus  est.  2  ferre.  3  degere.  4  indigere  egere.  5  semen 
( Plur .).  6  affluere.  7  expellere,  exigere.  8desinere.  9  subire  in. 

10  ardor  (Plur.).  11  quaerere,  petere.  12  casa,  tugurium.  n  Ablat.,  or 
unde  ( with  Verb,  finit.).  14  conjungere,  or  conciliare  inter  se.  15  erum- 
pere  inter,  or  irrumpere  in.  16  commutare.  17  vigere. 


198.  The  Flood  of  Deucalion.1 

(Ovid.  Metam.  I.  260-347.) 

By  their  crimes 3  and  impiety  men  had  aroused  the  anger 
of  the  gods,  so  that  Jupiter  resolved  to  destroy  the  whole 
race  by  a  vast  flood.  After  he  had  therefore  locked  up  the 
other  winds  that  they  might  not  drive  away  the  clouds  from3 
the  sky,  he  despatched  Notus  and  ordered  him  to  fill  the 
whole  air  with  dark  clouds  and  to  pour  out  a  dense  shower 


216 


Part  II. 


on  the  earth.  The  latter  obeyed  with  so  great  alacrity  that  in  a 
short  time  the  crops  lay  4  prostrate  and  the  husbandman  saw 
and  lamented  the  long  labors  of  a  whole  year  ruined,  but  in 
his  anger  Jupiter  prepared  5  still  greater  sufferings 6  for  men. 
He  called  his  brother  Neptune,  the  god  of  the  seas  and  riv¬ 
ers,  to  his  aid.  In  a  short  time  the  whole 7  earth  was  flooded 8 
and  every  thing  seemed  to  be  one  immense  sea.  Then  sad  won¬ 
ders  happened.  Wherever  a  tower  or  hill  projected  it  was 
taken  possession  of  by  men,  others  were  sitting  on  trunks  of 
trees 9  or  in  boats  sailing  without  hope  on  the  surface  of  the 
waters.  Fishes  were  seen  to  hang  on  the  trees,  stags  to  swim 
through  the  waves,  wolves  were  carried  along  with  sheep, 
tigers  with  lambs,  cities  and  groves  were  buried  beneath  the 
waters,  and  on 10  the  highest  mountains  sea-calves  and  dol¬ 
phins  pastured.  Frightened 11  birds  were  flying  about,  and 
after  they  had  long  sought  for  a  place  where  they  might  be 
able  to  alight 12  one  after  13  the  other  dropped  with  wearied  14 
wings  into  the  waters.  Men  and  beasts  were  buried  in  the 
waves ;  the  destruction  spared  no  one ;  he  who  seemed  to 
escape  death  in  the  waves  succumbed  to  hunger  and  cold ; 
all  life  on  earth  perished.  Only  on  one  man  out  of  lo  many 
thousands  and  on  one  woman  Jupiter  had  mercy  and  resolved 
to  save  them.  None  had  been  better  on  earth  than  these 
two.  In  a  small  boat 15  Deucalion,  the  son  of  Prometheus, 
with  Pyrrha  his  wife,  was  borne  16  uninjured  17  over  the  sur¬ 
face  of  the  waters  and  carried  18  by  the  will  of  Jupiter  to  the 
highest  peak  of  Parnassus.  Then  Jupiter  sent  the  north 
wind  to  scatter  the  clouds  and  open  the  serene  sky ;  he  also 
restrained  the  anger  of  the  sea  and  rivers  and  ordered  the 
waters  to  subside.  Soon  the  mountains  and  hills  and  forests 
came  forth  19  from  the  waters,  the  earth  itself  appeared,  and 
the  old  order  of  things  seemed  to  return. 

No.  108.  1  diluvium  Deucalioneum,  or  Deucalionis.  2  scelus,  flagit- 

ium.  3de.  4  jacere.  5parare,  meditari.  6  malum,  calamitas.  ’uni 
versus.  8inundare.  9  only  truneus.  10  per,  or  super,  or  in.  11  anxius, 
pavidus,  trepidus.  12  considere.  13  super.  14  lassare,  defatigare. 
l5cymba.  tttvelii.  nincolumis.  18deferre.  19exire,  prodire. 


Section  XYIII. 


217 


199.  Origin  of  the  New  Human  Race. 

(Ovid.  Metam  I.  349-415.) 

The  whole  earth  was  covered  1  with  deep  silence,  and  bore 
but  two  living  beings.2  Not  even  these  had  a  sure  confU 
dence  in  their  lives,  and  the  dangers  through  which  they 
had  passed 3  terrified  their  minds.  They  saw  that  in  both 
of  them  the  whole  human  race  remained  ;  and  what  could 
console  the  survivor  if  the  one  were  taken  away  from  the  other 
by  death  ?  “  Oh,  that  I  might  also  be  able,”  said  Deucalion, 

“  as  my  father  Prometheus,  to  form  men  from  clay 4  and  put 
souls  into  them  !  ”  While  they  thus  were  weeping  in  their  sad¬ 
ness  they  asked  the  gods  for  help.  It  pleased  them  to  consult 
the  oracle  which  Themis,  the  oldest  goddess,  possessed  at  the 
foot 5  of  Mount  Parnassus.  The  goddess  suffered  herself 
to  be  moved  by  their  piety  and  prayers,  and  answered  them 
thus :  “  Depart  from  this  temple  and,  with  covered  heads, 
throw  the  bones  of  the  great  mother  behind  your  backs,6 
and  to  you  will  be  given  what  you  have  desired.”  They  were 
amazed 7  at  this  answer,  and  it  seemed  to  them  a  sin  to  do 
what  the  goddess  had  advised  ;  Pyrrha  believed  that  she 
must  fear  to  outrage  the  shade  of  her  mother  in  scattering 
her  bones.  But  Deucalion  frequently 8  repeated  the  ob¬ 
scure  words  of  the  goddess,  and  finally  seemed  to  understand 
their  meaning.  “  Oracles  are  not  impious,”  said  he  to  his 
wife ;  “  the  great  mother  is  the  earth,  but  her  bones  are 
the  rocks,  and  we  have  been  commanded  by  the  goddess  to 
throw  stones  behind  our  backs.”  Doubtful,  indeed,  of  what 
would  happen,9  they  resolved  to  make  the  attempt.10  And 
they  saw  a  new  miracle  come  to  pass.  For  the  stones  which 
were  cast  by  the  hand  of  Deucalion  were  changed  into  men, 
but  those  which  Pyrrha  threw  became  women.  And  from 
this  origin  all  have  sprung  who  have  lived  afterwards. 
What  wonder,  then,  if  men  are  a  hardy  race,  and  in  their 
hearts  too  often  similar  to  stones  ! 

No.  199.  1  obtinere.  2  animans  (=  “  living  being”).  3 defungi 

(=»  “  to  pass  through  — 4  limus.  5  radices.  6  post  tergum,  or  terga. 


218 


Part  II. 


7  obstupefieri,  obstupescere.  8  identidem,  frequenter.  9  fieri  ;  but  for 
Fut.  Subj.  see  8.  Or.  §  144.  1  ,end. —  Y.  Gr.  §78,  end.  10periculum  facere. 

200.  Origin  of  the  City  of  Thebes. 

(Ovid.  Metam.  III.  1-130.) 

Europa,  the  daughter  of  Agenor,  king  of  the  Phoenicians, 
had  been  ravished  1  and  carried  away 3  by  J upiter  to  another 
part  of  the  world.  From  a  yearning  for  his  lost  daughter, 
the  father  ordered  his  son  Cadmus  to  search  the  whole  earth 
until 3  he  found  his  sister ;  and  if  he  did  not  find  her 4 
Agenor  imposed  on  him  the  punishment  of  exile.  After 
Cadmus  had  in  vain  wandered  through  all  countries,  he 
went  to  Delphi  to  the  oracle  of  Apollo,  to  consult  the  god 
as  to  the  country  in  which  he  should 6  remain  and  live.  And 
Apollo  answered  him  :  “  Follow  the  cow  which  you  will  see 6 
coming  to  meet  you.  Under  her  guidance  you  will  find 
the  land  where  the  walls  of  a  new  city  must  be  built  by 
you.  But  the  country  itself  shall 7  be  called  Boeotia  after 
the  cow.”  On  this  answer  of  the  oracle  Cadmus  descended 
from  Mount  Parnassus,  and  determined  to  do  what  had  been 
commanded  him  by  the  god.  Scarcely  had  he  reached  the 
valley  when  the  cow  announced  8  by  the  oracle  presented 
herself 9  to  his  eyes.  Unguarded  she  went  along,10  and 
seemed  never  to  have  borne  a  yoke.  He  joyfully  followed 
her  foot-prints,  and  thanked  Apollo,  who  had  sent  him  this 
way-leader.  After  they  had  left  Phocis  and  come  to  an 
unknown  region,  the  cow  stood  still  and  filled  the  air 
with  her  loud  bellowing,  and  looking  around 11  at  those 
who  followed  her,  she  lay  down  upon  the  ground.  Then 
Cadmus  perceived  that  this  land  had  been  given  him  by 
the  gods.  He  thanked  them,  kissed  the  strange  land,  and 
saluted  the  unknown  grounds  and  fields.  But  when  he 
was  about  to  offer  sacrifices  to  Jupiter  his  servants,  who 
had  been  ordered  to  fetch  12  water,  were  killed  by  a  huge 
serpent.  Cadmus  himself,  however,  pierced  the  serpent 
with  a  spear,  and,  at  the  advice  of  Minerva,  he  sowed 13 
its  teeth  in  long  furrows,14  out  of  which  at  once  armed 


Section  XVIII. 


219 


men  grew  up.16  But  these  made  war 16  upon  one  an¬ 
other,  and  the  one  fell  by  the  other’s  sword.  Only  five 
survived,  and  these  Cadmus  took  17  as  companions  when  he 
built  the  castle  of  Thebes. 

No.  2^0.  1  rapere.  2deducere.  3dum.  4  Relative,  8.  Or.  §  238.  6. 

—  Y.  Or.  §152.  6  Pcriphr.  Gonjug.  6  8.  Or.  §281.  4.  2. —  Y.  Or.  §  206. 
4,  end.  1  Future.  51  indicare,  promittere.  9  se  offerre,  apparere.  10  in- 
cedere.  11  circumspicere  aliquem.  12  petere.  13spargere.  14  sulcus. 
l0procreari,  gigni.  I6oppugnare,  bello  persequi.  nuti,  sumere. 

201.  Haughtiness  and  Fall  of  Niobe. 

(Ovid.  Metam.  VI.  146-312.) 

Niobe,  the  daughter  of  Tantalus,  king  of  Phrygia,  had 
married  Amphion,  king  of  Thebes.  The  renown  of  her 
husband,  the  nobility  of  her  family,  her  power  and  beauty, 
and,  above 1  all  this,  a  progeny  of  seven  sons  and  seven 
daughters,  might 2  have  rendered  her  the  happiest  of  moth¬ 
ers.  But  this,  indeed,  puffed  her  up 3  with  so  much  pride 
that  she  was  unwilling  to  yield4  even  to  the  gods.  Once 
when  the  prophetess  5  Manto,  the  daughter  of  Tiresias,  urged 
by  a  divine  impulse,  exhorted  the  Theban  women  to  offer 
sacrifices  to  Latona  and  her  two  children  and  to  celebrate  a 
festive  day,  all  obeyed,  adorned  the  temples  with  foliage  and 
garlands,  and  while  praying6  burned  frankincense  on  all  the 
altars.  But  this  piety  aroused  the  pride  of  Niobe.  With 
a  large  attendance  she  came  into  the  assembly  7  most  bril¬ 
liantly  attired  in  gold  ;  but  her  anger  hindered  her  from 
appearing  beautiful.  Haughtily  casting  her  eyes  around,8 
she  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  crowd,  and  by  her  very  look 
she  seemed  to  demand  9  for  herself  divine  honors.  “  What 
madness,”  said  she,  “has  taken  hold  of  your  minds?  Why 
do  you  worship  gods  that  you  have  only  heard  of 10  and 
neglect  those  whom  you  see  ?  Why  is  frankincense  burned 
to  Latona  rather  than  to  my  godhead  ?  I  am  the  daughter 
of  Tantalus,  who  alone  of  the  mortals  was  allowed  to  dine  11 
with  the  gods  ;  the  handsomest  of  the  Pleiades  is  my  mother, 
and  Atlas  and  most  high  Jupiter  are  my  grandsires.  Me 


220 


Pakt  II. 


all  Phrygia  worships ;  me  the  palace  of  Cadmus  acknowl¬ 
edges  as  mistress ;  by  me  and  my  husband  the  people  of 
Thebes  are  governed.  I  have  immense  riches ;  in  beauty 
I  yield  to  none  of  the  goddesses.  To  this  add  my  seven 
sons  and  as  many  daughters,  and  the  daughters-in-law  and 
the  sons-in-laws,  who  will  soon  be  added,12  and  I  ask  wheth¬ 
er13  I  cannot  justly  be  proud?  Who  will,  therefore,  dare  to 
place  me  after  Latona,  the  mother  of  fourteen  children  after 
the  mother  of  two  ?  I  am  too  happy  to  14  fear  fate,  and 
though  it 15  takes  from  me  some  of  the  children,  yet  I  shall 
never  be  as  desolate  as  Latona.  Therefore  lay  down  the 
garlands  and  depart  to  your  homes.” 

No.  201.  1  super.  2  posse.  8.  Or.  §247.  II.  2. —  Y  Or.  §187.  2. 
3  inflare.  4  cedere,  inferiorem  esse.  5  vates.  6  precari.  7  contio.  8  cir- 
cumferre.  9  efflagitare,  exposcere.  10audire  de  aliquo.  11  cenare  (coe- 
nare),  accumbere.  12  by  accedere.  13  “  whether — not”  =  nonue  (with 
Subj).  See  S.  Or.  §176.  1.  14  S.  Gr.  §257,  end.—  Y.  Or.  §201.1.2. 
n  Relative. 


202.  Chapter  II. 

Without  performing1  the  sacrifices  the  women  left  the 
temples,  and  having  returned  home  they  worshipped  the 
goddess  in  silent  prayers.  But  Latona  grew  indignant 2  at 
the  haughtiness  of  Niobe,  and  on  the  top  of  Cynthus  she 
thus  addressed  her  children :  “  I  have  always  considered 3 
myself  the  happiest  of  mothers  because  you  are  my  children. 
But  now  I,  who  am  inferior  in  dignity  only  to  Juno,  have 
been  despised  by  a  mortal  woman,  and  if  you  do  not  come  to 
my  aid  I  shall,  for  the  future,4  be  without  the  sacrifices  and 
the  honors  of  the  gods.  Nor  is  that  enough  ;  the  daughter 
of  Tantalus  added  abusive  words,  preferred  her  children  to 
you,  and  called  me  childless.  Oh,  that  this 6  calamity  may 
fall  back  on  her  own  head !  ”  When  Latona  was  going  to 
add  entreaties  to  these  complaints  Phoebus  and  Diana  unan¬ 
imously  6  said  :  “  Cease,  mother,  to  say  more.  The  punish¬ 
ment  of  haughtiness  shall  not  be  delayed.”  And  gliding 
down  through  the  air  in  swift  flight 7  they  seated  themselves,8 
armed  with  bow  and  arrows,  on  the  top  of  the  castle  of 


Section  XYIII. 


221 


Tliebes.  Near  the  castle  there  was  an  extensive  plain,  where 
the  noble  youths  of  the  Thebans  were  wont  to  amuse  them¬ 
selves  with  riding9  and  driving.10  The  sons  of  Niobe  were 
also  there,  given  up  to  toil  and  play.  Suddenly  out  of  the 
cheerful  crowd  of  the  players  a  melancholy  11  cry  was  heard. 
“  Woe  to  me,”  the  poor  (victim)  said,  and  pierced  by  the  arrow 
of  Phoebus,  the  oldest  of  the  sons  of  Niobe,  dying,  fell  from 
his  horse.  The  second  immediately  followed  him.  The  third 
and  fourth  had  gone 12  to  the  exercises  of  the  palaestra,  and, 
wrestling,  had  embraced  each  other ;  one  arrow  of  the  god 
pierced  them  both.  And  the  fifth  and  the  sixth  had  also 
fallen,  when  Ilioneus,  the  youngest  of  the  whole  crowd,  sup- 
pliantly  lifted  his  hands  towards  heaven  and  exclaimed  :  “  Oh 
all  ye  gods,  spare  me,  wretched  being.”  But  the  arrow  of 
Phoebus  had  already  been  despatched,13  and  though  moved 
by  compassion,  the  god  was  no  more  14  able  to  recall  it. 

No.  202.  without  perf.”  by  infectus.  Ablat.  absol.  2indignaride 
aJiqua  re.  3  putare,  existimare,  or  sibi  videri.  4  in  posterum.  5  Relative. 
6uno  ore.  1  volatus.  8considere.  9  equitare.  ,0vehi.  11  maestus.  12  se 
conferre,  also  transire.  13  emittere.  14  non  amplius,  non  jam. 

203.  Chapter  III. 

When  Niobe  was  informed  of  this  terrible  calamity  she 
was  not  heart-broken,  but  became  enraged 1  that  the  gods  had 
dared  to  commit  so  great  an  atrocity.  While  she  was  thus 
using  insulting  language2  the  news  was  brought  that  Am- 
phion,  her  husband,  had  thrust  his  sword  through  his  own 
breast,  and  ended  his  grief  together  with  his  life.  Alas  for 
miserable  Niobe !  But  a  little  while  before  she  believed  that 
she  was  envied  by  the  goddesses  themselves,  and  now  she 
was  to  be  pitied  3  by  her  very  enemies.  But  her  pride  was 
not  yet  vanquished.  “  Glut  yourself,  cruel  Latona,  with  my 
sorrow  ;  I  shall,  however,  not  acknowledge  you  as  conqueror. 
Even  in  my  misery,  after  so  many  of  mine  have  been  killed, 
more  children  remain  to  me  than  to  you.”  Lamenting,4 
attired  6  in  black  garments,  the  sisters  stood,  weeping,  before 
their  brothers.  Then  a  noise 6  was  heard  from  the  bow  of 


222 


Part  IL 


Diana,  and  the  first  of  the  maidens  sank  7  dying  upon  the 
bodies  of  her  brothers.  All  but  Niobe  were  struck  with  ter¬ 
ror.  And  a  second  time  the  arrow  of  the  goddess  sounded, 
and  a  second  time,  pierced  through  the  middle  of  her  breast, 
the  second  maiden  sank  dead  8  to  the  ground.  Already  Niobe 
saw  six  daughters  prostrated  by  the  arrows  of  the  goddesses, 
and  only  the  last  and  youngest  still  remained.  But  then  the 
courage9  of  the  proud  woman  failed.  Wrapping  her  little 
daughter  in  her  garments  and  shielding  her  with  her  whole 
body,  overwhelmed 10  with  grief,  she  besought11  Latona. 
“  Leave  me  this  one  at  least,”  said  she ;  “  one  out  of  the 
whole  number,  and  that  the  smallest,  do  I  ask.”  But  whilst 
she  was  thus  entreating  the  last  one  fell  lifeless,  and  the  child¬ 
less  mother  sank  back  12  among  the  bodies  of  her  sons  and 
daughters.  The  blood  fled  from  her  face,  her  eyes  stood  un¬ 
moved  in  their  sockets.13  dSTo  sign  of  life  could  be  perceived ; 
neither  neck  nor  arms  nor  feet  could  be  moved ;  the  tongue 
itself  was  stiffened  and  the  blood  in  her  veins  had,  as  it  were,14 
congealed ;  the  whole  body  of  Niobe  had  been  changed  into 
stone ;  however,  tears  streamed 15  from  her  eyes.  Then 
Jupiter  sent  mighty  winds  to  carry  her  to  her  native  land; 
and  on  the  top  of  Sipylus  the  marble  Niobe  is  still  seen  18 
shedding 17  abundant  tears. 

No.  203.  1  incendi  ira,  irasci.  2  maledicere,  impia  verba  jactare. 
Partic.  Constr.  3  misericordia  dignus,  miserandus.  4maestus.  5induere, 
velare.  6  sonitus.  1  concidere,  collabi,  corruere.  *  Partic.  of  ex animare. 
9  animus.  10  opprimere.  11  supplicare.  12  rigidus  ;  also  “became  lifeless 
(obrigescer  e)  and  sank  back  ”  13cavum.  14tamquam.  15  man  are,  pro- 
fluere.  16  conspicere.  17  profundere. 


i 


Section  XIX^ 


223 


SECTION  XIX. 

Historical  Sketches  from  Julius  Caesar. 

204.  C.  Julius  Caesar. 

Through  the  glory  of  his  achievements  and  his  great  talent, 
Cajus  Julius  Caesar  is  so  conspicuous  among  the  most  illus¬ 
trious  men  of  all  antiquity,  that  it  seems  neither  necessary 
nor  convenient  in  this  place  to  give  a  full  description  1  of  his 
life.  But  in  order  that  those  who  first  enter2  upon  the 
perusal  of  his  writings  may  not  be  ignorant  how  great  a  man 
he  was,  it  will  not  be  unreasonable  to  put  some  few  items 
together  at  least  to  characterize  the  man.3  Caesar  was  born 
at  Rome  of  an  old  and  noble  family  under  the  consulship  of 
the  orator  M.  Antonius  and  A.  Postumius  Albinus,  in  the 
year  99  before  Christ,  on  the  12th  of  Quintilis,  which  month 
was  afterwards  called  July.  But  he  was  assassinated  in  the 
senate  house  by  conspirators,  of  whom  Brutus  and  Cassius 
were  the  leaders,4  and,  pierced 5  with  twenty-three  wounds, 
he  fell  lifeless  before  the  statue  of  Pompey,  in  the  year  44 
before  Christ,  on  the  15th  of  March.  When  a  boy,  Caesar 
was  educated  with  great  care  by  his  mother  Aurelia,  a  very 
judicious 8  woman,  and  instructed  in  the  sciences,  and  prac¬ 
ticed  in  eloquence  by  M.  Antonius  Gnipho,  a  distinguished 7 
rhetorician.  On  account  of  the  enmity  of  the  dictator  Sylla, 
to  whose  will  Caesar  as  a  youth  did  not  wish  to  submit,  he 
left  the  city  for  some  time,8  made  several  journeys,  and  went 
also  to  Rhodes,  where,  with  great  eagerness  and  advantage, 
as  did  Cicero  shortly  before,  he  heard  Apollonius  Molo,  who 
at  that  time  was  considered  the  most  distinguished  orator 
and  teacher  of  eloquence.  After  the  death  of  Sylla  he 
returned  to  Rome,  and  soon  obtained 9  the  highest  honors. 
When  in  the  year  59  before  Christ  he  filled  10  the  consulship, 
he  had,  by  his  authority,  by  far  the  greatest  influence  at 
Rome.  But  the  extraordinary  1 1  greatness  of  this  man  began 


224 


Part  II. 


especially  to  sliine  forth  when,  his  consulship  having  expired,1* 
he  was  sent  as  proconsul  to  the  province  of  Gaul. 

No.  204.  1  copiose  describere.  2accedere.  3describere  personam. 

4princeps.  5conl'odere.  6  prudens.  7  non  ignobilis.  8  in  aliquod  tem- 
pus  relinquere,  or  aliquamdiu  abesse.  9  pervenire  ad.  10  gerere,  fungi. 
11  ingens.  12  finire. 


205.  Chapter  II. 

From  the  time  of  his  entering 1  into  this  province  down 
to  that  of  his  death  the  whole  life  of  Caesar  is  an  almost 
uninterrupted 2  series  of  wars  and  victories.  If  we  are 
allowed  to  follow  the  authority  of  Pliny,  Caesar  fought  fifty 
pitched  battles,3  and  came  out  victorious  in  almost  all  en¬ 
gagements.  During  eight  years  he  stayed  4  among  the  many 
and  very  fierce  tribes  of  Gaul,  until  he  had  subjected  all  of 
them  to  the  Roman  dominion  ;  and  at  the  same  time  he 
completely  defeated  the  Helvetians,  Ariovistus,  the  Usipetes, 
and  Tencteri ;  he  crossed  the  Rhine  twice  and  penetrated 
into  Germany,  crossed  the  ocean  twice  and  penetrated  into 
Britain,  and  performed  achievements  which  no  one  would 
have  deemed  possible.5  After  these  years  full  of  glory  the 
civil  wars  followed,  in  which  Caesar  proved  himself,  indeed, 
no  less  great,  but  less  affectionate 6  and  respectful 7  towards 
his  country,  whose  magistrates  and  laws  he  subjected  to  his 
will  and  bis  caprice.8  After  Caesar  had  crossed  the  Rubicon 
and  made  war  upon  his  country,  Pompey,  the  head  of  the 
opposite  party,9  fled  with  his  partisans  to  Greece.  Rome  and 
Italy  submitted  to  Caesar.  After  he  had  made  10  the  most 
necessary  arrangements 11  as  speedily  as  possible,  he  immedi¬ 
ately  crossed  with  a  small  army  into  Greece  to  pursue  Pom¬ 
pey,  although  the  sea  was  very  boisterous.12  “  Fear  nothing ! 
You  carry  Caesar  and  his  fortunes.”  With  these  words  he 
encouraged  13  the  terrified  14  boatman.  At  Pharsalus,  then, 
he  defeats,  with  an  army  of  22,000  soldiers,  Pompey,  who 
had  45,000  armed  men,  pursues  the  fugitive  to  Egypt,  takes 
Alexandria,  re-establishes  the  kingdom  of  Cleopatra,  marches 
into  Asia,  and  defeats  and  pursues  Pharnaces,  king  of 


Section  XIX. 


225 


Pontus,  appoints  and  dethrones  kings,  and  settles 15  the 
affairs  of  Asia  after  his  own  judgment 16  and  will.  Mean¬ 
while  at  Rome  unheard-of  honors  are  decreed  for  Caesar— 
the  consulship  for  five  years,  the  tribunitial  power  for  ever,17 
the  dictatorship  for  a  whole  year. 

No.  205.  1  ab  introitu.  2  continuatus.  3  by  collatis  signis,  or  acie 
instructa  pugnare.  4  versari.  6  by  arbitrari  {or  putare,  or  existimare), 
and  fieri  posse;  for  Tense  and  Mood  see  S.  Gr.  §  247.  II.  2.—  Y.  Gr. 
§187.  2.  6pius.  7  verecundus.  8arbitrium,  libido.  9  altera  factio, 
fa<?tio  adversariorum.  10  constituere.  Ablat.  absol.  11  res.  12  iniquus. 
1:!animos  addere.  14pavidus.  15componere.  16suo  unius  consilio. 
17  in  perpetuum. 


206.  Chapter  III. 

After  returning  to  Rome  Caesar  quickly  made  the  neces¬ 
sary  arrangements  1  and  crossed  over  with  small  forces  to 
Africa,  where  the  Pompeians,  in  connection2  with  Juba, 
king  of  Numidia,  had  collected  a  large  army.  At  Thapsus 
he  put  them  completely  to  flight  in  the  year  46  before 
Christ ;  their  leaders  were  for  the  greater  part  slain  in 
battle,  M.  Cato  the  Younger,  despairing  of  the  liberty  of 
the  commonwealth,  inflicted  death  upon  himself 3  at  Utica. 
All  the  states  of  Africa  quickly  surrendered  to  Caesar.  He 
returned  as  victor  to  Rome,  and  celebrated 4  four  triumphs 
over  Gaul,  Egypt,  Pharnaces,  and  Africa,  and  delighted  the 
people  with  the  most  magnificent  games.  Xew  honors  were 
bestowed  6  on  him  ;  he  was  appointed  dictator  for  ten  years 
and  praefectus  morum.  But  as  in  the  meantime  Cn.  and 
Sex.  Pompey,6  the  sons  of  Pompey  the  Great,  had  collected 
large  troops  in  Spain,  Caesar  marched  there  with  incredible 
despatch,  and  vanquished  his  last  adversaries  in  a  very  fierce  7 
engagement  at  Munda.  In  this  battle  T.  Labienus  fell, 
who  in  the  Gallic  war  had  been  Caesar’s  bravest  lieutenant 8 
and  most  faithful  friend.  After  accomplishing  these  deeds, 
Caesar  celebrated  his  fifth  triumph.  He  was  declared  dicta¬ 
tor  for  ever,  and  sacred  and  inviolable9  by  the  Senate,  and 
the  name  “  Father 10  of  his  country  ”  and  the  perpetual  sur¬ 
name  “  Imperator  ”  were  given  to  him.  He  was  on  the 


226 


Part  II. 


highest  pinnacle 11  of  good  fortune  and  power,  and  this  one 
man  had  so  much  influence  over 12  the  whole  earth  as  neither 
before  nor  after  him  any  one  else  had  ever  obtained.13  But 
not  content  with  this  dignity  and  power,  he  longed  14  also 
for  the  name  of  king,  'which  was  most  odious  to  the  Romans. 
Thus,  by  about  sixty  zealous  lovers  of  liberty,15  a  conspiracy 
was  set  on  foot  against  him.  In  the  year  44  before  Christ, 
on  the  Ides  of  March,  Servilius  Casca  inflicted  the  first 
wound  in  the  curia  of  Pompey,  at  a  full 16  meeting  of  the 
senate.  Caesar  attempted  to  defend  himself ;  but  when  he 
beheld  M.  Brutus,  whom  he  had  loved  most  of  all  among 
the  conspirators,  he  covered  his  face,17  exclaiming :  “  Thou, 
too,  my  son  Brutus !  ”  and  fell,  pierced  with  twenty-three 
wounds.  Though  Caesar  had  passed  18  the  greatest  part  of 
his  life  in  arms  and  public  affairs,  yet,  in  accordance  with 
the  greatness  of  his  mind,  he  had  also  devoted  himself19 
with  the  greatest  praise  to  art  and  science.  His  speeches 
are  celebrated  by  his  contemporaries  as  elegant,  brilliant, 
magnificent,  and,  in  a  certain  manner,20  excellent.21  Cicero 
writes  to  Cornelius  Nepos:  “What?  Whom  will  you  pre¬ 
fer  to  Caesar  even  of  those  orators  who  have  done 22  nothing 
else  ?  who  is  as  to  thought  either  acuter  or  more  concise,23 
who  as  to  words  more  elegant  or  choice  ?” 

No.  206.  1  quae  necessaria  videntur  constituere.  5  conjungere. 

Partic.  3  mortem  sibi  consciscere,  se  interimere,  manus  sibi  inferre. 
4agere  triumpbum  de  aliquo.  5cumulare.  6  8.  Or.  §  191.  7. —  Y.  Gr. 
§116  4.  1  acer.  8  legatus.  9  sacrosanct  us.  10  S  Or.  §  210.  2.  2. —  Y. 

Or.  §  122.  3.  nfastigium.  12  per,  13consequi.  14  concupiscere,  affec- 
tare.  15  libertatis  studiosus.  16  frequens  (only  Ablat.).  11  caput  obvol- 
vere.  18  consumere.  19  versari.  20  quo-dammodo.  21  generosus.  ”  agere. 
33  creber. 


207.  Chapter  IV. 

Besides  his  speeches  Caesar  published  several  letters ;  again 
two  grammatical  books  de  analogia  to  M.  Tullius  Cicero,  in 
which  he  declared  the  selection  of  words  the  foundation  of  a 
good  style  1 ;  moreover,  two  speeches  which  he  called  “  Anti- 
catones,”  against  a  book  of  Cicero  which  was  entitled  u  Cato,” 


Section  XIX. 


227 


and  extolled  Cato  of  Utica ;  and  some  others.  Of  those  writ¬ 
ings,  however,  only  fragments  have  been  preserved  to  us. 
But  seven  books  of  commentaries  on  the  Gallic  war  and  three 
books  of  Commentaries  on  the  civil  war  are  still  extant. 
Passing  over 2  the  Commentaries  on  the  civil  war,  we  believe 
that  some  mention  must  be  made  of  the  other  work.  Of 
these  Commentaries  on  the  Gallic  war  each  book  comprises 
the  exploits  of  a  single  year.  But  though  Caesar  was  nearly 
nine  years  in  Gaul,  yet  he  himself  has  described  only  the 
events 3  of  seven  years.  The  eighth  book  has  been  added  by 
a  certain  Hirtius  or  Oppius,  by  whom  the  books  on  the 
Alexandrine,  the  Spanish,  and  the  African  wars  have  also 
been  composed.4  The  Commentaries  of  Caesar  are  exceed¬ 
ingly  pleasant,6  especially  for  the  reason  that  the  most  im¬ 
portant  events  are  related  in  no  less  choice  than  familiar  lan¬ 
guage,  without  affectation,  with  the  greatest  perspicuity,  by 
the  very  man  who  performed  and  accomplished  them.  Not 
unjustly  has  the  judgment  been  passed 8  on  him,  that  he,  who 
surpassed  all  in  military  glory,7  and  most  men  by  his  ability  8 
in  the  administration  of  the  commonwealth,  has  at  the  same 
time 9  obtained  that  in  beauty 10  of  style  hardly  any  can  be 
preferred,  very  few  considered  equal 11  to  him.  I  may  be 
allowed  to  add  the  judgment  of  Cicero,  the  most  trustworthy 19 
authority  in  these  things,  on  Caesar’s  manner  of  speaking 
and  writing.  u  My  opinion  of  Caesar  is,”  says  he,  “  that  of 
almost  all  orators,  he  speaks  the  most  elegant  Latin  ;  and  this 
he  has  acquired  not  only  by  daily  intercourse 13  (though  this 
is  also  something  important 14),  but  also  by  extensive  and,  in¬ 
deed,  profound  16  and  exquisite  scientific  training,16  and  by 
the  utmost  exertion  and  application.”  And  again  :  u  Caesar’s 
speeches  have  my  fullest  approval 17 ;  I  have  read  several  of 
them.  But  the  Commentaries  on  his  exploits  which  he  has 
written  I  consider  eminently  recommend  able,1 8  for  they  are 
simple,19  correct,20  and  graceful,21  void  22  of  almost  all  ornament 
of  language.  But  whilst  he  wished  that  others  might  have 
(the  materials)  prepared,  whence,  if  desirous  of  writing  his¬ 
tory,  they  would  be  able  to  draw  information,  he  has  perhaps 


228 


Part  IL 


done  a  favor 23  to  fools  who  wish  to  write  in  euphuistic  style 24 ; 
reasonable  men,  however,  he  has  deterred  from  writing ;  for 
nothing  is  more  charming  in  history  than  a  plain  and  clear 25 
conciseness.” 

No.  207.  1  by  bene  scribere  {Gerund).  2  omittere.  Ablat  absol. 
3  res.  4  conficere,  scribere.  5  maximopere  gratus,  dulcis.  6  facere.  7  laus 
imperatoria.  8  virtus,  with  Genii .  of  Gerund.  9  by  idem.  10  virtus 
( Plur .).  11  par.  i2locuples.  13  consuetudo.  14magnus.  15  reconditus. 

16litterae  {=  “  scient.  train.”).  17  valde  probari  alicui.  18probandus. 
19nudus.  20  rectus.  21  venustus.  22  detrahere.  Ablat.  absol.  23gratum 
facere.  24  calamistris  inurere  (Cic.)  25illustris. 

208.  The  Helvetian  War. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  I.  5-29.) 

In  the  year  58  before  Christ  the  Helvetians  resolved  to 
leave  their  country  and  seek  new  abodes  in  Gaul.  After 1 
all  seemingly  necessary  preparations  for  emigration  had  been 
made  the  leaders  persuaded  the  people  to  burn  all  their  cities 
and  villages,  that  no  one  could  further  indulge  the  hope  of 
returning  into  his  native  land ;  for  after  this  prospect  had 
been  destroyed  2  they  thought  that  all  would  more  willingly 
endure  3  the  hardships  of  the  journey  and  of  the  war.  There 
were  two  roads  which  they  could  take  from  their  territory 
into  Gaul,  the  one  through  the  country  of  the  Sequani,  the 
other  through  the  Roman  province.  Knowing  that  the  one 4 
was  narrow  and  difficult,  the  other 4  far  easier  and  more  un¬ 
impeded,  they  agreed  to  assemble  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhone 
on  an  appointed  5  day,  and  thence  to  march  6  through  the  ter¬ 
ritory  of  the  Allobrogians.  For  they  did  not  doubt  that 
these,  who  were  under  the  Roman  dominion  only  by  com¬ 
pulsion,  could  be  easily  persuaded  not  to  hinder  their  march.7 
As  soon  as  Caesar  had  been  informed  of  the  plan  of  the  Hel¬ 
vetians  he  left  Rome  and  came  with  a  few  troops  by  forced 
marches  to  Geneva,  where  the  Helvetians  intended  to  cross8 
the  Rhone.  At  once  he  ordered  the  bridge  which  led  across 
the  river  to  be  broken  down.  When  the  Helvetians  perceived 
this  they  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to  ask  permission  9  to  march 


Section  XIX. 


229 


through  the  province :  there  was  no  other  way ;  he  might 
trust  that  they  would  not  abuse  the  given  permission.  Know¬ 
ing  full  well 10  that  the  Helvetians  had  always  been  of  a  hos¬ 
tile  mind  towards  the  Homan  people,  Caesar  thought  that  he 
should  refuse  the  request.  But  as  he  had  only  one  legion 
with  him,  he  answered  the  ambassadors  thai  he  would  con¬ 
sider  the  matter  more  carefully  and  they  should  return  to 
him  after  some  days.  Thus  the  ambassadors  were  dismissed. 
But  Caesar  hoped  that  in  the  meantime  the  soldiers  would 
arrive  whom  he  had  ordered  the  province  to  furnish.  He 
caused,  at  the  same  time,  a  trench  and  wall  to  be  constructed 
from  the  lake  of  Geneva  to  Mount  Jura,  and  fortified  it  by 
garrisons  stationed  here  and  there,11  that  if  it  came  to  blows 
the  enemy  could  more  easily  be  repelled. 

No.  208.  1  Abl.  absol.  2  tollere.  3  perferre,  subire,  suscipere.  4  8. 
Or.  §268.  3. —  Y.  Or.  §206.  1.  5  dicere,  also  certus.  6  ire,  iter  facere. 

1  iter.  8  Periphr.  Conjug.  9  facultas.  10  non  ignorare,  also  non  oblitum 
esse.  11  disponere. 


209.  Chapter  II. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  ambassadors  of  the  Helvetians 
returned  to  Caesar  who,  in  a  few  words,1  declared  that  he 
would  not  allow  them  to  march  through  the  province  ;  should 
they,  against  his  will,2  attempt  to  do  so,  he  would  hinder 
them.  Thereupon  the  Helvetians  endeavored  to  cross  the 
Rhone  in  several  places,  but  were  repelled  by  the  garrisons 
and  by  the  missiles  of  the  Homan  soldiers,  and  forced  to  de¬ 
sist  from  the  attempt.  Therefore  they  chose  the  other  way 
through  the  country  of  the  Sequani,  though  they  were  aware 
of  its  narrowness  and  of  the  impossibility  of  pursuing  it 
against  the  will  of  the  inhabitants.  By  the  intercession  of  the 
Aeduan  Dumnorix,  however,  they  obtained  that,  after  pledg¬ 
ing  themselves  not  to  injure  the  country  they  were  allowed 
to  march  through  the  territory  of  the  Sequani.  When  this 
was  reported  to  Caesar  he  believed  that  he  must  not  allow  3 
such  warlike  men  to  take  their  march  so  near  to 4  the  province 
and  provide  new  settlements  for  themselves.  Leaving  T. 


230 


Part  II. 


Labienus 5  as  commander  of  the  fortification  which  he  had 
constructed,  he  hastened  to  Italy  to  levy  new  troops  and 
return  with  a  larger  army  to  ward  off6  the  enemy.  He 
returned  to  Gaul  with  five  legions  by  the  speediest  possible 
marches  and  led  the  army  across  the  Rhone.  In  the  mean¬ 
time  the  Helvetians,  having  passed  7  the  narrow  defiles  of 
the  country  of  the  Sequani,  had  already  arrived  in  the  terri¬ 
tory  of  the  Aeduans,  who  were  unable  to  defend  their  fields- 
and  cities  against  their  attack.  Therefore  messengers  were 
despatched  to  Caesar  asking  him  to  help  them,  as  they  8  had 
always  deserved  well  of  the  Roman  people ;  for  their  fields 
were  laid  waste  by  the  Helvetians  their  children  dragged 
into  slavery.  The  Ambarri,  too,  and  other  nations  had 
recourse9  to  Caesar,  as  they  were  not  able  to  defend  10  them¬ 
selves  and  their  property  against  the  Helvetians.  Therefore 
Caesar  deemed  it  necessary  to  hurry  lest  the  Helvetians 
should  oppress  the  friends  of  the  Roman  people.  He  sent 
scouts,  who  should  inform  him  as  speedily  as  possible  where 
the  enemy  were  and  what  they  were  doing.  When  they 11 
brought  the  news  that  the  Helvetians  were  crossing  the 
river  Arar  on  rafts  joined  together,  and  that  three-fourths 
of  the  troops  having  been  conveyed  over,12  only  one-fourth 
remained  on  this  side  of  the  river,  he  resolved  to  attack 
them  at  once. 

No.  209.  1  paucis,  with  or  without  verbis.  2  S.  Or.  §284.  3. — T. 
Or.  §218.  2.  3  committere,  Periphr.  Conjug.  4  prope  ab.  h  Ablat. 

absol.  6  depellere.  1  superare.  8  Relative.  9  confugere.  10  tueri  ab 
aliquo,  or  contra  aliquem.  11  Relative.  12  traducere,  Ablat  absol. 

210.  Chapter  III. 

Caesar,  therefore,  set  out  with  a  detachment  of  the  army 
about  midnight,  and  arrived  at  daybreak  at  the  Arar.  By 
an  unexpected  1  attack  he  overpowered  those  who  had  not 
yet  crossed  the  river;  a  large  part  of  them  were  cut  to 
pieces,  the  others  defeated  and  put  to  flight.2  But  these 
were  the  sameTigurini,  by  whom,  “  in  our  forefathers’  days,” 
as  Caesar  says,  the  Consul  L.  Cassius  had  been  defeated 


Section  XIX. 


231 


and  slain.  Caesar  avenged  that  defeat  by  this  engagement, 
in  which  just  those  were  punished,3  the  first  of  the  Helve¬ 
tians,  who  had  inflicted  a  disgrace  on  the  Roman  name. 
Having  defeated  them,  Caesar,  in  one  day,  built  a  bridge 
across  the  Arar,  and  conveyed  his  troops  over  to  the  other 
bank.  Alarmed  at  this  measure,  the  Helvetians  sent  envoys 
to  Caesar,  who  should  negotiate  with  him  about  peace. 
Should  it  be  granted  4  them,  they  promised  to  be  friends  of 
the  Roman  people ;  but  if  war  must  be  waged,5  the  old 
bravery  of  the  Helvetians  was  sufficiently  known  to  Caesar 
not  to  be  despised  by  him.  He  should  not  believe  that  war 
could  be  waged  without  great  disadvantage  to  the  Roman 
people.  Caesar  answered  the  ambassadors,  that  not  only  that 
old  disgrace  had  been  brought  on  the  Roman  people  by  the 
Helvetians  but  new  offences  had  been  committed.  The  march 
through  the  province  was  attempted  by  force  against  his  will. 
The  Aeduans  and  Ambarri  had  been  molested  6  by  them. 
He  wondered  that  they  so  haughtily  boasted 7  of  their 
bravery.  If  they  had  enjoyed  8  impunity  so  long,  he  hoped 
that,9  through  him,  the  gods  would  take  revenge  upon  them 
for  the  wrongs  of  the  Roman  people ;  that,  however,  he  did 
not  intend  to  refuse  peace  if  they  would  furnish  hostages  that 
he  might  be  able  to  repose  the  greater  confidence  in  them. 
To  this  the  ambassadors  briefly  replied  that  the  Helvetians 
were  wont  to  receive,  not  to  give  hostages.  After  these 
words  they  withdrew.  When  on  the  following  day  they 
moved  their  camp  from  that  place,  Caesar  followed  them 
with  all  his  troops.  The  cavalry,  sent  in  advance,  attacked 
the  rear  with  very  great  eagerness,10  but  was  repulsed  by  the 
cavalry  of  the  Helvetians.  This  victory  made  the  Helve¬ 
tians  bolder,  so  that  they  often  halted  and  provoked  the 
Romans  to  fight;  but  Caesar  restrained  his  soldiers  and 
forbade  them  to  engage. 

No.  210.  1  inopinatus,  necopinatus.  2  fundere  fugareque.  3poenas 

persolvere,  or  pendere,  or  dare.  4  dare.  5  Periphr.  Gonjug.  6  vex  are. 
’jactare  aliquid,  gloriari  aliqua  re.  8  by  esse,  with  Dative.  9  fore  ut. 
10  cupiditas,  or  by  cupidus. 


232 


Part  II. 


211.  Chapter  IV. 

In  the  name  of  the  state  the  Aeduans  had  promised  corn 
to  Caesar ;  and  as  he  was  daily  waiting  for  it  in  vain,  he 
assembled  1  their  chiefs  whom  he  had  taken  2  with  him,  and 
rebuked  them  sharply  for  having  forsaken  3  him,  the  more 
so  as  the  war  had  been  undertaken  especially 4  for  their 
sake.  To  this  one  of  them,  Liscus,  who  was  invested  5  with 
the  highest  magistracy,  replied  that  there  was  among  the 
Aeduans  a  certain  seditious  faction  which  had  greater  influ¬ 
ence  with  the  multitude  than  the  magistrates  themselves. 
By  these  the  people  were  deterred  from  contributing  what 
had  been  promised.  The  same  faction  also  disclosed  all 
Caesar’s  undertakings  to  the  Helvetians ;  the  magistrates 
had  not  sufficient  authority  to  be  able  to  restrain6  them. 
Having  speedily  dismissed  the  council,  Caesar  inquired  of 
Liscus  alone  more  accurate  information  about  what  he  had 
heard  in  the  meeting.  And  as  the  latter  spoke  more  unre¬ 
servedly,  Caesar  discovered  that  Dumnorix  was  the  head  of 
the  sedition.  He  could  no  longer  doubt  that,  eager  for  inno¬ 
vations,  the  latter  favored  the  Helvetians.  He  also  found 
that  Dumnorix,  who  was  leading  the  cavalry  of  the  Aeduans, 
had  a  few  days  ago  been  the  first  to  flee  from  that  unsuc¬ 
cessful  cavalry  engagement,  and  had  frightened  the  others 
by  his  flight.  Though  Caesar  had  learned  the  treachery  of 
Dumnorix,  yet  he  had  no  mind  to  punish 7  him  at  once. 
For  he  was  a  brother  of  Divitiacus,  who,  as8  Caesar  was 
convinced,  was  devoted  to  him  and  to  the  Homan  people  with 
great  attachment  and  particular  fidelity.  At  the  entreaties 
and  tears  of  this  man,  then,  Caesar  forgave 0  the  treachery 
of  Dumnorix ;  he  only  admonished  the  latter,  and  dismissed 
him,  after  he  had  secretly  appointed  spies,10  who  should  re¬ 
port  to  him  whatever  Dumnorix  did.  In  the  following 
night  Caesar  caused  the  highest  ridge  of  the  mountain,  at 
whose  foot  the  enemy  had  encamped,  to  be  occupied  by  his 
legate  T.  Labienus.  He  himself  followed  them  with  the 
cavalry.  He  had  given  orders  11  to  Labienus  to  abstain  from 
an  engagement  until  he  had  seen  the  rest  of  the  army  near 


Section  XIX. 


233 


the  camp  of  the  enemy.  At  daybreak,  however,  it  was 
falsely  reported  to  Caesar  that  the  mountain  had  been  occu¬ 
pied  by  the  enemy,  whereby  he  was  induced  not  to  engage 
in  battle.  At  length,  when  the  day  was  far  advanced,  he 
learned  that  Labienus  had  most  accurately  carried  out 12  his 
orders  13 ;  but  the  Helvetians  had  already  moved  their  camp, 
so  that  an  attack  upon  them  was  no  longer  possible. 

No.  211.  1  convocare.  2ducere.  3destituere.  4potissimum.  5  fungi, 
praeesse.  6  coercere,  refrenare.  7  animadvertere  in  aliquem,  also 
punire.  8  S.  Or.  §268.  8. —  Y.  Gr.  §  206.  1.  9condonare.  10  Ablat. 
absol.  11  praecipere,  imperare.  12persequi.  13  mandatum,  imperatum, 
or  by  a  relative  clause. 

212.  Chapter  V. 

On  account  of  the  lack  of  corn  Caesar  believed  that  on  the 
following  day  he  must  desist  from  pursuing  the  enemy  and 
turned  his  march  towards  Bibracte,  which  is  the  largest  and 
richest  city  of  the  Aeduans.  When  this  was  reported  to  the 
Helvetians  by  Gallic  fugitives  they  also  changed  their  march 
to  cut  Caesar  off  from  his  provisions  and  in  small  engage¬ 
ments  often  attacked  the  rear  of  the  Romans.  They  had  so 
much  the  more  courage,  as  on  the  previous  day  the  Romans, 
though  in  possession  of  the  mountain,  had  not  engaged  in 
battle,  and  they  believed  this  had  happened  out  of  fear. 
After  Caesar  had  become  acquainted  with  the  plan  of  the 
enemy  he  sent  his  cavalry  to  check  their  attack ;  he  con¬ 
ducted  the  rest  of  the  army  to  a  hill,  and,  having  formed  a 
triple  line  of  battle,  waited  for  the  enemy.  After  they  had 
repulsed  the  Roman  horse  the  latter  advanced  in  a  close 1 
body  against  Caesar’s  first  line  of  battle.  Long  and  fierce 2 
was  the  struggle  on  both  sides.  Finally  Caesar  repulsed  the 
Helvetians  and  forced  them,  wearied  out  with  wounds,  to 
retire*  to  a  mountain  near  by.  But  when  the  Romans 
closely  pursued  them  they  were  surrounded  on  both  flanks 
by  a  sudden  attack  of  the  Boji  and  Tulingi,  who  protected  4 
the  rear  of  the  Helvetians.  Thus  the  battle  was  renewed.5 
Caesar  ordered  his  soldiers  to  advance  in  two  divisions,  as 


234 


Part  II. 


when  they  perceived  the  attack  of  the  Boji  the  Helvetians 
also  descended  from  the  mountain  which  they  had  occupied 
and  pressed  forward.6  At  length  the  Helvetians  were  forced 
by  a  fierce  onslaught  to  retire  to  the  same  mountain ;  the 
others  betook  themselves  to  their  wagons.  The  Romans  fol¬ 
lowed  them  and  attacked  them  anew.7  After  the  fight  had 
been  carried  on  till  late  in  the  night  at  the  baggage  wagons 
the  Romans  at  length  gained  possession  of  the  baggage  and 
camp  of  the  enemy.  Many  of  the  latter  had  been  slain  in 
battle,  many  in  the  camp  itself,  others  were  captured,  the 
rest  took  to  flight  by  the  greatest  marches,  which  they  did 
not  even  interrupt 8  at  night,  and  arrived  on  the  fourth  day 
in  the  territory  of  the  Lingones. 

No.  212.  1  confertus.  2  acer,  or  vehemens.  3serecipere.  4defend- 

ere,  praesidio  esse.  5  redintegrare,  renovare.  6  instare.  7  denuo.  8  in- 
termittere. 


213.  Chapter  VI. 

During  these  three  days  Caesar  thought  it  necessary  to  re¬ 
main  1  on  the  spot,  partly 3  on  account  of  the  wounded  sol¬ 
diers,  partly 3  that  the  slain  might 3  be  buried.  But  forth¬ 
with  he  had  forbidden  the  Lingones,  through  messengers  and 
letters,  to  give 4  the  Helvetians  corn  or  to  assist  them  in  any 
way.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  latter  were  pressed  by 
the  greatest  want  of  all  provisions  (res.).  When,  therefore, 
after  an  interval 5  of  three  days  Caesar  followed  them  with 
the  army  ambassadors  of  the  Helvetians  came  to  him,  whilst 
still  on  the  march,  threw  themselves  at  his  feet,  and  with 
tears  asked  for  peace.  Caesar  ordered  them  to  give  hostages 
and  to  deliver  up  their  arms  and  deserters,6  and  on  the  ful¬ 
filment  of  these  conditions  he  would  admit  them  to  a  surren¬ 
der.7  Whilst  they  were  occupied  in  seeking  and  bringing 
them  together,  about  6,000  men  departed 8  in  the  follow¬ 
ing  night  from  the  camp  of  the  Helvetians  and  hastened  in 
their  flight9  towards  the  Rhine,  be  it  that  they  feared  after 
surrendering  their  arms  to  be  dragged  into  slavery,  or  be¬ 
cause  they  hoped,  amid  so  vast  a  multitude  of  men,  easily  to 


Section  XIX. 


235 


remain  concealed  10  or  to  be  able  to  escape  all  dangers.  The 
other  Helvetians  did  all  that  Caesar  had  enjoined  and  their 
submission  was  accepted  by  him.  He  believed  that  they 
should  all  be  spared.  Therefore  he  commanded  them  to  re¬ 
turn  into  their  former  11  territory  and  to  rebuild  their  cities 
and  villages.  For  he  feared  if  those  places  which  had  for. 
merly  belonged  12  to  the  Helvetians  remained  vacant  the  Ger¬ 
mans  might  occupy  them  and  become  dangerous  to  the  Allo- 
brogians  and  the  province  of  Gaul.  But  as  the  Helvetians 
had  burned  13  all  their  crops  before  leaving  home  and  were 
thus  destitute 14  of  everything  at  home,  by  order  of  Caesar  a 
supply  of  corn  was  given  15  them  by  the  Allobrogians.  Caesar 
learned  the  number  of  all  the  Helvetians  who  had  emigrated 
from  home  from  the  lists  which  he  had  found  drawn  up  18 
in  Greek  characters  in  their  camp.  The  total  had  been  about 
368,000,  out  of  whom  92,000  were  able  to  bear  arms.  After 
taking  the  census 17  Caesar  found  that  the  number  of  those 
who  returned  to  their  country  was  110,000. 

No.  213.  1  Periphr.  Gonjug.  2  et — et,  quum — turn,  also  partim — 
partim.  3  posse.  *  praebere,  praestare.  5  by  intermittere.  6perfuga, 
transfuga.  7  aliquem  in  deditionem  accipere.  8  discedere,  egredi. 
9  fuga  petere  aliquid,  fuga  contendere  ad.  10  only  occultari.  11  pristi- 
nus,  prior.  12  8.  Gr.  §  207.  2.  — Y.  Gr.  §  159,  esp.  1.  13comburere. 
uegere,  indigere.  15  copiam  facere  alicujus  rei.  16conficere.  17censum 
habere. 


214.  The  Tribe  of  the  Suevi. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  IV.  1-3.) 

The  tribe  of  the  Suevi  surpasses  the  other  Germans  by  far 
both  in  size  and  military  1  valor.  One  hundred  thousand 
armed  men  are  yearly  led  by  them  from  their  territory  to 
wage  war 2  with  the  neighboring  nations ;  for  since  they  are 
said  to  have  100  cantons,  each  of  them  sends  1,000  armed 
men.  Those  who  remain  at  home  occupy  themselves3  with 
agriculture 4  to  maintain  both  themselves  and  those  who  have 
inarched  to  war.  When  the  year  has  passed  those  who  have 
been  in  arms  return,  but  those  who  have  cultivated  the  fields 
set  out  to  war,  whereby  it  is  brought  to  pass  that  though  ‘ 


236 


Part  II. 


agriculture  is  not  neglected,  jet  all  are  well  skilled  in  war¬ 
fare.  i  No  one  of  them  possesses  private  fields,  nor  is  anyone 
allowed  to  reside  in  the  same  place  longer  than  one  year ;  all 
the  fields  and  all  the  fruits  belong 6  to  all  in  common.  How¬ 
ever,  they  do  not  make  much  use  of  corn,  but  live 7  for  the 
greatest  part  on  milk  and  flesh.  Great  is  their  fondness  for 
hunting,  to  which  they  are  accustomed  from  childhood,  and 
therefore  they  spend  much  time  in  the  forests.  This  man¬ 
ner  of  life  makes  the  Suevi  excel 8  other  men  by  the  huge 
size  of  their  bodies  as  well  as  by  exercise  and  strength.*  To 
this  is  added  10  that  they  use  almost  no  clothing  and  fre¬ 
quently  bathe  in  the  coldest  rivers.  They  do  not  hinder 
merchants  from  coming  to  them,  not  to  import  goods,  but 
the  more  easily  to  sell  what  their  own  people  have  acquired 
by  plunder.  Of  imported  articles  (res.)  they  use  almost  none. 
Merchants  are  forbidden  to  import  wine  to  them,  because 
they  fear  to  become  effeminate  by  its  use  and  less  fit  to  en¬ 
dure  the  hardships  of  war.  Not  even  do  they  allow  horses  to 
be  imported,  though  those  that  have  been  bred  11  among 
them  13  are  small  and  ugly.  They  deem  it  disgraceful  to  use 
saddles.  In  battle  the  horsemen  often  jump  down  from 
their  horses  to  fight  on  foot.  They  consider  it  as  the  great¬ 
est  honor  if  the  fields  around  their  territory  are  left  as  much 
as  possible  uncultivated,  thinking  that  thus  the  impression 
would  be  conveyed  that  the  neighboring  states  did  not  dare 
to  attack  them. 

No.  214.  1  bellicus.  2bellum  gerere,  or  bellare,  Gerund  with  ad,  or 
causa.  3operam  dare,  S.  Gr.  §287.  2.—  T.  Gr.  §222.  1,  or  versari  in 
aliqua  re.  4  agrum  colere.  5quum.  6  8.  Gr.  §  207.  2. —  Y.  Gr.  §159.  1. 
1  vesci.  8excellere  ceteris,  or  inter  ceteros.  9  vis  (Plur.).  10  S.  Gr. 
§  276,  end. —  Y.  Gr.  §  199.  2.  11  by  nasci.  12  ipse. 

215.  Caesar’s  First 1  Passage  of  the  Rhine. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  IV.  16-19.) 

In  Gaul  itself  Caesar  had  already  twice  engaged  in  war 
with  the  Germans,  first  with  King  Ariovistus,  then  with 
the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri.  After  he  had  defeated  the 
latter  3  in  the  year  55  before  Christ,  he  thought  it  necessary, 


Section  XIX. 


237 


principally  for  two  reasons,3  to  attempt 4  to  cross  the  Rhine. 
For  he  was  convinced  that  the  Germans  could  not  easily  be 
deterred  from  entering  Gaul,  unless  they  were  inspired  5  with 
the  fear  that  they  would  have  to  struggle 6  with  tiie  Romans 
one  day  even  in  their  own  territory.  To  that  reason  came 
a  second,  viz.,  the  knowledge  that  those  of  the  Usipetes 
and  Tencteri  who  had  been  absent  to  gather  booty  and 
to  fetch  corn,  and  had  taken  no  part  in  the  battle,  had 
crossed  the  Rhine  and  been  received  into  an  alliance’ 
by  the  Sigambri.  For  these  and  other  reasons,  therefore, 
Caesar  sent  envoys  to  the  Sigambri  with  the  demand  that 
those  should  be  delivered  up  to  him  by  whom  war  had  been 
waged  against  the  Roman  people  in  Gaul ;  should  they 
refuse  this  request,  the  Sigambri  could  have  no  peace  with 
him.  The  Sigambri  replied  to  those  who  had  been  sent 
that  Caesar’s  dominion  was  bounded  by  the  Rhine.  If  the 
Romans  did  not  wish  that,  against  their  will,  the  Germans 
should  enter  Gaul,  could  8  Caesar  deem  it  fair  that  in  the 
territory  of  the  Germans  any  dominion  or  any  power  should 
be  granted  9  to  him  ?  And  thus 10  they  refused  11  to  deliver 
up  those  whom  Caesar  had  asked  for.  Of  the  tribes  beyond 
the  Rhine  12  Caesar  had  only  the  Ubii  in  some  degree  13  as 
allies ;  for  with  these  he  had  concluded  14  friendship  after 
they  had  sent  ambassadors  and  given  hostages.  But  for  that 
very  15  reason  they  were  much  afraid  of  being  attacked  by 
the  other  tribes  and  especially  by  the  Suevi.  Therefore  they 
most  earnestly  besought  Caesar  not  to  abandon  them.  Should 
he  be  prevented  by  his  own  situation  1C  from  waging  a  longer 
war  with  Germany,  he  should  at  least  come,  that  the  Germans 
might  no  longer  doubt  that  the  Romans  were  both  able  and 
dared  to  lead  an  army  across  the  Rhine ;  that  would  be  help 
enough  for  them  ;  for  Caesar’s  army  had,  by  vanquishing 
Ariovistus  and  repulsing  the  Tencteri,  acquired  so  great  a 
renown  of  bravery  even  with  the  remotest  tribes  of  Germany 
that  his  friendship  alone  secured  17  them  against  any  attack. 

No.  215.  1  not  primus:  for  Caesar  crossed  the  Rhine  only  twice. 

2  Relative.  zwith  Partic.  of  ducere,  or  commovere.  8.  Or.  §  221.  2.  1. 


238 


Part  II. 


—  7  Gr.  §126.  Unit.  4  periculum  facere.  5iojicere  alicui  aliquid. 
6dimicare,  confligere.  7  foedus  ac  societas.  8  with  num.  9concedere. 
10itaque.  nrecusare,  also  negare.  12  by  the  Adj.  Transrhenanus. 
13quodammodo.  14  jungere,  facere.  15  ipse.  16  by  res  (Plur.).  17tueri, 
tutum  reddere. 

216.  Chapter  II. 

Although  the  Ubii  had  promised  Caesar  a  sufficiently  large 
number  of  ships  to  bring  his  troops  across,1  yet  he  believed 
it  both  safer  and  more  becoming  to  himself  and  the  Roman 
people  to  build  a  bridge 2  over  the  Rhine.  It  was  evident 
that  the  difficulty  of  carrying  out  this  work  would  be  very 
great  on  account  of  the  swiftness 3  and  breadth  and  depth  of  the 
river ;  he  was  nevertheless  of  opinion  4  that  he  must  either  pass 
over  by  a  bridge  or  not  cross  at  all.  Therefore  he  issued  an  order 
to  collect 6  the  material  necessary  to  construct  a  bridge,  and 
the  whole  work  having  been  finished,  he  led  his  troops 
across  on  the  eleventh  day.  But  that  no  damage  might6 
be  done  to  the  bridge  by  the  barbarians,  he  left  a  strong 
garrison  on  both  sides  of  it.  \  When,  then,  after  all  had  been 
satisfactorily  arranged,  he  began  his  march  7  into  the  territory 
of  the  Sigambri,  several  states  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to 
sue  for  peace ;  they  were  all  commanded  to  give  hostages, 
and  were  received  into  friendship.  Thus  this  part  of  Ger¬ 
many  began  8  to  be  subdued  by  the  Romans.  As  soon  as 
the  Sigambri  had  been  informed  that  the  construction 9  of  a 
bridge  across  the  Rhine  had  been  begun  by  Caesar,  they 
suffered  themselves  to  be  persuaded  by  the  Usi petes  and 
Tencteri,  whom  they  had  received  among  them,  to  abandon 10 
their  territory  and  to  conceal  themselves  and  all  their  pro¬ 
perty  in  the  forests.  Therefore  Caesar  found  their  villages 
empty,11  and  having  set  their  dwellings  on  fire  and  ordered 
the  crops  to  be  cut,12  he  returned  after  some  days  with  all 
his  troops  into  the  territory  of  the  Ubii.  From  the  latter  he 
learned  that  the  Suevi,  after  the  news  of  the  building 13  of  a 
bridge  across  the  Rhine  had  been  brought  to  them,  had  also 
left  their  cities  and  concealed  14  their  wives  and  children  in 
the  desert  and  forests ;  that  all  who  were  able  to  carry  arms 


Section  XIX. 


239 


had  assembled  in  one  place,  which  was  pretty  16  far  distant 
from  the  territory  of  the  Ubii ;  that  it  was  not  probable  that 
within  the  next  days  they  would  make  an  attack  upon  the 
Roman  allies,  as  they  feared  that  they  must  fight 16  with  the 
Romans  in  their  own  territory.  As  by  liberating  the  Ubii 
he  had  both  inspired  the  other  Germans  with  fear  and  suffi¬ 
ciently  revenged  himself  on  the  Sigambri — a  circumstance 
which  17  had  been  the  cause  of  leading  the  army  across — 
Caesar  resolved  to  return  into  Gaul,  and  ordered  the  bridge 
to  be  broken  down.  He  had  stayed 18  beyond  the  Rhine 
altogether  eighteen  days. 

No.  216.  1  transportare.  2  pontem  facere.  3rapiditas.  4  existimare. 
5comportare.  6  posse.  7ingredi,  intrare,  exercitum  deducere.  8  8.  Or. 
§  146.  Note. —  Y.  Or.  §204.  2.  9  instituere.  See  also  8.  10  relinquere. 
11  vacuus,  inanis.  12succidere.  13  facere,  effi cere.  14  deponere,  condere. 
15  satis.  16  Periphr.  Gonjug.  See  also  8.  Or.  §  153. —  Y.  Or.  §  50.  1. 
17  quae  res.  18  versari. 

217.  Death  of  Indutiomarus. 

(Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  V.  55-58.) 

After  most  of  the  states  of  Gaul  had  been  subdued,  the 
Treviri,  under  the  leadership  of  Indutiomarus,  most  obsti¬ 
nately  1  resisted  the  Romans.  Indutiomarus  had  already,  be¬ 
fore  the  winter,  resolved  to  take  the  camp  of  Labienus,  but 
upon  receiving2  the  news  of  a  victory  of  Caesar,  he  had  led 
his  army  back  into  the  country  of  the  Treviri.  During 3 
the  whole  winter  he  sent  ambassadors  into  all  parts  of  Ger¬ 
many,  arousing  the  states  and  promising  much  money  if 
they  were  willing  to  come  across  the  Rhine  and  make  war 
with  him  against  the  Romans.  It  was  easy,  he  said,  after 
most  of  the  Roman  soldiers  had  been  slain  in  war,  to  over¬ 
come  the  others,  and  to  free  Gaul  from  their  dominion.4 
But  the  Germans  could  not  be  persuaded  to  become  6  par¬ 
takers  in  that  war  with  the  Romans ;  for  after  a  double  ex¬ 
perience  6  by  the  defeat  both  of  Ariovistus  and  the  Teneteri, 
they  had  been  deterred  from  trying 7  the  fortune  of  war 
against  the  Romans  a  third  time.  Nevertheless  Indutio¬ 
marus  let  no  day  pass0  without9  energetically  preparing 


240 


Part  II. 


whatever  seemed  necessary  for  the  war.  Troops  were  col¬ 
lected  10  and  drilled,  a  large  number  of  horses  were  acquired.” 
When  these  measures  became  known  12  in  the  whole  of  Gaul, 
not  only  convicted  and  exiled  people  began  in  great  num¬ 
bers  to  be  allured  to  Indutiomarus,  but  also  many  of  the 
noblest  among  the  Gauls,  and  even  entire  states  asked, 
through  ambassadors,  for  his  friendship.  He  soon  saw  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  people  would  come  to  him  of  their  own 
accord,  and  that  he  would  not  lack  volunteers  as  soon  as  he 
had  begun  the  war  against  the  Homans.  After  he  had, 
therefore,  appointed  an  armed  meeting,  with  which  the 
Gauls  usually  begin  13  a  war,  he  first  brought  it  about  that 
Cingetorix,  his  own  14  son-in-law,  was  declared  an  enemy  of 
the  country  in  that  large  meeting,  and  that  the  property  15 
of  the  latter  was  publicly  sold.  For  Cingetorix,  as  the  head 
of  the  other  party,  had  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Homans 
and  had  followed  Caesar.  After  Cingetorix  had  been  con¬ 
demned,  Indutiomarus  disclosed  16  to  the  multitude,  which 
at  that  time  had  assembled,  what  he  intended  to  do.  The 
Senones,  and  many  other  states  of  Gaul  who  were  known  to 
bear  the  dominion  of  Caesar  with  reluctance,  had  summoned 17 
him,  he  said,  to  expel  the  Homans ;  he  would  march  there 
as  soon  as  possible,18  but  before  that  could  be  done  it  was 
necessary  to  storm  19  the  camp  of  Labienus.  He  therefore 
ordered  that  all  should  hold  themselves  ready  for  that20 
undertaking. 

No.  217.  1  pertinacissime.  2  by  afferre,  or  accipere.  3  per.  4domi- 
natio,  dominatus.  5  by  se  facere,  or  esse  velle.  6  by  experiri.  1  teroptare, 
periclitari.  8  intermittere,  omittere.  9  8.  Gr.  §  252.  I. —  T.  Gr.  §195. 
10  cogere.  11  comparare.  12  palam  fieri,  divulgari,  hominum  sermone 
percrebrescere.  13  suscipere.  14  ipse.  15  bonurn  {Plur.).  16aperire  ali- 
cui,  pronuntiare  apud  aliquem.  17  arcessere.  18quam  primum,  with 
fieri  potest.  19  oppugnare.  20  paratum  esse  ad  aliquid. 

218.  Chapter  II. 

Immediately  after  the  assembly  had  been  dismissed  Labienus 
was  informed  through  the  friends  of  Cingetorix  of  all  that 
had  happened.1  But  as  the  camp  was  strongly  fortified  no 


Section  XIX. 


241 


less  by  the  nature  of  the  place  than  by  art,  he  did  not  think 
that  he  had  to  fear  any  danger  for  himself  and  his  legions, 
but  rather  hoped  that  an  opportunity  would  offer  itself 2  to 
carry  out  a  successful  exploit.  Not  to  let  it  escape,  he  sum¬ 
moned,3  through  his  messengers,  the  cavalry  of  the  neigh¬ 
boring  states  from  all  parts,  and  ordered  them  all  to  assem¬ 
ble  in  an  appointed  place.  Indutiomarus  had,  meanwhile, 
approached  the  camp  of  Labienus  with  all  his  troops.  His 
horse  were  at  large 4  almost  daily  under  the  walls  of  the 
camp,  be  it  to  spread  terror  or  to  be  able  to  inform  5  Indu¬ 
tiomarus  of  the  nature 6  of  the  fortifications.  At  the  same 
time  missiles  were  repeatedly  cast  into  the  camp.  Labienus 
very  carefully  restrained  his  soldiers  from  showing  any  de¬ 
sire  of  fighting,  and  thus  he  effected  that  the  suspicion  of 
his  being  afraid  was  increased  from  day  to  day/  The  more 
the  Romans  began  to  be  an  object  of  contempt  to  the  enemy, 
the  more  boldly  Indutiomarus  daily  approached  the  camp. 
Then  during  a  certain  night  Labienus  caused  all  the  cavalry 
which  had  been  collected  from  the  neighboring  states  to  be 
led  8  into  the  camp,  and  he  did  it  so  carefully  that  nothing 
was  betrayed 9  to  the  enemy.  On  the  following  day  the  lat¬ 
ter  advanced  to  the  camp  with  great  noise,  and  after  they 
had  spent  nearly  the  whole  day,  had  thrown  missiles,  and 
with  much  abusive  language  challenged  the  Romans  to  fight, 
they  withdrew,  according  to  their  custom,10  and  scattered 
one  by  one  towards  evening.  Then  Labienus  believed 11 
that  the  time  for  action  had  arrived,  and  he  did  not  doubt 
that  the  enemy  could  easily  be  frightened  and  put  to  flight. 
But  in  the  conviction  that  their  confidence 12  rested  13  on  In¬ 
dutiomarus  alone,  he  suddenly  despatched  all  his  cavalry 
out  of  the  camp  with  the  following  advice  :  that  all,  with 
the  greatest  impetuosity,  should  rush 14  on  Indutiomarus 
alone,  and  not  desist  before  they  had  either  captured  or 
killed  him.  He  rightly  thought  that  he  must  especially  15 
hinder  him  from  escaping,  wherefore  he  promised  a  great 
reward  to  the  one  who  should  bring  him  the  head  of  the 
slain.  Nor  was  his  hope  disappointed.  After  the  attack 


242 


Part  II. 


liad  been  made  by  the  cavalry  the  foot-soldiers  were  de¬ 
spatched  for  their  protection.  Neglecting  the  rest,  all  rushed 
on  Indutiomarus  alone,  whom  they  caught  and  slew.  An 
immense  slaughter  1(5  of  the  enemy  was  made,  who  after  the 
fall  of  Indutiomarus  dared  nowhere  to  resist.  By  this  vic¬ 
tory  of  Labienus  it  was  brought  about  that  the  rest  of  Gaul 
was  restored  for  some  time  17  to  comparative  quiet. 

No.  218.  1  dicere  et  agere.  2  se  dare,  or  letter  non  deesse.  3evo- 
care.  4  vagari.  5  docere,  or  certiorem  facere  de  aliqua  re.  6  ratio.  7  in 
dies.  8  intromittere,  introducere.  9  enuntiare.  10  either  “as  they  were 
wont,”  or  with  consuetudo,  according  to  JS.  Gr.  %  238.  2.  c.—  T.  Gr.  §  152. 
2.  11  arbitrari,  reri.  12  fiducia.  13positum  esse.  I4petere,  oppugnare. 

15  raaximo  opere.  16  clades.  17  aliquamdiu,  aliquantum  temporis. 


SECTION  XX. 

Biographical  Sketches. 

219.  Titus  Livius,  the  Historian.1 

About  the  life  of  Titus  Livius  but  little 2  has  come  down 
to  our  time.  He  was  born  at  Patavium,  a  city  which 3  was 
not  far  from  the  river  Po  and  the  Adriatic  gulf,  iu  the  year 
59  before  Christ  under  the  consulship  of  Caesar  and  Bibulus. 
His  birth-place  was  among  the  other  cities  of  Italy,  next  to 
Rome  in  power 4  and  wealth,  but  also  in  this,  that  as  Rome 
derived  its  origin  from  the  Trojans  under  the  leadership  of 
Aeneas,  so  Patavium  from  the  same  people  under  the  leader¬ 
ship  of  Antenor.  Livy  seems  to  have  been  born  of  wealthy  5 
parents.  He  was  a  boy  of  nearly  nine  years  when  Caesar 
crossed  the  Rubicon,  and  as  a  youth  he  saw  all  the  calamities 8 
of  the  civil  wars  and  the  ruin  of  the  republic  which  followed. 
Like  most  of  the  noble  youths  of  that  time,  Livy  was  trained 
principally  by  the  studies  of  philosophy  and  eloquence.  But 
he  probably  7  devoted  himself  early  to  history,  especially  that 
of  his  native  city  and  Upper  Italy,  which,  as  is  manifest  from 
his  writings,  was  well  known  to  him.  As  a  youth  he  seems 


Section  XX. 


243 


to  have  come  to  Rome  and  there  soon  to  have  acquired  a 
most  exact  knowledge  of  all  its  institutions  and  localities ; 
for  he  describes  many  things  with  such  great  perspicu¬ 
ity,8  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  his  having  seen  them 
with  his  own  eyes.  Livy  never  solicited  a  public  office,  nor 
did  he  ever  discharge  one,  but  devoted  himself 9  entirely  to 
his  studies  and  especially  to  the  writing  of  Roman  history. 
But  this  work  soon  became  so  highly  celebrated  10  that  the 
name  of  Livy  was  most  renowned  not  only  at  Rome  but  even 

in  the  remotest  countries.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Liv” 

«/ 

was  a  friend  of  Augustus,  though  he  seemed,  in  some 
measure,  opposed 11  to  the  Caesarian  party.  Tacitus,  that 
most  excellent  historian,  who  lived  about  100  years  later, 
relates  of  Livy  that  he  was  often  called  a  Pompeian  by 
Augustus,  because  he  had  extolled  Pompey  with  the  greatest 
praises ;  and  yet  this  was,  he  says,  not  a  hindrance  to  their 
friendship.  We  know  that  Claudius,  who  was  afterwards 
emperor,  undertook  as  a  youth,  at  the  instigation  of  Livy,  to 
write  a  history,  whence  it  follows  that  Livy  enjoyed  familiar 
intercourse 12  with  the  sovereigns  themselves.  But  the  pub¬ 
lication  of  part  of  his  Annals,  as  Livy  himself  seems  to  have 
named  his  books,  was  followed 13  by  so  great  and  so  universal 
a  celebrity  14  of  his  name,  and  such  admiration  of  men,  that 
people  travelled  to  Rome  from  the  remotest  countries,  not  to 
see  the  city,  nor  Augustus,  the  lord  of  the  earth,  but  to  see 
Livy.  Thus  Pliny  the  younger  relates  of  a  native  of  Gades,15 
that  attracted  by  the  name  and  repute  of  Livy  he  had  come 
from  the  furthest  part  of  the  earth  to  see  him,  and  departed 
again  16  immediately  after  he  had  seen  him. 

No.  219.  1  rerum  scriptor.  2  pauca.  3  8.  Or.  §238.  5. —  T.  Or.  §152. 
1.  4  opes.  Mocuples.  6scelus.  7  8.  Or.  §  268.  3. — T.  Gr.  §  206. 1.  8per- 
spicuitas,  or  by  plane  et  perspicue.  9se  dare,  dedere.  10adeo,  or  usque 
eo  fama  celebrare.  11  alienus  ab  aliquo.  12  familiaritate  alicujus  uti. 
13consequi.  14  celebritas.  15  Gaditanus  quidam.  16  only  abire. 

220.  Chapter  II. 

So  much,  then,  was  Livy  honored  and  celebrated  during 
his  life-time.  Another  1  writer,  Seneca  the  rhetorician,  re- 


244 


Part  II. 


lates  that  Livy  had  as  son-in-law  the  rhetorician  Lucius 
Magius,  who  declaimed,  indeed,  badly,  but  had  nevertheless 
a  circle  of  hearers,3  since  people  admired  him  not  on  his  own 
account,  but  for  his  father-in-law.  From  this  fact  two  things 
are  apparent :  the  great  honor  which  was  paid  to  Livy  by  his 
fellow-citizens,  and  that  he  had  a  daughter  who  was  married  to 
Magius.  He  is  also  said  to  have  had  a  son.  Quintilian,  at 
least,  quotes 3  a  passage  from  a  letter  which  Livy  is  believed 
to  have  written  to  his  son,  that  Demosthenes  and  Cicero 
should  be  read  ;  then  others  in  as  far  as 4  they  resemble 
Demosthenes  and  Cicero.  Beyond  this,  however,  nothing  is 
known  of  his  family  and  his  domestic  life.  He  probably  did 
not  pass  his  old  age  at  Home,  but  in  his  native  city,  whither 
he  seems  to  have  returned  after  the  death  of  Augustus.  He 
died  at  Patavium  in  the  76th  year  of  his  age,  in  the  year  17 
A.  C.  When,  in  the  year  1413  A.  C.,  the  Patavinians  thought 
they  had  found  the  tomb  of  Livy,  they  erected,  at  the  public 
expense,3  a  magnificent  mausoleum,  in  which  they  buried ' 
the  reputed  7  bones  of  their  illustrious  fellow-citizen.  Livy 
has  written  the  history  of  the  Homan  people  from  the  arrival 
of  Aeneas  in  Italy  up  to  the  year  9  before  the  birth  of  Christ 
in  142  books ;  at  least  of  so  many  books  traces  can  be  shown.8 
The  work,  however,  seems  rather  to  have  stopped  9  with  the 
142d  book  than  to  have  been  completed,  and  Livy  probably 
intended  to  continue  the  narrative  of  events  10  to  the  death 
of  Augustus  and  complete  150  books.  In  ancient  times  the 
whole  work  was  divided  into  decades,  each  of  which  contains 
ten  books.  Only  three  and  a  half  entire  decades  have  come 
down  to  us,  viz.,  the  first,  the  third,  the  fourth,  and  the  first 
half11  of  the  fifth.  But  in  the  remotest  times  epitomes  or 
summaries 13  of  the  whole  work  had  been  made,  which  are 
still  extant,  but  more  arouse  than  satisfy  13  the  desire  of  know¬ 
ing  the  work  itself.  Livy’s  manner  of  writing  has  been 
greatly  14  praised  by  all  antiquity.  There  have  been  people, 
indeed,  who  have  called  him  credulous  because  he  has  related 
many  prodigies  with  a  certain  religious  credulity  ;  moreover, 
others  who  imagined15  they  found  in  his  language  certain 


Section  XX. 


245 


peculiarities 18  of  his  native  city,  which  they  have  styled 
Patavinitas ;  but  all  this  is  partly  groundless,17  partly  so 
doubtful  that  the  renown  of  the  man  cannot  at  all  be  lessened 
by  accusations 18  of  this  kind.  Yet  one  thing  cannot  be 
denied,  that  Livy  has  too  seldom  pointed  out  and  too  care¬ 
lessly  examined  the  sources  from  which  he  has  drawn.  But 
in  the  whole  work  so  much  eloquence  is  displayed,  such  a 
charm  of  language,  so  just  a  judgment  on  the  most  important 
things,  so  great  a  love  of  truth  and  honesty  that  hardly  any¬ 
thing  similar  can  be  found.  Livy’s  manner  of  writing  differs 
in  very  many  points  from  that 19  of  Sallust ;  and  if  these 
writers  are  compared  with  each  other  the  result  of  the  com¬ 
parison  must  be 30  that  they  are  to  be  considered  equal  yet 
unlike  each  other. 

No.  220.  1  .dtfdautem.  2  “  circle  of  hearers,”  <?w^populus,  or  circulus. 
3  afferre,  laudare.  4  ita.  5  sumptus.  6  condere.  1  by  putare.  According 
to  8.  Or.  §238.  2.  b.,  and  ¥  Gr.  §152.  3.  8  vestigia  demonstrare. 

9  finiri,  desinere  ;  opp.  absolvi.  10  res  continuare.  11  dimidiapars.  12argu- 
mentum.  13explere.  14summopere.  15videri,  with  and  without  sibi. 
16  proprium.  11  inanis.  18  criminatio.  19  “  that  ”  is  not  to  be  translated ; 
but  either  the  Subst.  is  to  be  repeated,  or  the  Prep,  stands  alone  with  Oen. 
of  Proper  name,  or  the  Adj.  (“from  the  Sallustian”)  is  to  be  used.  See 
8.  Gr.  §  210.  Note  4.  20  ita  comparare  (Part.  Fut.  Pass.)  with  sum. 

221.  C.  Sallustius  Crispus. 

C.  Sallustius  Crispus  was  born  of  a  plebeian  family  at 
Amiternum,  a  Sabine  town,  in  the  year  86  before  Christ. 
How  he  spent  his  boyhood  and  when  he  came  to  Pome  has 
not  been  recorded.  When  a  youth  he  gave  himself  up  to 
dissipation  and  pleasures,  so  that  his  life  was  greatly  1  cen¬ 
sured  by  grave  and  honest  men.  He  early  resolved  on  ap¬ 
plying  himself 2  to  historical  composition,  yet  he  was  pre¬ 
vented  when  a  youth  from  carrying  out  this  plan  3  by  his 
ambition  and  aspiration  to  engage  in  public  affairs.4  As  tri¬ 
bune  of  the  people  in  the  year  52  before  Christ  he  proved 
himself  a  vigorous  antagonist  of  Milo,  who  had  been  accused 
of  committing  an  assault,5  and  also  of  Cicero,  who  defended 
Milo.  On  account  of  his  licentiousness  he  was  expelled  from 


246 


Part  II. 


the  senate  by  the  censor  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher  in  the  year 
50  before  Christ,  but  in  the  following  year  he  was  made 
quaestor  by  Caesar,  whose  party  he  favored  wTith  great  zeal, 
and  thereby  reinstated  in  the  senatorial  dignity.  As  com¬ 
mander fl  of  a  small  army  Sallust  was  about  the  same  time 
put  to  flight  by  the  Pompeians  in  Illyria.  In  Campania, 
whither  he  had  been  sent  by  Caesar  to  quell 7  insurrections, 
he  was  able  to  escape  death  only  by  a  speedy  flight.  When 
the  African  war  had  begun 8  Sallust  was  sent  as  praetor  with 
part  of  the  fleet  to  the  island  of  Cercina  to  snatch  from  the 
enemy  the  provisions  'which  they  had  there  collected.  He 
had9  good  fortune,  and,  after  he  had  vanquished  and  re¬ 
pulsed  the  enemy,  he  conveyed  an  abundant  supply  of  grain 
over  to  the  camp  of  Caesar.  The  war  being  finished  Caesar 
made  him  propraetor  and  gave  him  the  administration  of  the 
province  of  Numidia.  This  office  he  is  said  to  have  abused 
to  extort 18  large  sums  of  money  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province.  On  returning  to  Pome  he  was  accused  of  extor¬ 
tions,"  but  exempted  from  a  trial  by  the  favor  and  power  of 
Caesar.  Sallust  used  his  great  riches,  thus  acquired,  for 
planting 12  the  most  magnificent  gardens,  which,  under  the 
name  of  the  Sallustian  gardens,  were  an  object  of  admiration  13 
to  men  long  afterwards.  But  his  house  was  so  brilliant  and 
embellished  that  later  on  it  was  inhabited  by  the  emperors 
themselves,  for  instance  by  Yespasian.  After  Caesar’s  as¬ 
sassination  Sallust  withdrew  from  public  life  and  devoted 
himself  entirely  to  historical  composition  14  in  his  villa  near 
the  city.16  Occupied  with  these  studies  he  died,  as  most  be¬ 
lieve,18  on  the  13th  of  May,  in  the  year  35  before  Christ,  but 
as  others  say,  on  the  same  day  in  the  following  year. 

No.  221.  1  magnopere  improbari  alicui.  2  applicare  se  ad  aliquid, 

operam  dare,  or  navare  alicui  rei,  also  animum  appellere  ad  aliquid. 
3  only  relative  Pron.  4  capessere  rem  publicam.  5  vis.  See  S.  Or. 
§217.3. —  Y.  Or.  §  158.  1.  6praefectus.  7  sedare,  componere.  8  exo- 
riri.  9uti.  10exprimere,  extorquere.  11  S.  Or.  §  217.  3. — Y.  Or. 
§  158.  1.  12  aedidcare.  13  admirationem  movere  alicui,  or  admirationi 

esse  alicui.  14  scribere  historiam.  18  by  suburbanus.  16  statuere,  or  by 
videtur. 


Section  XX. 


247 


222.  Chapter  II. 

Sallust  edited  three  historical  works,  the  first  of  which  is 
the  book  on  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  the  second  the  book 
on  the  Jugurthine  war,  the  third  the  five  books  of  Histories, 
in  which  he  comprised  the  events 1  from  the  death  of  Sylla 
to  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline.  The  two  works  which  we 
have  mentioned  in  the  first  place  have  been  preserved  to  us 
entire,2  but  of  the  Histories,  which  are  extolled  by  the  an¬ 
cients  with  the  highest  praises,  only  fragments  are  extant. 
Also  some  other  writings,  as  two  letters  sent  to  Caesar  on 
the  regulation 3  of  the  commonwealth  and  a  speech  4  against 
Cicero,  are  ascribed  by  some  to  Sallust,  but  they  are  doubt¬ 
less  spurious.5  Though  in  his  life  Sallust  sullied  6  himself 
with  many  faults,  yet  in  his  books  he  is  the  most  violent  de¬ 
nouncer7  of  them  and  a  warm  eulogist8  of  virtue.  He  was 
always  an  antagonist  of  the  nobles.9  He  pictures  with  lively 
colors  the  manner 10  of  life  and  customs  of  men  of  which  he 
treats,  and  he  is  admirable  in  describing  the  character  of  lead¬ 
ing  men.  He  is  rich  11  and  subtle  in  his  thoughts,  short  and 
abrupt  in  his  expression,  aiming  12  at  Attic  diction  and  prin¬ 
cipally  emulating  13  Thucydides.  In  language  he  uses14  old- 
fashioned  words  and  a  certain  Catonian  severity.  Already 
Asinius  Pollio,  who  was  his  cotemporary,  and  others  re¬ 
proached  him  for  his  affectation  of  old-fashioned  language. 
But  still  his  diction  is  choice  and  extremely  attractive,15  so 
that  his  books  are  read  with  the  greatest  profit  and  pleasure. 
Sallust  had  himself  either  seen  or  learned  from  the  most  reli¬ 
able  sources  almost  everything  which  he  has  described.  His 
boyhood  fell  in  the  times  of  Sylla  ( Sullanus ,  Adj.),  but  when 
the  Catilinarian  war  was  waged  Sallust  was  already  a  young 
man  of  23  years,  so  that  he  was  able  to  see  with  his  own 
■eyes  and  to  understand  by  his  own  discernment  both  men 
and  things.  The  Jugurthine  war,  indeed,  had  been  under¬ 
taken  16  and  finished  some  time  before  Sallust,  but  the  recol¬ 
lection  of  what  had  happened  in  it  was  at  that  time  fresh  and 
everything  established  by  public  documents,  and  Sallust, 
us  propraetor  of  Xnaiidia,  diligently  procured  for  hirpself  in 


248 


Part  II. 


Africa  a  knowledge  of  localities  and  things  which  pertained 
to  an  accurate  and  reliable  description  of  that  war.  Thus  it 
happened  that  great  conscientiousness  and  truth  manifests 
itself 18  in  all  the  writings  of  Sallust.  But  to  describe  as  ac¬ 
curately  as  possible  the  character  of  the  persons,  he  often  in¬ 
troduces  them  speaking  and  attributes  to  some  of  them 
speeches  which  have  in  fact  not  been  delivered  by  them,  but 
which  according  to  19  their  character  could  appropriately  have 
been  held ;  a  custom  in  which  he  followed  the  best  Greek 
historians,  especially  Thucydides. 

No.  222.  1  res,  with  or  without  gestae.  2  integer.  3  ordinare.  4  de- 

clamatio.  5  by  supponere.  6  commaculare,  inquinare.  Mnsectator. 
8  praedicator,  laudator.  9  here  optimates.  10  ratio.  11  frequens. 
12  studiosus.  13  aemulus.  14  here  by  amare.  15  mirum  in  modum  suavis, 
also  by  mirifice  animos  oblectare.  16  by  gerere.  11  acta,  orum.  18  ap- 
parere,  cognosci.  19  pro.  20  See  219,  1. 


223.  The  Poet  P.  Virgilius  Maro. 

P.  Yirgilius  Maro  was  born  at  Andes,  a  village 1  in  the 
territory 2  of  Mantua,  in  the  year  70  before  Christ,  under  the 
consulship  of  M.  Crassus  and  Pompey  the  Great.  His 
parents  seem  to  have  been  simple  country  people  without 
nobility  of  family,  but  intelligent  and  honest  and  also 3 
moderately  wealthy.  Therefore  the  father  caused  his  son 
to  be  as  carefully  instructed  as  possible,  first  as  it  seems  at 
Cremona.  When  the  very  same  M.  Crassus  and  Pompey 
the  Great,  under  whom  Virgil  was  born,  were  consuls  for 
the  second  time,  he,  then  16  years  old,  took,  after  the  man¬ 
ner  of  the  Homans,  the  gown  of  manhood,  left  Cremona,  and 
betook  himself  first  to  Milan,  but  soon  after  to  Naples  and 
Pome,  to  continue 4  his  literary  studies. s\  At  Naples  he  is 
said  to  have  enjoyed  the  teaching8  of  Parthenius,  a  not 
obscure  poet  and  grammarian,  and  to  have  been  very  well 
instructed  at  Rome  in  philosophy  as  well  as  in  mathematics 
and  physics7  by  8  Syron,  an  Epicurean  philosopher  and  friend 
of  Cicero.  These  studies  being  finished,9  Virgil,  who,  partly 
on  account  of  his  delicate  health,  partly  on  account  of  his 


Section  XX. 


249 


natural  dislike,10  abhorred 11  the  din  of  the  Forum  and  the 
hardships  of  military  life,  retired  to  his  country-house  near 
Andes  to  devote  himself  entirely  to  rural  life  and  poetical 
pursuits.  But  only  for  a  short  time  was  Virgil  allowed  to 
enjoy  this  leisure.  For  after  the  battle  at  Philippi,  Octavian 
began  to  distribute  to  the  veteran  soldiers  the  land  12  which 
he  had  promised  them.  Eighteen  cities  of  Italy,  which  had 
been  on  the  side  13  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  among  which  was 
Cremona,  lost  all  their  land.  But  the  soldiers,  accustomed 
to  make  booty  and  not  satisfied  with  what  had  been  presented 
to  them  by  the  general,  penetrated  14  also  into  the  neighbor¬ 
ing  estates  and  especially  into  those  of  Mantua,  and  expelled 
the  legitimate 15  owners.  Virgil  was  several  times  in  the 
same  danger.  First,  it  is  true,16  his  friend  Asinius  Pollio, 
who  was  then  legate  of  Anthony  in  Upper  Italy,  and  who 
esteemed  Virgil  very  highly  on  account  of  his  learning  and 
poetical  excellence,17  protected  him  ;  but  when  the  former  was 
called  away  to  the  Perusian  war,  Virgil  could  not  prevent 
himself  from  being  expelled  from  his  paternal  estate.  But 
to  recover  it  and  at  the  same  time  to  bring  help  to  his 
neighbors,  who,  as  he  himself  says,  had  been  unjustly 
and  against  the  will  of  Octavian  deprived  of  their  fields,  he 
travelled  twice  to  Pome,  and  there,  recommended  by  Asinius 
Pollio  to  Maecenas  and  Octavian,  he  finally  effected  that 
their  property  was  restored  to  himself  and  to  many  of  his 
fellow-citizens. 

No.  223.  1  qui  est  vicus.  8  ager.  zby  idem.  4persequi.  5  only 

litterae.  6uti  aliquo  doctore.  7  mathematica  (orum)  et  physica  (orum). 
8  per.  9absolvere,  perficere.  10insitum  taedium.  11  abhorrere  ab  ali- 
qua  re.  18  ager  ( Plur .).  13  stare  ab  aliquo.  14  invadere,  irrumpere. 

15  justus  ac  legitimus.  16 sane  (=  “it  is  true”).  17  virtus. 


224.  Chapter  II. 

Though  these  things  were  sad,  yet  they  exercised  a  great 
influence1  on  the  further  development2  of  the  poet.  For  in 
Asinius  Pollio,  Maecenas,  and  Octavian  he  found  not  only 
very  powerful  protectors 3  of  his  rights,  but  also  friends  and 


250 


Part  II. 


admirers  of  Iris  poetry.  It  was  especially  Maecenas  who  at 
that  time  by  word  and  deed  supported  all  who  distinguished 
themselves  by  poetical  talent,4  and  after  peace  had  been 
restored  through  Octavian  received  all  the  best 6  poets  into 
familiar  friendship.6  In  that  circle  of  poets  Virgil  was,  as 
it  were,  the  centre,7  and  he  was  no  less  honored  than  loved 
by  the  poets  Cornelius  Gallus  and  Aemilius  Macer,  L.  Yarius 
and  Plotius  Tucca,  Propertius  and  Horace.  The  peace  and 
tranquillity  which  Octavian  had  restored  in  Italy  and  all  over 
the  earth,  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the  city,  the  liberality 
with  which  not  only  Augustus,  but  especially  Maecenas 
encouraged  the  studies  of  the  fine  arts8  and  particularly 
of  poetry ;  all  this  had  excited  so  great  an  ardor  in  (Gen.) 
the  Roman  mind,  that  all,  impelled  as  it  were  by  a  noble 
rivalry,  endeavored  each  in  his  own  way  to  attain  perfection. 
Yirgil  had  already  as  a  youth  occupied  himself 9  much  with 
poetry ;  but  it  cannot  at  all  be  doubted  that  those  poems 
which  are  considered  juvenile  poems  of  Yirgil — Culex  Ciris, 
Copa,  Moretum,  Dirae,  and  others — were  not  written  by  Yir¬ 
gil  himself.  The  oldest  poems  of  Yirgil  which  have  come 
down  to  us  are  the  Bucolics,  ten  pastoral 10  poems  collected 
in  one  book,  which  are  now  usually  inscribed  Eclogae,  i.  e. 
select  poems.  In  these  Eclogues,  Yirgil,  following  the 
example  of  the  Greek  poet  Theocritus,  a  Sicilian,  describes 
the  beauties  of  nature  and  the  simplicity  of  pastoral  life, 
but  interweaves 11  in  them  with  much  skill  the  praise  of  his 
patrons  and  friends  and  other  things  which  refer  to  the  cir¬ 
cumstances  of  that  time.  But  they  were  written  between 
the  years  43  and  37  before  Christ,  at  which  time  Yirgil  had 
much  to  suffer 12  from  the  veterans,  on  account  of  (All.)  the 
above-mentioned  distribution  of  land.  After  he  had  first 
acquired  a  great  renown  by  these  poems,  he  left  his  paternal 
estate  and  lived  partly  at  Rome,  partly  at  Naples,  which  city, 
as  Yirgil  was 13  of  delicate  health,  was  especially  pleasing  to 
him  on  account  of  its  mild  climate. 

No.  224.  1  multum  valere  ad.  ’excolere.  3  invenire  aliquem  patro* 
num.  4  facultas,  virtus.  5  praestantissimus,  or  optimus  quisque.  6  in 


Section  XX. 


251 


familiaritatem  adducere.  7  principatum  quendam  tenere.  8  bonae  artes. 
9  versari  in  aliqua  re.  10  pastoricius,  or  pastoralis.  11  inserere,  intexere. 
u  multum  vexari.  13  uti. 


225.  Chapter  III. 

After  seven  years  labor  at  Naples  Yirgil  finished  his  second 
work,  which  is  inscribed  Georgies,  in  the  year  30  before 
Christ.  This  poem  is  dedicated  to  Maecenas,  and  treats  in 
four  books  of  four  functions  of  rural  life,  the  cultivation  of 
the  fields  and  trees,  of  cattle-breeding  and  the  care  of  bees.1 
The  language  in  the  Georgies  is  much  more  polished 3  and 
elegant  than  in  the  Eclogues ;  but  the  topics  themselves, 
though  in  some  the  poet  has  imitated  Hesiod,  have  been  so 
faithfully  taken  from  the  natural  condition  of  Italy  and  the 
life  of  the  Romans,  that  in  spite  of  *  its  limited  subject,  the 
poem  has  obtained  the  greatest  renown.  By  the  description 
of  the  loveliness  of  rural  life  and  of  the  work  of  agricultur¬ 
ists,  he  endeavors  at  the  same  time  to  lead  his  fellow-citizens 
back  to  the  old  custom  of  the  Romans  of  cultivating  the 
fields  wherein  as  he  believed  was  to  be  found 4  the  strongest 
support5  of  truly  Roman  virtue.  But  on  account  of  the 
civil  wars  agriculture  had  begun  to  be  altogether  neglected 
in  Italy.  In  convenient  places  the  poet  has  interwoven  with 
the  greatest  skill  not  only  the  praise  of  Maecenas  and  Octa- 
vian,  but  also  many  legends  of  ancient  Italy ;  so  that  this 
work  is  not  unjustly  considered  by  very  many  to  be  the  most 
excellent  of  its  kind.  After  the  publication  of  the  Georgies 
Yirgil  was  occupied  for  eleven  years  with  the  completion  of 
his  last  and  greatest  work,  which,  in  twelve  books,  celebrates 
the  exploits  of  Aeneas.  In  this  heroic  poem  Yirgil  has 
principally  imitated  Homer,  arranging®  the  whole  subject 
in  such  a  manner  that,  following  the  Odyssey,  he  describes 
in  the  first  six  books  of  the  Aeneid  the  wanderings  of 
Aeneas,  and  in  the  six  last  books,  after  the  example  of  the 
Iliad,  the  wars  and  battles  of  Aeneas  in  Italy  itself.  Thus 
Yirgil  endeavored  in  the  one  Aeneid  to  comprise  the  two 
poems  of  Homer.  But  in  the  execution 7  of  the  work  Yirgil 


252 


Part  II. 


everywhere  proves  himself  a  Roman  poet,  celebrating 
with  the  highest  skill  not  only  the  glory  of  the  entire 
Roman  people  and  its  ancient  virtues,  but  also  of  Octavian 
and  of  the  Julian  family,  which  derived  its  origin "  from 
lulus,  the  son  of  Aeneas.  The  poem  has  indeed  been 
worked  out  to  the  end  by  the  poet  himself,  but  not  polished 9 
in  all  its  parts;  for  before  he  could  accomplish  this  death 
overtook  10  him,  to 11  the  greatest  grief  of  his  friends.  In 
the  year  19  before  Christ  Yirgil  undertook  a  journey  to 
Greece,  there  and  in  Asia  Minor  to  give  the  last  touch  12  and 
final  polish  13  to  the  Aeneid.  At  Athens  he  met 14  Augustus, 
who  was  returning  from  the  East,  and,  as  he  had  already 
begun  to  languish  15  for  some  time,  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
persuaded  to  return  with  Augustus  to  Italy.  On  account  of 
the  passage 16  the  sickness  became  more  violent,  and  Yirgil 
died  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Brundisium,  on  the  22d  of 
September,  in  the  year  19  before  Christ. 

No.  225.  ’res  pecuaria,  res  apiaria.  ’urbanus,  politus.  3 only  in 
( with  Abl.).  4positum  putare.  5praesidiura.  6  instituere,  disponere. 
7  persequi.  8  originem  repetere,  revocare.  9  limare.  10  opprimere. 
11  cum.  ,2extremam  manum  imponere.  13expolire.  14convenire  ali- 
quem.  ,5aegrotare.  16navigatio. 


226.  Chapter  IV. 

By  order  of  Augustus,  Yirgil  wTas  buried 1  at  Naples,  as  he 
himself  had  desired  before  his  death.  On  his  tomb  the  fol¬ 
lowing  epitaph,2  which  when  dying  he  himself  dictated,  is 
said  to  have  been  inscribed  : 

“  Mantua  has  given  me  birth,  the  Calabrians  have  snatched 
(me)  away,3  now  Parthenope  possesses  (me) ;  of  pastures 4 
have  I  sung,  of  fields  5  (and)  heroes.” 

By  this  distich  8  the  poet  has,  at  one  and  the  same  time, 
pointed  out 7  the  place  of  his  birth,  of  his  death,  and  of  his 
tomb ;  for  Brundisium,  where  he  died,  is  situated  in  Cala¬ 
bria,  Naples,  where  he  was  buried,  was  called  Parthenope  in 
the  remotest  times.  But  at  the  same  time  he  has  also  desig¬ 
nated  8  those  three  poetical  works,  on  the  composition  of 


Section  XX. 


253 


which  he  spent9  his  whole  life,  the  Bucolics,  in  which  pas¬ 
tures  and  pastoral  life,  the  Georgies,  in  which  fields  and 
rural  life,  the  Aeneid,  in  which  heroes  and  their  exploits  are 
celebrated.  When  the  Aeneid  had  hardly  been  begun,  so 
great  a  renown  attended  the  poem  that  Propertius  did  not 
hesitate  to  say 10 : 

“  Give  way  (ye)  Roman  writers,  give  way  (ye)  Greek, 
something  11  greater  is  being  produced  12  than  the  Iliad.” 

Augustus  often  asked  13  Yirgil  to  read  14  parts  of  the  poem 
to  him  before  it  was  published.  Yirgil,  at  length,  could  not 
refuse  to  do  so,  and  thus  he  read  to  him  the  second,  the 
fourth,  and  the  sixth  books ;  and  the  last  principally  on  ac¬ 
count  of  Octavia,  the  sister  of  Augustus.  But  when,  to¬ 
wards  the  end  of  the  book,  Yirgil  recited,  with  great  gravity, 
those  famous  verses  on  the  death  of  Marcellus,  the  son  of  Oc¬ 
tavia, whom  Augustus  ardently  loved  and  had  resolved  to  make 
his  heir,  so  great  a  weeping  arose  of  all  who  were  present 
that  Augustus  enjoined  silence  15  on  the  poet.  But  as,  after 
(ex)  her  affliction,  Octavia  had  felt 16  great  consolation  in  the 
praises  of  her  son,  she  ordered  10,000  sesterces,17  a  sum  which 
equals  nearly  375  dollars  of  our  money,  to  be  paid  to  Yirgil 
for  each  single  verse ;  so  that,  as  twenty-five  verses  treat  of 
Marcellus,  the  poet  received  a  reward  of  almost  9,375  dol¬ 
lars.  To  other  friends  he  also  sometimes  recited  passages  18 
of  the  poem,  but  generally  only  those  about  which  he  him¬ 
self  doubted,  in  order  to  learn  and  profit  by  the  judgment 
of  others.  As  his  heirs  Yirgil  had  appointed,19  besides20 
others,  the  poets  Yarius  and  Tucca,  and  ordered  them  to  burn 
the  Aeneid  as  an  unfinished  work.  But  Augustus  forbade 
this  to  be  done,  in  spite  of 21  his  respect  for  the  last  will  of 
his  friend,  and  thus  a  greater  tribute  was  paid  to  the  poet 
than  if  Augustus  had  approved  of  the  testimony  of  the  poet 
himself.  Therefore  Yarius  and  Tucca,  by  order  of  Augus¬ 
tus,  corrected,  indeed,  some  few  points  without  adding  any¬ 
thing,  so  that  they  did  not  even  endeavor  to  complete 22  those 
verses  which  Yirgil  had  left  incomplete. 

The  poems  of  Yirgil,  and  especially  the  Aeneid,  were 


254 


Part  II. 


very  highly  esteemed  by  the  Romans.  Already  in  the  time 
of  Augustus  they  were  read  and  explained  in  school,  and 
soon,  as  the  poems  of  Homer  with  the  Greeks,  so  with  the 
Romans  those  of  Yirgil  were  given  to  boys  and  young  men 
to  be  learned  by  heart.33  This  renown  of  the  poet  gradu¬ 
ally  grew  in  an  incredible  manner,  so  that,  in  the  so-called 
Middle  Ages,34  not  a  few  believed  35  they  saw  a  fountain  of  all 
wisdom  in  the  poems  of  Yirgil,  and  venerated  him,  as  it 
were,  as  a  prophet  and  wonder-worker.3* 

No.  220.  ^umare,  condere.  2titulus.  3rapere.  ‘pascuum.  6rus. 
6distichon,  i,  n.  1  indicare.  8designare.  9consumere  in  aliqua  re. 
10  praedicare.  11  nescio  quid.  12nasci.  13petere  ab.  14recitare.  16  si- 
lentium  imperare.  16percipere.  17  dena  sestertia.  See  S.  Or.  §348.  2. 
—  T.  Or.  §  283.  4.  18  pars.  19  haeredem  scribere,  or  facere.  20  use  et — 
et.  21  contra.  22  explere.  23  ediscere.  24  media  aetas  (Sing.).  25  sibi 
videri.  26  tamquam  fatidicus  quidam  et  homo  mirificus. 


PART  III. 


Free  Exercises. 


SECTION  XXI. 


Cardinal  Newman’s  Sketch  of  Cicero’s  Life 

and  Writings. 

227.  (1)  Chief  Events 1  in  the  Life  of  Cicero. 

Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  was  born  at  Arpinum,  the  native 
place  of  Marius,  in  the  year  of  Rome2  648  (A.  C.  106),  the 
same  year  which  3  gave  birth 4  to  the  Great 5  Pompey.  His 
family 6  was  ancient  and  of  equestrian  rank,  but  had  never 
taken  part  in  the  public  affairs  of  Rome,  though  both  his 
father  and  grandfather  were  persons  of  consideration  7  in  the 
part  of  Italy  to  which  they  belonged.8  His  father,9  being  a 
man  of  cultivated  mind  himself,  determined  to  give  his  two 
sons  the  advantage  of  a  liberal  education,10  and  to  fit  them 
for  the  prospect 11  of  those  public  employments  which  a 
feeble  constitution  12  incapacitated  himself  from  undertaking.13 
Marcus,  the  elder  of  the  two,  soon  displayed  indications  of  a 
superior14  intellect,  and  we  are  told  that  his  schoolfellows 
carried  home  such  accounts  15  of  him  that  their  parents  often 
visited  the  school  for  the  sake  of  seeing  a  youth  who  gave 
such  promise16  of  future  eminence.,  One  of  his  earliest 
masters  was  the  poet  Archias,  whom  he  defended  afterwards 
in  his  consular  year 17 ;  under  his  instructions  he  was  able  to 
compose  a  poem,  though  yet  a  boy,  on  the  fable  of  Glaucus, 
which  had  formed  the  subject 18  of  one  of  the  tragedies  of 
Aeschylus.  Soon  after  he  assumed  the  manly  gown  he  was 
placed  under  the  care  19  of  Scaevola,  the  celebrated  lawyer, 
whom  he  introduces  so  beautifully  into  several  of  his  philo¬ 
sophical20  dialogues;  and  in  no  long  time  he  gained  a 

(257) 


258 


Part  III. 


thorough  knowledge  of  the  laws  and  political  institutions’' 
of  his  country.” 

This  was  about  the  time  of  the  Social  war ;  and,33  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  Roman  custom,  which  made  it  a  necessary  part  of 
education  to  learn  the  military  art  by  personal  service,34 
Cicero  took  the  opportunity  of  serving  a  campaign 25  under 
the  Consul  Pompeius  Strabo,  father  of  Pompey  the  Great. 
Returning  to  pursuits  more  congenial  to  his  natural  taste,38 
he  commenced  the  study  of  philosophy  under37  Philo  the 
Academic,  of  whom  we  shall  speak  more  particularly  here¬ 
after.  But  his  chief  attention  was  reserved38  for  oratory, 
to  which  he  applied  himself  with  the  assistance  of  Molo,  the 
first 29  rhetorician  of  the  day  ;  while  Diodotus  the  Stoic  exer¬ 
cised  him  in  the  argumentative  subtleties30  for  which  the  dis¬ 
ciples  of  Zeno  were  so  generally  celebrated.  At  the  same 
time  he  declaimed31  daily  in  Greek  and  Latin  with  some 
young  noblemen  who  were  competitors 33  with  him  in  the 
same  race  of  political 33  honors. 

No.  227.  1  praecipui  rerum  eventus,  also  vita  summatim  describitur. 

3  urbs  Roma.  3  8.  Gr.  §  238.  5. — T  Or.  §  152.  1.  4  in  lucem  edi.  5  Mag¬ 
nus  ille.  6 domus.  Transl.  “He  was  of,”  etc.  Likewise  “though — yet,” 
instead  of  “  but — though .”  7  magna  auctoritas.  8.  Or.  §225. —  Y.  Gr. 
§123,  esp.  1.  Omit  “  persons.”  85yincolere.  9  only  atque  ille  quidem. 
10institutio.  11  instruere  in  spem.  12  corporis  debilitas.  13  aditu  arcere 
(=  “to  incap.— from  undert.”).  14  Compar.  of  acer.  15 ea  narrare  ut 
(=  “  to  carry  such  acc. — that”).  16  spes.  17  only  consularis  {Apposition 
to  Subj.).  18  tragoedia  versatur  in.  19  tutela.  20  de  philosophia.  21  in- 
stituta  publica.  33  populus  Romanus.  23  itaque.  24  bellicus  usus.  25  sti- 
pendia  merere,  or  mereri  26  labores  ingenio  magis  consentanei.  27  doctor. 
S.  Gr.  §284  1. —  Y.  Or.  §218.  2.  28  by  animum  intentum  habere  in 
aliquid,  or  praecipua  diligentia  aliquid  complecti.  29  facile  princeps. 
30  argumentandi  subtilitas  {Sing.),  or  argumentandi  argutiae.  31  de- 
clamitare.  32 competitor,  or  aemulus  {“with  him,”  Genii.).  33civilis. 


228.  Chapter  II. 

Of 1  the  two  professions 3  which,  from  the  contentiousness  * 
of  human  nature,  are  involved  in  the  very  notion  of  society, 
while  that  of  arms,4  by  its  splendor  and  importance,6  secures 
the  almost  undivided  admiration 6  of  a  rising  and  uncivilized 


Section  XXI. 


259 


people,  legal  practice,7  on  tlie  other  hand,  becomes  8  the  path 
to  honors  in  later  and  more  civilized  ages9  by  reason  of  the 
oratorical  accomplishments 10  to  which  it  usually  gives  scope.11 
The  date  of  Cicero’s  birth  12  fell  precisely  during  that  inter¬ 
mediate  state  of  things 13  in  which  the  glory  of  military  ex¬ 
ploits  14  lost 15  its  pre-eminence  by  means  of  the  very  opulence 
and  luxury  which  were  their  natural  issue  16 ;  *and  he  was  the 
first  Roman  who  found  his  way  17  to  the  highest  dignities  of 
the  State  with  no  other  recommendation  18  than  his  powers 
of  eloquence  and  his  merits  as  a  civil  magistrate.19 

The  first  cause  of  importance  he  undertook  was  his  de¬ 
fence  20  of  Sextus  Roscius,  in  which  he  distinguished  himself 
by  his  spirited  opposition 21  to  Sylla,  whose  favorite 22  Chryso- 
gonus  was  prosecutor  in  the  action.  This  obliging  him, 
according  to  Plutarch,  to  leave  Rome  on  prudential  motives,23 
he  employed  his  time  in  travelling  for  two  years  under  pre¬ 
tence  24  of  his  health,  which,  he  tells  us,  was  as  yet 25  unequal 
to  the  exertion  of  pleading.  At  Athens  he  met  with  T. 
Pomponius  Atticus,  whom  he  had  formerly  known  at  school, 
and  there  renewed  with  him  a  friendship 26  which  lasted 
through  life  in  spite  of  the  change  of  interests  and  estrange¬ 
ments  of  affection 27  so  common  in  turbulent  times.  Here 
too  he  attended  the  lectures28  of  Antiochus,  who,  under  the 
name  of  Academic,  taught  the  dogmatic  doctrines 29  of  Plato 
and  the  Stoics.  Though  Cicero  felt  at  first  considerable  dis¬ 
like30  of  his  philosophical  views,  he  seems  afterwards  to 
have  adopted  the  sentiments  of  the  Old  Academy,  which 
they  much  resemble^31  -and  not  till  late  in  life 32  to  have  re¬ 
lapsed  into  the  sceptical  tenets33  of  his  former  instructor, 
Philo.  After34  visiting  the  principal  philosophers  and 
rhetoricians  of  Asia  in  his  thirtieth  year,  he  returned  to  Rome 
so  strengthened  and  improved  both  in  bodily  and  mental 
powers  that  he  soon  eclipsed  in  his  oratorical  efforts 33  all  his 
competitors  for  public  favor. 

No.  228.  1  Transl.  “  While  of  the  twopr. — that  of  arms  ”  etc.  “  While 
— on  the  other  hand,”  et  quoniam — contra,  or  quum  autem — contra,  or 
ut — ita.  4  vitae  ratio.  3  aemulatio  (“  from ob).  4  altera  militaris 


260 


Part  III. 


5  gravitas.  6  paene  omnem  in  se  solum  convertere  admirationem. 
7  juris,  or  legum  tractatio.  8  aperire.  9  apud  populos  diu  jam  ac  bene 
constitutos.  10  eloquentiae  perfectio  (Sing.)  11  latus  campus  patet. 
12  annus  natalis.  13  by  media  ilia  aetas.  14  virtus  bellica.  15  63/ desinit 
esse,  ^sua  sponte  derivari,  consequi.  17  aditum  nancisci,  ad.  sibi 
patefacere.  18  laus  (Abl.),  or  transl.  “  recommended  by  nothing  else,”  etc. 
19  in  civili  magistratu  parta  ( i .  e  ,  merita).  20  causam  alicujus  defen- 
dendam  suscipere.  21  acrem  se  praestare  adversarium.  22  familiaris. 
23  prudentiae  rationes  (Abl.),  or  by  ut  sibi  caveret.  24  causam  interponere. 
25  etiamtum.  26  Transl.  “  that  life-long  (vitae  aequalis)/r.,  which  neither 
the  change  of  int.,  nor  the  estr  ,  etc.,  were  able  to  dissolve.”  27animorum 
dissensio,  or  studiorum  diversitas.  28  scholas  obire,  frequentare.  29  only 
dogmata.  30  aversiore  esse  animo  ab,  or  minime  delectari.  31  similitudo, 
affinitas.  S.  Gr.  §207. —  T.  Gr.  §  162.  2.  32  extrema  aetate,  or  only 
senex.  33  ratio  (Sing.)  de  omnibus  rebus  dubitandi,  or  only  dubitationes. 
34  ergo  quum.  35  dicendi  contentio  (4W.). 

229.  Chapter  III. 

So  popular  a  talent  speedily  gained  him  1  the  suffrage  of 
the  Commons,2  and,  being  sent  to  Sicily  as  quaestor  at  a 
time  when  the  metropolis  itself  was  visited  with  a  scarcity 
of  corn,3  he  acquitted  himself  in  that  delicate 4  situation  with 
such  address 5  as  to  supply  the  clamorous  wants 6  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  without  oppressing  the  province  from  which  the  provi¬ 
sions  were  raised.7  Returning  thence  with  greater  honors 
than  had  ever  been  before  decreed  to  a  Roman  8  governor, 
he  ingratiated  himself  still  further  in  the  esteem  of  the  Sicil¬ 
ians  by  undertaking  his  celebrated  prosecution  9  of  Verres, 
who,  though  defended  by  the  influence  10  of  the  Metelli  and 
the  eloquence  of  Hortensius,  was  at  length  driven  in  despair 
into  voluntary  exile.11 

Five  years  after  his  quaestorship  Cicero  was  elected 
aedile,  a  post  of  considerable  expense 12  from  the  exhibition 
of  games  connected  with  it.  In  this  magistracy 13  he  con¬ 
ducted  himself  with  singular  propriety  14 ;  for,  it  being  cus¬ 
tomary  to  court 16  the  people  by  a  display  of  splendor 1B  in 
these  official  shows,17  he  contrived  to  retain  his  popularity 
without 18  submitting  to  the  usual  alternative  of  plundering 
the  provinces  or  sacrificing  his  private  fortune.  The  latter 
was  at  this  time  by  no  means  ample,  but,  with  the  good 


Section  XXI. 


261 


sense  and  taste  which  mark  his  character,19  he  preserved  in 
his  domestic  arrangements 20  the  dignity  of  a  literary  and  pub¬ 
lic  man  without  any  of  the  ostentation  of  magnificence 21 
which  often  distinguished  the  candidate  for  popular  ap¬ 
plause. 

After  the  customary  interval  of  two  years  he  was  returned 
at  the  head  of  the  list  as  praetor,22  and  now  made  his  first 
appearance  in  the  rostrum  in  support23  of  the  Manilian 
law.  About  the  same  time  he  defended  Cluentius.  At  the 
expiration  of  his  praetorship  he  refused  to  accept  a  foreign 
province,  the  usual  reward  of  that  magistracy ;  but,  having 
the  consulate  full  in  view 24  and  relying  on  his  interest25  with 
Caesar  and  Pompey,  he  allowed  nothing  to  divert26  him  from 
that  career  of  glory  for  which  he  now 27  believed  himself  to  be 
destined. 

No.  229.  1  Transl.  “  Having  speedily  gained  by  so  pop.  a  tal.  (inge 
mum  populare),  etc.,  and  been  sent,”  etc.  2comitia,  or  plebs.  3  anno* 
na,  or  aimonae  caritate  premi,  laborare.  4difficilis.  5ita  se  gerere,  or 
tanta  sollertia  versari  in  — ,  ut.  6  providere  gravi  necessitati.  7  frumen. 
turn  exigere.  8  quisquam  Romanus,  “  Governor  ”  =  “  who  had  governed 
(administrar z)  a  province.”  9accusatio.  10  auctoritas,  gratia.  11  by  sua 
sponte  exsulare,  in  exsilium  ire.  12  magistratus  admodum  sumptuosus. 
13munus.  14consiliorum  prudentia.  15  gratificari  alicui.  16  apparatus 
ac  splendor,  or  splendidus  quidam  apparatus  (“in,”  Genii.).  17ludi 
publici,  ludi  sollemnes,  or  publica  celebratio  (Sing.) .  18  Transl.  “  so  that 

he,  what  (as  it)  often  happened,  neither  plundered - nor  sacrificed,”  etc. 

19  quo  erat  recti  atque  decori  judicio  praestans  ejus  ingenium.  20  rerurn 
privatarum  (domesticarum)  administratio.  21  nulla  magnificentiae  os- 
tentatione.  32  praetorum  primum  comitiorum  tabellis  renuntiare  (ae- 
clarare).  23suadere  aliquid.  S.  Gr.  §  249.  1,  or  §  288. 1. —  T.  Gr.  §  191, 
or  §223.  n  in  optima  spe  esse  alcujus  rei,  or  omni  spe  spectare  aliquid. 
85 necessitudo  (“with,”  Genii.).  uPass.  averti.  27  jam. 


230.*  Chapter  IV. 

It  may  be  doubted,  indeed,  whether1  any  individual 2  ever 
rose  to  power  by  more  virtuous  and  truly  honorable  con¬ 
duct.3  The  integrity  of  his  public  life 4  was  only  equalled 
by  the  correctness  of  his  private  morals,  and  it  may  at  first 
sight 6  excite  our  wonder  that  a  course  so  splendidly  begun 


262 


Part  III. 


should  afterwards  so  little  fulfil  its  early  promise.6  Yet T  it 
was  a  failure 8  from  the  period  of  his  consulate  to  his  pro- 
praetorship 9  in  Cilicia,  and  each  year  is  found  10  to  diminish 
his  influence  in  public  affairs  till  it  expires  altogether  with 
the  death  of  Pompey.  This  surprise,  however,  arises  in  no 
small  degree  from 11  measuring  Cicero’s  political  impor¬ 
tance  13  by  his  present  reputation  and  confounding  the  au¬ 
thority  he  deservedly  possesses  as  an  author 13  with  the  opin¬ 
ions  entertained  of  him  by  his  contemporaries  as  a  statesman. 
From  the  consequence  usually  attached  14  to  passing  events  a 
politician’s  celebrity  is  often  at  its  zenith  15  in  his  own  gener¬ 
ation,  while  the  author,  who  is  in  the  highest  repute  with 
posterity,  may  perhaps  have  been  little  valued  or  courted  in 
his  own  day.  Virtue,  indeed,  so  conspicuous  as  that  of 
Cicero,  studies  so  dignified,16  and  oratorical  powers  so  com¬ 
manding,  will  always  invest 17  their  possessor  with  a  large 
portion  of  reputation  and  authority,  and  this 18  is  nowhere 
more  apparent  than  in  the  enthusiastic  welcome 19  with  which 
he  was  greeted  on  his  return  from  exile.  But  unless  other 
qualities  be  added  more  peculiarly  necessary  for  a  statesman 
they  will  hardly  of  themselves  carry  that  political  weight 
which 30  some  writers  have  attached  to  Cicero’s  public  life 
and  which  his  own  self-love  led  him  to  appropriate.31 

The  advice  of  the  oracle,23  which  had  directed  him  to  make 
his  own  genius,  not  the  opinion  of  the  people,  his  guide  to 
immortality  [which  in  fact  pointed  at 23  the  above-mentioned 
distinction  between  the  fame  of  a  statesman  and  of  an  au¬ 
thor24]  at  first  made  a  deep  impression 26  on  his  mind,  and  at 
the  present  day  he  owes  his  reputation  principally  to  those 
pursuits  which,  as  Plutarch  tells  us,  exposed 26  him  to  the 
ridicule  and  even  to  the  contempt  of  his  contemporaries  as  a 
“pedant  and  a  professor.” 27  But  his  love  of  popularity 
overcame28  his  philosophy,39  and  he  commenced  a  career 
which  gained  him  one  triumph  and  ten  thousand  mortifica¬ 
tions.30 

No.  230.  1 8.  Or.  §  176.  Note  3.  d.—  Y.  Or.  §  120.  2.  2  nemo.  3  by 

virtus  et  honestas.  4  res  gerendae;  omit  “private. ”  5  principio.  6 spem 


Section  XXI. 


263 


pridem  ostensam  minime  assequi.  7enimvero.  sdeclmare  coepisse. 
9  Trawl.  “  until  (usque  dura)  he  as  propraetor  (pro  praetore)  governed 
etc.  10  “  and  each  y.”  =  “ so  that  each  y.”:  “found”  by  videri  (Per/.). 
11  admirantur  autem  ii  potissimum  qui.  12in  republica  potentia.  13in 
litteris  (==  “as  an  authoi'”).  u  either  tantam  enim  vim  habere  solent 
.  .  .  ut,  or  tanta  enim  vis  consequi  solet  (with  Acc. ut.  15  in 
quodam  summo  fastigio  esse,  ad  quoddam  summum  fastigium  attolii; 
“politician”  here  princeps  (P^r.).  16ingenuus,  liberalis.  17  conciliare 
alicui  aliquid.  18  quod  quidem.  10  summa  omnium  gratulatio.  20  tan- 
tum  habere  momentum  publicum,  quantum.  21  paullo  ambitiosius  sibi 
vindicare,  arrogare.  22 only  illud  oraculum.  23  significare.  Pass. 
Constr.  24  gloria  civilis  ==  “ fame  of  a  st.f  doctrina  =  “fame  of  an 
auth.”;  “between.”  Genit.  25  haerere,  or  iosidere  in.  26  by  efficere  ut. 
27  aliquem  per  jocum  atque  adeo  per  contemptum  hominem  graeculum 
et  scholasticum  vocitare.  28  by  plus  valere  quam.  2Jlitterae,  or  artium 
studia.  30molestia,  dolor. 


231.  Chapter  V. 

It  is  not,  indeed,1  to  be  doubted  that  in  his  political  course 3 
he  was  more  or  less  influenced  by  a  sense  of  duty.3  To  many 
it  may  even  appear  that  a  public  life 4  was  best  adapted  for 
the  display  of  his  particular  talents,  that  at  the  termination 
of  the  Mithridatic  war  Cicero  was  in  fact  marked  out  as  the 
very  man  to 5  adjust  the  pretensions  of  the  rival  parties  in 
the  commonwealth 6  to  withstand  the  encroachments 7  of 
Pompey,  and  to  baffle  the  arts  of  Caesar.  And  if8  the 
power  of  swaying  and  controlling  the  popular  assemblies  by 
his'eloquence ;  if  the  circumstances 9  of  his  rank,  Equestrian  10 
as  far  as  family  was  concerned,  yet  almost  Patrician  from 
the  splendor  of  his  personal  honors ;  if  the  popularity  de¬ 
rived  from  his  accusation  of  Verres  and  defence  of  Cornel¬ 
ius  and  the  favor  of  the  Senate  acquired  by  the  brilliant  ser¬ 
vices11  of  his  consulate;  if  the  general  respect  of  all  parties 
which  13  his  learning  and  virtue  commanded ;  if  these  were 
sufficient  qualifications  for  a  mediator13  between  contending 
factions,  Cicero  was  indeed  called  upon  by  the  voice  of  his 
country  to  that  most  arduous  and  honorable  post.  And  in 
his  consulate  he  had  seemed  sensible  of  the  call.14  “  All 
through  my  consulate,”  he  declares  in  his  speech  against 
Piso,  “  I  made  a  point  of  doing  nothing 15  without  the  advice 


264 


Part  III. 


of  the  senate  and  the  approval  of  the  people.  I  ever  de¬ 
fended  the  Senate  in  the  rostrum,  in  the  Senate  House  the 
people,  and  united  the  populace  with  the  leading  men,  the 
Equestrian  order  with  the  Senate. ” 

Yet,  after  that  eventful  period,  we  see  him  resigning  his 
high  station  to  Cato,  who,  with  half  18  his  abilities,  little  fore¬ 
sight,  and  no  address,17  possessed  that  first  requisite  for  a 
statesman,18  firmness.  Cicero,  on  the  contrary,  was  irreso¬ 
lute,  timid,  and  inconsistent.  He  talked  indeed  largely  of 
preserving  a  middle  course,  but  he  was  continually  vacillat¬ 
ing  from  one  to  the  other  extreme  19 ;  always  too  confident 
or  too  dejected  ;  incorrigibly  vain 20  of  success,  yet  meanly 
panegyrizing 21  the  government  of  an  usurper.  His  fore¬ 
sight,  sagacity,  practical  good  sense,  and  singular  tact 22 
were  lost  for  want  of  that  strength  of  mind  which  points 23 
them  steadily  to  one  object.  He  was  never  decided,  never 
(as  has  sometimes  been  observed)  took  an  important  step 
without  afterwards  repenting  of  it.  Nor  can  we  account24 
for  the  firmness  and  resolution  of  his  consulate,  unless  we 
discriminate  25  between  the  case  of  resisting  and  exposing  a 
faction,  and  that  of  balancing  contending  interests.28  Vigor 
in  repression  differs  widely  from  steadiness  in  mediation  27 ; 
the  latter  requiring  a  coolness  of  judgment,  which  a  direct 
attack  upon  a  public  foe  is  so  far  from  28  implying,  that  it 
even  inspires  minds  naturally  timid  with  unusual  ardor. 

No.  231.  1  nec  vero.  2  by  rempublicam  capcssere,  S.  Or.  §  289.  2. — 

Y  Or.  §  224.  2.  3 officii  ratio.  4  here  campus  publicus.  Mdoneum  ex- 
istimare,  qui;  8.  Gr.  §  258. —  Y.  Gr.  §  224.  II.  6  aemulationes  populari- 
um  partium,  or  diversa  civilium  partium  studia  ita  conciliare,  ut  .  .  .  . 
7  arrogantia  (Sing.).  8 quod  si.  9  ratio  (Sing.).  10  Transl.  “  since  he 
was  (quod  erat)  of  an  Eq.  family  (domus,  or  locus)  and  distinguished  by 
Patr.  honors.”  11  res  praeclare  gestae.  u  Transl.  “  which  accompanied 
(comitari)  his  learning  and  virtue.”  13haec  (inquam),  si  propria  sunt 
ejus  qui  conciliaturus  est.  14quam  vocem  visusest  audire.  18  nihil  sibi 
agendum  statuere;  Cfr.  Cic.  in  Pis.  ^7.  16 by  nequaquam  similis,  or 

minime  aequalis.  17  rerum  usus.  ,b  prima  ilia  rerum  administrandarum 
virtus.  19  inter  extrema  (or  diversa)  consilia  fluctuare.  80  by  vanitati 
uod  temperare,  si.  .  .  .  21  turpiter  adulari.  22  “ practical,”  etc.,  rerum 
judicandarum  sapientia,  tractandarum  (gerendarum)  calliditas  (facultas 
singularis).  23  convertere.  84  satis  intelligere.  88  by  meminisse  aliud 


Section  XXI. 


265 


esse.  .  .  .aliud.  .  .  .  26studia  diversissima  consociare,  studia  contraria 
conjungere.  27  conciliatio.  28  8.  Or.  §275.  2.  2. —  Y.  Or.  §  191.  5. 

232.  Chapter  VI. 

His  consulate  was  succeeded  1  by  the  return  of  Pompey 
from  the  East,  and  the  establishment  of  the  First 2  Trium¬ 
virate,  which,  disappointing  his  hopes  of  political  power,3 
induced  him  to  resume  his  forensic4  and  literary  occupa¬ 
tions.  From  these  he  was  recalled,  after  an  interval  of  four 
years,  by  the  threatening  measures  5  of  Clodius,  who  at  length 
succeeded  in  driving  him  into  exile.  This6  event,  which, 
considering  the  circumstances  connected  with  it,  was  one  of 
the  most  glorious  of  his  life,  filled  him  with  the  utmost 
distress  and  despondency.  He  wandered  about  Greece  be¬ 
wailing  his  miserable  fortune,  refusing  the  consolations  which 
his  friends  attempted  to  administer,  and  shunning  the  public 
honors  with  which  the  Greek  cities  were  eager 7  to  load  him. 
His  return,8  which  took  place  in  the  course  of  the  follow¬ 
ing  year,  reinstated  him  in  the  high  station 9  he  had  filled 
at  the  termination  of  his  consulate,  but  the  circumstances 
of  the  times  did  not  allow  him  to  retain  it.  We  refer  to 
Homan  history  for  an  account 10  of  his  vacillations  between 
the  several  members  of  the  Triumvirate  ;  his  defence  of 
Yatinius  to  please  Caesar  ;  and  of  his  bitter  political  enemy  11 
Gabinius  to  ingratiate  himself  with  Pompey.  His  personal 
history  in  the  meanwhile  12  furnishes  little  worth  noticing, 
except  his  election  into  the  college  of  Augurs,  a  dignity 
which  13  had  been  a  particular  object  of  his  ambition.  His 
appointment  to  the  government  of  Cilicia,14  which  took  place 
about  five  years  after  his  return  from  exile,  was  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  Pompey’s  law  which  obliged  those  Senators  of 
consular  or  praetorian  rank,  who  had  never  held  any  for¬ 
eign  command,16  to  divide  the  vacant  provinces  among  them. 
This  office,  which  we  have  above  seen  him  decline,  he  now 
accepted  with  feelings  of  extreme  reluctance,18  dreading  per¬ 
haps  the  military  occupations  which  the  movements  17  of  the 
Parthians  in  that  quarter  rendered  necessary.  Yet  if  we 


266 


Part  III. 


consider  the  state  and  splendor  with  which  the  proconsuls 
were  surrounded,18  and  the  opportunities  afforded  them  for 
almost  legalized 19  plunder  and  extortion,  we  must  confess 
that  this  insensibility 20  to  the  common  objects  of  human 
cupidity  was  the  token  of  no  ordinary  mind.  The  singular 
disinterestedness 21  and  integrity  of  his  administration,  as  well 
as  his  success  against  the  enemy,  also  belong 22  to  the  history 
of  his  times.  The  latter  he  exaggerated  from  the  desire,23 
so  often  instanced 24  in  eminent  men,  of  appearing  to  excel 
in  those  things  for  which  nature  has  not  adapted  them. 

No.  232.  1  excipere.  Active  Constr.  2  not  primus.  3  spes  conse- 

quendae  potestatis.  4  judiciorum  labores,  or  causarum  dictio.  5  minae 
et  conatus.  6  Transl.  “  Though  this  event  (res),  ....  was  ....  yet  it 
-filled,”  etc.  7  Trans.  “  eagerly  (certatim)  loaded  him  ”  8  Transl. 

“  Though  after  his  ret.  .  ...  he  icas  reinstated  in  .  .  .  yet  the  circ.  of 
the  times  (ratio  temporum,  or  rerum  conditio),”  etc.  9  munus.  10  docent 
historici  ( here  without  “  Roman  ”),  or  narrant  scriptores  rerum  Romana- 
rum.  11  only  acerrimus  adversarius.  12  quae  autem  interea  privatim  ei 
contigerunt.  13  8.  Gr.  §238.  5. —  Y.  Gr.  §152.  1.  14  ut  Cilicia  ei  con- 

stitueretur  provincia.  15  externum  imperium  gerere.  16  “  with  feel,  of 
extr.  rel.f  Superl.  of  invitus.  17  tumultus,  or  turba.  18  celebrari.  19  legi- 
timus.  20  animi  tarditas  ad  eas  res  quas  ....  21  quanta  vero  fuerit 

innocentia,  etc.  22  repetere  licet  ab  illarum  rerum  scriptoribus.  23  eo 
desiderio,  ut  .  .  .  .  24  id  quod  saepe  factum  videmus. 

233.  Chapter  VII. 

His  return  to  Italy  1  was  followed  by  earnest  endeavors  to 
reconcile  Pompey  with  Caesar,  and  by  very  spirited  beha¬ 
vior2  when  Caesar  required  his  presence  in  the  Senate.  On 
this  occasion  he  felt  the  glow  of  self-approbation  3  with  which 
his  political  conduct  seldom  repaid  him.4  He  writes  to 
Atticus  :  “  I  believe  I  do  not  please  Caesar,  but  I  am  pleased 
wTith  myself,  which  has  not  happened  to  me  for  a  long 
while.”  However,  this  effort  at  independence 6  was  but 
transient.  At  no  period  6  of  his  public  life  did  he  display 
such  miserable  vacillation  as  at  the  opening  of  the  civil  war. 
We  find  him  first  accepting  a  commission  from  the  Republic 7 ; 
then  courting  Caesar  ;  next,  on  Pompey’s  sailing  for  Greece, 
resolving  to  follow  him  thither ;  presently  determining  to 


Section  XXI. 


267 


stand  neuter8;  then  bent  on  retiring9  to  the  Pompeians  in 
Sicily ;  and,  when  after  all  he  had  joined  their  camp  in 
Greece,  discovering  such  timidity  and  discontent  as  to  draw 
from  Pompey  the  bitter  reproof,10  “  I  wish  Cicero  would  go 
over  to  the  enemy,  that  he  may  learn  to  fear  us.” 

On  his  return  to  Italy,  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  he  had 
the  mortification  of  learning  11  that  his  brother  and  nephew 
were  making  their  peace  with  Caesar  by  12  throwing  on  him¬ 
self  the  blame  of  their  opposition  to  the  conqueror.  And 
here  we  see  one  of  those  elevated  points  13  of  character  which 
redeem  the  weaknesses  of  his  political  conduct14 ;  for,  hear¬ 
ing  that  Caesar  had  retorted  on  Quintus  Cicero  the  charge  15 
which  the  latter  had  brought  against  himself,  he  wrote  a 
pressing16  letter  in  his  favor,17  declaring  his  brother’s  safety 
was  not  less  precious  to  him  than  his  own,  and  representing 
him  not  as  the  leader  but  as  the  companion  of  his  voyage. 

Xow,18  too,  the  state  of  his  private  affairs  reduced  him  to 
much  perplexity;  a  sum  he  had  advanced  19  to  Pompey  had 
impoverished  him,  and  he  was  forced  to  stand  indebted  to 
Atticus  for  present  assistance.20  These  difficulties  led  him 
to  take  a  step 21  which  it  has  been  customary  to  regard  with 
great  severity  :  the  divorce 22  of  his  wife  Terentia,  though  he 
was  then  in  his  sixty-second  year,  and  his  marriage23  with 
his  rich  ward  24  Publilia,  who  of  course  was  of  an  age  dispro¬ 
portionate  to  his  own. 

No.  2B3.  1  In  Italiam  ubi  rediit,  laboravit  .  .  .  .,  ut.  2  animose 

omnino  fortiterque  rem  gerere.  3  se  sibi  satisfecisse  laetatus  est,  or  ipse 
sibi  probari  visus  est.  4  Transl.  “  which  pleasure  he  had  seldom  enjoyed 
in  his  pol.  life  (res  publicae).’  5constantiae  conatus.  6nec  ullum  fuit 
tempus  .....  quo.  1  provinciam  pro  republica,  or  a  senatu  suseipere. 
8  neutrius  esse  partis.  9  only  cogitare  ad  P.  in  Siciliam.  10  acerba  con- 
tumelia.  11  summo  cum  dolore  audire,  or  non  sine  dolore  rescire. 
12  Transl.  “so  that  they  threw  f  etc.  ,3  laus  eximia  (insignis).  14  vitium 
civilis  inconstantiae,  or  rerum  gerendarum  ignavia.  15  crimen,  culpam, 
accusationem  transferre  in.  16  gravissimus.  n  deprecandi  causa.  18  eo- 
dem  tempore.  19  pecuniae  summam  mutuam  dare.  20  sumptus  necessa- 
rios  ab  aliquo  suppeditatos  accipere.  21  consilium  capere,  with  Oenit. 
of  Gerund.  22  divortium  facere  cum.  23  ducere,  with ,  or  without  in 
matrimonium.  24  pupilla. 


268 


Part  III. 


234.  Chapter  VIII. 

Yet,1  in  reviewing  this  proceeding,3  we  must  not  adopt 
the  modern  standard  of  propriety,3  forgetful  of  a  condition 
of  society  which  reconciled  actions  even  of  moral  turpitude  4 
with  a  reputation  for  honor  and  virtue.  Terentia  was  a 
woman  of  a  most  imperious  and  violent  temper,5  and  (what 
is  more  to  the  purpose)  had  in  no  slight  degree  contributed 
to  his  present 6  embarrassments  by  her  extravagance  in  the 
management  of  his  private  affairs.7  By  her  he  had  two 
children,  a  son,  born  a  year  before  his  consulate,  and  a 
daughter  whose  loss  he  was  now 8  fated  to  deplore.9  To 
Tullia  he  was  tenderly  attached,  not  only  from  the  excellence 
of  her  disposition,  but  from  her  literary  tastes  10 ;  and  her 
death  tore  from  him,  as  he  so  pathetically 11  laments  to 
Sulpicius,  the  only  comfort  which  the  course  of  public 
events  had  left  him.  At  first  he  was  inconsolable;  and, 
retiring  to  a  little  island  near  his  estate  at  Antium,13  he 
buried  himself  in  the  woods  to  avoid  the  sight  of  man.  His 
distress  was  increased  by  the  conduct  of  his  new 13  wife 
Publilia,  whom  he  soon  divorced  for  testifying  joy  at  the 
death  of  her  step-daughter.14  On  this  occasion  he  wrote  his 
Treatise  on  Consolation,15  with  a  view  16  to  alleviate  his  grief ; 
and,  with  the  same  object,  he  determined  on  dedicating  a 
temple  to  his  daughter  as  a  memorial  of  her  virtues  and  his 
affection.  His  friends  were  assiduous  in  their  attentions  17 ; 
and  Caesar,  who  had  treated  him  with  extreme  kindness  on 
his  return  from  Egypt,  signified  the  respect  he  bore  his 
character18  by  sending  him  a  letter  of  condolence 19  from 
Spain,  where  the  remains  of  the  Pompeian  party  still 
engaged  him.  Caesar,  morever,30  had  shortly  before  given 
a  still  stronger  proof  of  his  favor  by  replying  to  a  work 
which  Cicero  had  drawn  up  in  praise  of  Cato ;  but  no 
attentions,  however  considerate,31  could  soften  Cicero’s  vexa¬ 
tion33  at  seeing  the  country  he  had  formerly  saved  by  his 
exertions  now  subjected  to  the  tyranny  of  one  master.  His 
speeches,  indeed,  for  Marcellus  and  Ligarius,  exhibit  traces 
of  inconsistency;  but  for  the  most  part  he  retired  from 


Section  XXI. 


269 


public  business,23  and  gave  himself  up  to  the  composition  of 
those  works  which,  while  they  mitigated  his  political  sorrows,24 
have  secured 26  his  literary  celebrity. 

No.  284.  1  by  quamquam  ( here  coordinate).  See  S.  Or.  §  172.  Note. 
2  de  eo  facto  ut  recte  existimemus.  3  nostra  honcstatis  norma.  4  quae- 
dam  morum  turpitudo.  5  ingenium  et  arrogans  et  impotens.  6  ille,  or 
illius  temporis.  7  rei  familiaris  administrandae  insolentia.  8  turn. 
9  aliquem  fato  sibi  ereptum  lugere.  10,litterarum  studia.  11  miserabiliter, 
flebiliter  omnino.  12  fundus  Antianus.  13  alter.  Omit  the  pi'oper  name. 
I4privigna.  15  liber  consolationis.  16  causa.  S.  Or.  §  286.  —  Y  Or. 
§  221.  17  nullum  ....  non  praestare  officium,  or  nulli  officio  deesse. 

18quanti  eum  {or  ejus  animum  virtutesque)  faceret.  ,9litterae  consola- 
toriae.  20  idem.  Omit  the  proper  name.  21  nulla  officia  quantumlibet 
magna.  22  mitigare  cruciatum,  lenire  aegritudinem.  “  at  seeing  ”  quum 
videret.  23plerumque  publico  carere.  24publica  sollicitudo  {Sing.). 
25  stabilem  efficere,  aeternum  facere. 


235.  Chapter  IX. 

The  murder  of  Caesar,  which  took  place  in  the  following 
year,  once  more  brought  him  on  the  stage  of  public  affairs  1 ; 
but  as  our  present  paper 2  is  but  supplemental 3  to  the  history 
of  the  times,  we  leave  to  others  to  relate  what  more  has  to 
be  told  of  him,  his 4  unworthy  treatment  of  Brutus,  his  coali¬ 
tion  with  Octavius,  his  orations  against  Antonius,  his  pro¬ 
scription  and  his  violent  death  at  the  age  of  sixty -four. 
Willingly  would  we  5  pass  over  his  public  life6  altogether; 
for  he  was  as  little 7  of  a  great  statesman  as  of  a  great 
commander.8  His  merits  are  of  another  kind  and  in  a 
higher  order  of  excellence.  Antiquity  may  be  challenged 
to  produce9  a  man  more  virtuous,  more  perfectly  amiable 
than  Cicero.  None  interest 10  more  in  their  life,  none  excite 
more  painful  emotions  11  in  their  death.  Others,  it  is  true,12 
may  be  found  of  loftier  and  more  heroic  character,  who 
awe13  and  subdue  the  mind  by  the  grandeur  of  their  views,14 
or  the  intensity  of  their  exertions.15  But  Cicero  engages 
our  affections  by  the  integrity  of  his  public  conduct,  the 
correctness  of  his  private  life,  the  generosity,  placability, 
and  kindness  of  his  heart,  the  playfulness 18  of  his  wit,  the 


270 


Fart  III. 


warmth  of  his  domestic  attachments.17  In  this  respect  his 
letters  are  invaluable.18  “  Here,”  says  Middleton,  u  we  may 
see  the  genuine 19  man  without  disguise 20  or  affectation, 
especially  in  his  letters  to  Atticus;  to  whom  he  talked  with 
the  same  frankness  as  to  himself,  opened  the  rise  and 
progress  of  each  thought 21 ;  and  never  entered  into  any 
affair  without  his  particular  advice.” 

It  must  be  confessed,  indeed,  that  this  private  correspond¬ 
ence22  discloses  the  defects  of  his  political  conduct,23  and 
shows  that  they  were  partly  of  a  moral  character.24  Want 
of  firmness  has  been  repeatedly  mentioned  as  his  principal 
failing  ;  and  insincerity  is  the  natural  attendant 25  on  a  timid 
and  irresolute  mind.  On  the  other  hand,26  it  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  openness  and  candor  are  rare  qualities27  in  a 
statesman  at  all  times,  and  while  the  duplicity  of  weakness 28 
is  despised,  the  insincerity  of  a  powerful  but  crafty  mind, 
though  incomparably 29  more  odious,  is  too  commonly 30 
regarded  with  feelings  of  indulgence. 

No.  235.  1  only  in  scaenam  (scenam)  revocare.  a  commentariolus. 

3J^complere.  4  The  foil,  by  clauses  “ how  unworthily  he  treated  (indig- 
nitate  uti  in  aliquem),”  etc.  5  mallemus.  6  quid  inter  cives  ( or  in  civi- 
tate)  egerit.  7  “  as  little — as”  nec — nec.  8  in  magistratibus — in  imperiis. 
9  provocare  licet  antiquos  ut  proferant.  10  commendationem  habere. 
11  vehementius  animos  afficere.  12  sane.  13  by  rapere.  14  consilium. 
15  rerum  gerendarum  fortitudo.  16  jucunditas.  17pietatis  in  suos  sensus 
atque  affectus.  18  gravissimum  argumentum,  with  afferre,  or  accord,  to 
8.  Or.  §  208.1. —  Y.  Gr.  §163.1.  19  ingenuus.  20fucus.  “  without  ” 

alienus  a.  21  consilia  vel  inita  vel  suscepta  communicare.  22  familia- 
rium  litterarum  commercium.  23  civiles  rationes.  24  ad  mores  pertinere, 
cum  moribus  conjunctum  esse.  25  by  assidue  comitari.  26  ne  illud  qui- 
dem.  27  Transl.  “  are  rarely  found.”  28  timidi  hominis  oratio  ambigua. 
29  infinitis  {or  omnibus)  partibus.  30  a  plerisque. 

236.  Chapter  X. 

Cicero  was  deficient  not  in  honesty  but  in  moral  courage 1 ; 
his  disposition,  too,  was  conciliatory  and  forgiving  ;  and  much 
which  has  been  referred  to  inconsistency  should  be  attributed 
to  the  generous  temper 2  which  induced  him  to  remember 
the  services  rather  than  the  neglect  of  Plancius,  and  to  relieve 
the  exiled  and  indigent  Verres.  Much  too  may  be  traced  to3 


Section  XXI. 


271 


his  professional  habits  as  a  pleader,4  which  led  him  to  intro¬ 
duce  the  licence  of  the  Forum  into  deliberative  discussions,5 
and  (however  inexcusably 6)  even  into  his  correspondence 
with  private  friends. 

Some  writers,  as  Lyttelton,  have  considered  it  an  aggrava¬ 
tion  of  Cicero’s  inconsistencies 7  that  he  was  so  perfectly 
aware,  as  his  writings  show,  of  what  was  philosophically  and 
morally  upright  and  honest.8  It  might  be  sufficient  to  reply 
that  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  calmly  deciding  on 
an  abstract  point 9  and  acting  on  that  decision  10  in  the  hurry 
of  real  life  11 ;  that  Cicero  in  fact  was  apt  to  fancy  12  (as  all 
will  fancy  when  assailed  by  interest  or  passion)  that  the  cir¬ 
cumstances  of  his  case  constituted  it  an  exception  to  the  broad 
principles  of  duty.13  Besides,  he  considered  it  to  be  actually 14 
the  duty  of  a  statesman  to  accommodate  theoretical  principle 
to  the  exigencies  of  existing  circumstances.15  “  Surely,”  18 
he  says  in  his  defence  of  Plancius,  “  it  is  no  mark  of  incon¬ 
sistency  in  a  statesman  to  determine  his  judgment  and  to 
steer  his  course  by  the  state  of  the  political  weather.  This 
is  what  I  have  been  taught,  what  I  have  experienced,  what  I 
have  read :  this  is  what  is  recorded  in  history  of  the  wisest 
and  most  eminent  men,  whether  at  home  or  abroad ;  namely, 
that  the  same  man  is  not  bound  always  to  maintain  the  same 
opinions,  but  those,  whatever  they  may  be,  which  the  state 
of  the  commonwealth,  the  direction  of  the  times,  and  the  in¬ 
terests  of  peace  may  demand.”  Moreover,  he  claimed  for 
himself  especially  the  part  of  mediator  17  between  political 
rivals18;  and  he  considered  it  to  be  a  mediator’s  duty  alter¬ 
nately  to  praise  and  blame  both  parties,19  even  to  exaggera¬ 
tion,20  if  by  such  means  it  was  possible  either  to  flatter  or 
frighten  them  into  an  adoption  of  temperate  measures.21 
“Cicero,”  says  Plutarch,  “used  to  give  them  private  advice, 
keeping  up  a  correspondence 22  wTith  Caesar,  and  urging23 
many  things  upon  Pompey  himself,  soothing  and  persuading 
each  of  them.” 

No.  286.  1  animi  firmitas  (=  “ moral  cour”).  2  humanitas  (=  “gen. 
temp”).  3referre  ad,  or  repetere  a.  4causarum  consuetudo  et  usus. 


272 


Part  IIL 


6  fori  licentiam  in  deliberandi  severitatem  introduceie,  transferre.  6  by 
excusationem  non  habere.  7  inconstantiae  crimen  augeri.  8  ratione 
simplex  (sincerum)  et  honestum  in  moribus.  9  rem  quampiam  decidere 
communiter,  dijudicare  generatim.  10  ita  lit  decideris  (dijudicaveris). 
11  vita  communis,  also  res  gerendae,  or  vita  et  negotia.  12  alicui  posse  in 
mentem  venire.  13  suae  causae  rationem  non  contineri  in  tanta  ampli- 
tudine  officiorum,  or  suam  aliquam  causam  eximi  debere  e  tanta,  etc. 
14  omnino.  15  “  to  accommodate  ”  etc.,  sententias  universas  accommodare 
ad  temporum  rationes.  16nec  vero.  See  Cic.  yyi'o  Plane.  §94.  nsibi 
assumere, personam  interprets.  18 partes  ad versae.  ,9utrique.  ^exag¬ 
gerate,  or  auctis  etiam  vel  (et)  vitiis  vel  (et)  virtutibus.  31  consilium. 
22  litteris  missis  ad.  23  flagitare. 

237.  (2)  Cicero’s  Literary  Position1  and  Relation3  to  the  New 

Academy. 

But  such  criticism 3  on  Cicero  as  Lyttelton’s  proceeds  on 
an  entire  misconception 4  of  the  design  and  purpose  with 
which  the  ancients  prosecuted  philosophical  studies.  The 
motives  and  principles  of  morals 6  were  not  so  seriously 
acknowledged  as  to  lead  to  a  practical  application  of  them  to 
the  conduct  of  life.6  Even  when  they  proposed  them  in  the 
form  of  precept 7  they  still  regarded  the  perfectly  virtuous 
man  as  the  creature  of  their  imagination  rather  than  a 
model  for  imitation — a  character  whom  9  it  was  a  mental  re¬ 
creation  rather  than  a  duty  to  contemplate ;  and  if  an  indi¬ 
vidual  here  or  there,10  as  Scipio  or  Cato,  attempted  to  conform 
his  life  to  his  philosophical  conceptions 11  of  virtue,  he  was 
sure  to  be  ridiculed  for  singularity  and  affectation. 

Even  among  the  Athenians,  by  whom  philosophy  was,  in 
many  cases,  cultivated  to  the  exclusion  of  every  active  pro¬ 
fession,12  intellectual  amusement,  not  the  discovery  of  Truth, 
was  the  principal  object  of  their  discussions.13  That  we 
must  thus  account 14  for  the  ensnaring 15  questions  and  sophisti¬ 
cal  reasonings 16  of  which  their  disputations  consisted,  has 
been  noticed  by  writers  on  logic  17;  and  it  was  their  extension 
of  this  system  18  to  the  case  of  morals  which  brought  upon 
their  Sophists  the  irony  of  Socrates  and  the  sterner  rebuke 
of  Aristotle.  But  if  this  took  place  in  a  state  of  society  in 
which  the  love  of  speculation 19  pervaded  all  ranks,  much 


Section  XXL 


273 


more  was  it  to  be  expected  among  the  Homans,  who,  busied 
as  they  were  in  political  enterprises 20  and  deficient  in  philo¬ 
sophical  acuteness,21  had  neither  time  nor  inclination  for 
abstruse  investigations ;  and  who  considered  philosophy  sim¬ 
ply  as  one  of  the  many  fashions 22  introduced  from  Greece, 
“  a  sort  of  table  furniture,” 23  as  Warburton  well  expresses  it,  a 
mere  refinement  in  the  arts  of  social  enjoyment.24  This  char¬ 
acter  it  bore 25  both  among  friends  and  enemies.  Hence  the 
popularity  which  attended  the  three  Athenian  philosophers 
who  had  come  to  Rome  on  an  embassy  from  their  native 
city ;  and  hence  the  inflexible  determination  26  with  which 
Cato  procured  their  dismissal,  through  fear,  as  Plutarch  tells 
us,  lest  their  arts  of  disputation  should  corrupt  the  Roman 
youth. 

No.  237.  1  locum  obtinere  inter  scriptores.  2  mihi  est  necessitudo 
(conjunctio)  cum.  3  judicium.  4  magnus  quidam  error.  5  rationes  et 
decreta  moralia.  6  “  to  lead  to  a  pr.  appl.f  etc.,  ad  vitae  actionem,  or  ad 
rerum  gerendarum  modum  traducere.  7  by  praeceptorum  formulis,  or 
only  praecipiendo.  8  quaedam  species  cogitationis  ;  also  by  mente  fingere, 
and  ad  imitandum  proponere  (=  “  mod.  for  imit .”)•  9  cujus  formam,  or 
only  eumque.  10  quod  si  unus  aliquis.  11  notio  mente  concepta.  12  om- 
nem  rerum  agitationem  neglegere  (Abl.  absol.).  13disputandi  (discep- 
tandi)  finis  (=  “  the  print,  obj.  of  their  disc")  14  ab  eo  studio  repeten- 
dum  esse.  15captiosus.  16  argumentandi  argutiae.  17  dialectica.  18  ra- 
tionem  transferre  ad.  19  disquirendi  studium.  20  publicis  consiliisdis- 
trictum  esse.  21  exigua  disserendi  (argumentandi)  subtilitate  praeditum 
esse.  22  mos  unus  de  multis.  23  cenae  supellex.  24  ornamentum  quod- 
dam  ad  vitae  cultum  atque  voluptatem  pertinens.  25  speciem  prae  se 
ferre.  26  pertinacissimum  studium,  invicta  constantia. 

238.  Chapter  II. 

And  when  at  length,  by  the  authority  of  Scipio,  the  liter¬ 
ary  treasures 1  of  Sylla  and  the  patronage  of  Lucullus,  philo¬ 
sophical  studies  had  gradually  received  the  countenance2  of 
the  higher  classes  of  their  countrymen,  still,  in  consistency 
with  the  principle  above  laid  down,3  we  find  them  deter¬ 
mined  in  their  adoption  of  this  or  that  system,4  not  so  much 
by  the  harmony  of  its  parts  or  by  the  plausibility  of  its 
reasonings  as  by  its  suitableness  to 6  the  particular  profession 


274 


Part  III. 


and  political  station 6  to  which  they  severally  belonged.  Thus, 
because  the  Stoics  were  more  minute  than  other  sects  in  in¬ 
culcating  the  moral  and  social  duties,7  we  find  the  Roman 
jurisconsults  professing  themselves  followers  of  Zeno ;  the 
orators,  on  the  contrary,  adopted  the  disputatious  system 8  of 
the  later  Academics ;  while  Epicurus  was  the  master  of  the 
idle  and  the  wealthy.  Hence,  too,  they  confined 9  the  pro¬ 
fession  of  philosophical  science  to  Greek  teachers ;  consider¬ 
ing  them  the  sole  proprietors,  as  it  were,  of  a  foreign  and 
expensive  luxury 10  which  the  vanquished  might  suitably 
have  the  duty11  of  furnishing,  and  which  the  conquerors 
could  well  afford  to  purchase.12 

Before  the  works 13  of  Cicero  no  attempts  worth  consider¬ 
ing  had  been  made  for  using  the  Latin  tongue  in  philosophi¬ 
cal  subjects.14  The  natural  stubbornness 15  of  the  language 
conspired  with  Roman  haughtiness  to  prevent  this  application. 
The  Epicureans,  indeed,  had  made  the  experiment,  but  their 
writings  were  even  affectedly 16  harsh  and  slovenly,17  and 
we  find  Cicero  himself,  in  spite  of  his  inexhaustible  flow  of 
rich  and  expressive  diction,18  making  continual  apologies 19 
for  his  learned  occupations,  and  extolling  philosophy  as  the 
parent  of  everything  great,  virtuous,  and  amiable. 

Yet,  with  whatever  discouragement 20  his  design  was 
attended,  he  ultimately 21  triumphed  over  the  pride  of  an  un¬ 
lettered  people  and  the  difficulties  of  a  defective 22  language. 
He  was  indeed  possessed  of  that  first  requisite  for  eminence,23 
an  enthusiastic  attachment24  to  the  studies  he  was  recom¬ 
mending.  But  occupied  as  he  was  with  the  duties  of  a  states¬ 
man,28  mere  love  of  literature  would  have  availed  little  if 
separated 26  from  that  energy  and  breadth  of  intellect  by  which 
he  was  enabled  to  pursue  a  variety  of  objects  at  once  with 
equally  persevering  and  indefatigable  zeal.27 

No.  238.  1  librorum  copia.  2  alicui  probari  (=  “  to  rec.  the  count 

of”).  3  ab  ilia  quam  dixi  ratione  (sententia)  non  deficientes.  4  discipli- 

nam  amplecti.  5  congruentia  cum.  6  vitae  genus  (munus)  et  civilis  con¬ 
ditio.  7  minutius  praefinire,  or  severius  urgere  et  privata  officia  et  civ- 
ilia.  8  in  utramque  partem  disputandi  ratio,  or  consuetudo.  9  by  a  solis 
tradi  velle.  10  merx  quaedam.  11  decere  atque  oportere.  13  commode 


Section  XXI. 


275 


emere  posse.  13  by  scribere  coepisse.  14  ad  philosophiae  praeceptiones 
transferre.  15rigidior  natura,  or  quaedam  asperitas.  16  de  industria. 
11  horridus  ac  dissolutus.  18  ornatissimae  ac  maxime  propriae  dictioDis 
copia  abundare.  19  defensitare  (=  to  make  apol.”).  20  quidquid  difficul- 
tatis  occurrebat.  21  aliquando  contigit  ut.  22  inops.  23  primus  ille  mag- 
narum  rerum  effector.  24  ardentissimus  amor.  25  officia  (negotia)  publica. 
26  by  carere.  2*  eadem  constantia  ac  perseverantia  complecti. 


239.  Chapter  III. 

“  He  suffered  no  part  of  his  leisure  to  be  idle,”  says  Mid¬ 
dleton,  “or  the  least  interval  of  it  to  be  lost,1  but 2  what 
other  people  gave  to  the  public  shows,  to  pleasures,  to  feasts, 
nay,  even  to  sleep  and  the  ordinary  refreshments  of  nature,2 
he  generally  gave  to  his  books  and  the  enlargement  of  his 
knowledge.  On  days  of  business,4  when  he  had  anything 
particular5  to  compose,  he  had  no  other  time  for  meditating 
but  when  he  was  taking  a  few  turns  in  his  walk,6  where  he 
used  to  dictate  his  thoughts  to  his  scribes  who  attended  him. 
AVT e  find  many  of  his  letters  dated  7  before  daylight,  some 
from  the  senate,  others  from  his  meals,  and  the  crowd  of  his 
morning  levee.”  8  Thus  he  found  time,9  without  apparent 
inconvenience,10  for  the  business  of  the  State,  for  the  turmoil 
of  the  courts,11  and  for  philosophical  studies.  During  his 
consulate  he  delivered  twelve  orations  in  the  Senate,  Ros¬ 
trum,  or  Forum.13  His  Treatises  de  Oratore  and  de  Hejpub- 
licd ,  the  most  finished  13  perhaps  of  his  compositions,  were 
written  at  a  time  when,  to  use  his  own  words,  “not  a  day 
passed  without  his  taking  part  in  forensic  disputes.” 14  And 
in  the  last  year  of  his  life  he  composed  at  least  eight  of  his 
philosophical  works,  besides  the  fourteen  orations  against 
Antony,  which  are  known  by  the  name  of  Philippics. 

Being  thus  ardent  in  the  cause15  of  philosophy,  he  recom¬ 
mended  it  to  the  notice  16  of  his  countrymen,  not  only  for 
the  honor  which  its  introduction  17  would  reflect  upon  him¬ 
self  (which,  of  course,  was  a  motive  with  him),  but  also  with 
the  fondness  of  one  who  esteemed  it  “the  guide  of  life,  the 
parent  of  virtue,  the  guardian 18  in  difficulty,  and  the  tran¬ 
quillizer  in  misfortune.”  Nor  were  his  mental  endowments 


276 


Part  III. 


less  adapted  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  object 19  than  the 
spirit 20  with  which  he  engaged  in  the  work.  Gifted  with 
great  versatility  of  talent,21  with  acuteness,  quickness  of  per¬ 
ception,  skill 22  in  selection,  art  in  arrangement,  fertility 23  of 
illustration,  warmth  of  fancy,24  and  extraordinary  taste,25  he 
at  once  seizes  upon  the  most  effective 26  parts  of  his  subject, 
places  them  in  the  most  striking  point  of  view,27  and  arrays 28 
them  in  the  liveliest 29  and  most  inviting 30  colors. 

No.  239.  1  sibi  excidere;  omit  “to  be  idle”  and  “of  it”  2et. 
3  communes  corporis  refectiones.  4  by  the  Adj.  negotiosus.  5  aliquid  lit- 
terarum.  6  paullisper  ambulare  in  porticu.  7  subscribere.  8  mane  inter 
turbas  salutatorum,  or  only  inter  matutinas  salutationes.  9  suum  tempus 
attribuere  alicui.  10  nullo  olficio  neglecto.  11  judiciorum  altercationes. 
12  if  distinct  from  the  Forum  Itom.,  by(Plur.  fora,  or)  judicia.  13  quibus 
nihil  politius,  etc.  14  “  to  take  p.  in  for.  disp.,”  pro  reo  dicere.  15stu- 
diosissimum  patronum  se  praestare.  16  cognitioni  proponere.  17  tan- 
quam  civitate  donata.  18  quae  et  praesidium  afferret  in  ....  et  tran- 
quillitatem  in  ...  .  19  consilium.  20  alacritas  (studiumque).  21  ingenium 
varium  ac  multiplex,  also  quasi  agilitas  ingenii.  22sollertia.  23copia. 
24  cogitandi,  or  fingendi  quidam  ardor.  25  judicandi  sagacitas  singularis. 
26  Superl.  of  eminens,  with  quisque.  27  tanquam  lumen  clarissimum. 
28  by  pingere.  29  acer.  30  suavis. 

240.  Chapter  IV. 

His  writings  have  the  singular  felicity  of  combining1  bril¬ 
liancy  of  execution 2  with  never-failing  good  sense.3  It  must 
be  allowed  that  he  is  deficient  in  depth,4  that  he  skims 5  over 
rather  than  dives 6  into  the  subjects  of  which  he  treats,  that 
he  had  too  great  command  of  the  plausible 7  to  be  a  patient 
investigator  or  a  sound  reasoner.  Yet  if  he 8  has  less  orig¬ 
inality  of  thought 9  than  others,  if  he  does  not  grapple  10  with 
his  subject,  if  he  is  unequal  to  a  regular  and  lengthened  dis¬ 
quisition,11  if  he  is  frequently  inconsistent  in  his  opinions,  wTe 
must  remember  that  mere  soundness  of  view  without  talent 
for  display  12  has  few  recommendations  for  those  who  have 
not  yet  imbibed  a  taste  even  for  the  outward  form  13  of  knowl¬ 
edge,  that  system  nearly  precludes  freedom,  and  depth  14  al¬ 
most  implies  obscurity.  It  was  this  very  absence  of  scien 
tific  exactness 16  which  constituted  in  Roman  eyes  a  principal 
charm  16  of  Cicero’s  compositions. 


Section  XXI. 


277 


Nor  must  his  profession  as  a  pleader 17  be  forgotten  in 
enumerating  the  circumstances  which  concurred  to  give  his 
writings  their  peculiar  character.18  For,  however  his  design 
of  interesting 18  his  countrymen  in  Greek  literature,  however, 
too,  his  particular  line  of  talent 20  may  have  led  him  to  ex¬ 
plain  rather  than  to  invent,  yet  he  expressly  21  informs  us  it 
was  principally  with  a  view  to  his  own  improvement  in  ora¬ 
tory  that  he  devoted  himself  to  philosophical  studies.  This 
induced  him  to  undertake  successively 22  the  cause23  of  the 
Stoic,  the  Epicurean,  or  the  Platonist  as  an  exercise24  for  his 
powers  of  argumentation,  while  the  wavering  and  unsettled 
state  of  mind 25  occasioned  by  such  habits  of  disputation  led 
him  in  his  personal  judgment  to  prefer  the  sceptical  tenets 28 
of  the  New  Academy. 

Yet  he  was  never 27  so  entirely  a  disciple  of  the  New  Acad¬ 
emy  as  to  neglect  the  claims  28  of  morality  and  the  laws.  He 
is  loud  in  his  protestations 29  that  truth  is  the  great  object  of 
his  search.  “For  my  own  part,  if  I  have  applied  myself 
especially  to  this  philosophy  through  any  love  of  display 30  or 
pleasure  in  disputation,  I  should  condemn  not  only  my  folly 
but  my  moral  condition.31  And,  therefore,  unless  it  were 
absurd  in  an  argument  like  this 32  to  do  what  is  sometimes 
done  in  political  discussions,33  I  would  swear  by  Jupiter  and 
the  divine34  Penates  that  I  burn  with  a  desire  of  discovering 
the  truth  and  really  believe  what  I  am  saying.” 

No.  240.  1  felicissime  conjungere.  2  ornatissimae  dictionis  lumina. 

3  sententiarum  inexhausta  (semper  affluens)  varietas.  4  pondus.  5  deli- 
bare.  6  exhaurire  aliquid.  7  ita  probabilibus  arguments  abundare  ut. 
8qui  si.  9  vis  ingenii  ac  fecunditas.  10  versare  ac  pertentare  aliquid. 
11  “  to  be  unequal etc.,  ordinare  ac  producere  institutam  disquisitionem 
nescire.  12  eloquendi  facultas.  13  externa  species.  14  subtilitas.  15  by 
scientiae  acumine  carere.  16  Romani  imprimis  delectabantur.  17consue- 
tudo  forensis  (-=  “  prof,  as  a  pi.”).  18  proprietatem  imprimere.  19  commen- 
dare  alicui  aliquid.  20ipsius  ingenii  inclinatio.  21  ipse.  22  %  modo — 
modo  —  modo.  23  personam  sustinere.  24  ut  tentaret  quid — posset. 
25animi  fluctuatio  atque  inconstantia.  26  dubitationes  sequi.  21neque 
vero  unquam.  28praecepta.  29  profiteri  atque  testari.  30  ostentatione 
aliqua  adductus.  31  mores  et  natura.  33 talis  disputatio.  33quumdis 
ceptatur  de.  34  dii. 


278 


Part  III. 


241.  Chapter  V. 

And,  however  inappropriate  1  this  boast  may  appear,  he  at 
least  pursues  the  useful  and  the  magnificent  in  philosophy, 
and  uses  his  academic  character  as  a  pretext  rather 2  for  a  ju¬ 
dicious  selection  from  each  system  than  for  an  indiscriminate 

«/ 

rejection  of  all.  Thus,  in  the  capacity  of  a  statesman,3  he 
calls  in  the  assistance 4  of  doctrines  which,  as  an  orator,5  he 
does  not  scruple  to  deride ;  those  of  Zeno  in  particular,  who 
maintained  the  truth  of  the  popular  theology 8  and  the  di¬ 
vine  origin  of  augury,  and  (as  we  noticed  above)  was  more 
explicit 7  than  the  other  masters  in  his  views  of  social  duty. 
This  difference  of  sentiment  between  the  magistrate  and  the 
pleader  *  is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  opening 9  of  his  trea¬ 
tise  De  Legibus ,  where,  after  deriving  the  principles10  of  law 
from  the  nature  of  things,  he  is  obliged  to  beg  quarter11  of 
the  Academics,  whose  reasonings  he  feels  could  at  once  de¬ 
stroy  the  foundation  on  which  his  argument  rested.  “  My 
treatise  throughout,”  12  he  says,  “  aims  at  the  strengthening 
of  states  and  the  welfare  of  peoples.  I  dread,  therefore,  to 
lay  down 18  any  but  well-considered  and  carefully-examined 
principles ;  I  do  not  say  principles  which  are  universally  re¬ 
ceived,14  for  none  are  such,  but  principles  received  by  those 
philosophers  who  consider  virtue  to  be  desirable  for  its  own 
sake,  and  nothing  whatever  to  be  good,  or  at  least  a  great 
good,  which  is  not  in  its  own  nature  15  praiseworthy.”  These 
philosophers  are  the  Stoics.  And  then,  apparently  alluding16 
to  the  arguments  of  Carneades  against  justice  which  he  had 
put  into  the  mouth  17  of  Philus  in  the  third  book  of  his  De 
Rejpublicd ,  he  proceeds :  “  As  to 18  the  Academy,  which  puts 
the  whole  subject  into  utter  confusion,19  I  mean  the  New 
Academy  of  Arcesilas  and  Carneades,  let  us  persuade  it  to 
hold  its  peace.  For,  should  it  make  an  inroad  20  upon  the 
views  which  we  consider  we  have  so  skilfully  put  into  shape,21 
it  will  make  an  extreme  havoc 22  of  them.  The  Academy  I 
cannot  conciliate  and  I  dare  not  ignore.”  23 

And  as,  in  questions  connected  with  the  interests  of  soci¬ 
ety,94  he  thus  uniformly  advocates  the  tenets25  of  the  Porch, 


Section  XXL 


279 


so  in  discussions  of  a  physical  character26  we  find  him  adopt¬ 
ing  the  sublime  and  glowing 27  sentiments  of  Pythagoras  and 
Plato.  Here,  however,  having  no  object  of  expediency  in 
view  to 28  keep  him  within  the  bounds  of  consistency,  he 
scruples  not 29  to  introduce  whatever  is  most  beautiful  in  it¬ 
self  30  or  most  adapted  to  his  present  purpose. 

No.  241.  1  immoderatior,  alienior;  "And— this”  8.  Gr.  §  238.  6.— 

Y.  Or.  §  152.  2Academicum  se  profitetur  potius  ut  sibi  relinqui  videa- 
tur  ....  quam  ut.  3  in  republica  (=  “  in  the  cap.  of  a  st”).  4  advoca- 

tum  adhibere  5  in  orationibus,  or  in  causis  dicendis.  6vulgares,  or 
communes  de  rebus  divinis  opiniones.  7  accuratius  explicare  aliquid. 
8vel  magistratibus  vel  causis  accommodatus.  9principium,  or  prima 
pars.  10summa  praecepta.  11  veniam  petere.  12  omnis  nostra  oratio 
pergit  ad.  8.  Gr.  §  288.  1. —  Y.  Or.  §  223.  13ponere  principia.  8.  Or. 
§250.  3.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §193,  esp.  1.  14probari  alicui.  15sua  sponte. 
16deinde  (omit  "and”)  significans.  17 utentem  (usum)  inducere  (facere). 
18  Transl.  “  Let  us  persuade  (exorare,  ut)  the  Acad.,”  etc.  19perturbare. 
20invadere  in.  21  scite  instruere  et  componere.  22ruinas  edere.  23sub- 
movere;  Cfr.  Gic.  de  Legg.  1.  I.  ch.  13.  24  ad  civilem  societatem  perti- 

nere,  or  rempublicam  attingere.  ^  only  confugere  ad.  26  Adj.  naturalis. 
27grandior  atque  luculentior  (ardentior).  28 in  quibus  quum  sit  nulla 
ratio  utilitatis,  qua.  29  8.  Gr.  §250.  3.  1. —  Y.  Or.  §193.  2.  30  per  se. 


242.  Chapter  VI. 

At  one  time 1  he  describes  the  Deity  as  the  all-pervading 
Soul 2  of  the  world,  the  cause  of  life  and  motion ;  at  another 
He  is  the  intelligent  Preserver  and  Governor  of  every  sepa¬ 
rate  part.  At  one  time  the  soul  of  man  is  in  its  own  nature 
necessarily  eternal,  without 3  beginning  or  end  of  existence 4 ; 
at  another  it  is  represented  as  a  portion  or  the  haunt 5  of  the 
one  infinite  Spirit6;  at  another  it  is  to  enter7  the  assembly 
of  the  gods,  or  to  be  driven  into  darkness  according  to  its 
moral  conduct  in  this  life  8 ;  at  another  it  is  only  in  its  best 
and  greatest  specimens 9  destined  for  immortality ;  sometimes 
that 10  immortality  is  described  as  attended  with  conscious¬ 
ness  and  the  continuance  of  earthly  friendships 11 ;  sometimes 
as  but  an  immortality  of  name  and  glory  ;  more  frequently, 
however,  these  separate  notions 12  are  confused  together  in  the 
same  passage. 


280 


Part  III. 


Though  the  works  of  Aristotle  were  not  given  to  the 
world  13  till  Sylla’s  return  from  Greece,  Cicero  appears  to 
have  been  considerably  proficient  in  his  philosophy,  and  he 
has  not  overlooked  14  the  important  aid  it  affords  in  those 
departments  of  science  which  are  alike15  removed  from 
abstract  reasoning  and  fanciful  theorizing.15  To  Aristotle 
he  is  indebted  for  most  of  the  principles  laid  down  in  his 
rhetorical  discussions,  while  in  his  treatises  on  morals  not  a 
few  of  his  remarks  may  be  traced  to 17  the  same  acute 
philosopher. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Garden 18  alone,  though  some  of  his 
most  intimate  friends  were  of  the  Epicurean  school,  he 
regarded  with  aversion  and  contempt;  feeling  no  sort  of 
interest 19  in  a  system  which  cut  at  the  very  root 20  of  that 
activity  of  mind,  industry,  and  patriotism,  for  which 21  he 
himself  both  in  public  and  private  was  so  honorably  distin¬ 
guished. 

Such  then  was  the  New  Academy,  and  such  the  variation 
of  opinion  which,  in  Cicero’s  judgment,  was  not  inconsistent 
with  the  profession  of  an  Academic.  And,  however  his 
adoption  of  that  philosophy  may  be  in  part  referred  22  to  his 
oratorical  habits  or  his  natural  cast  of  mind,23  yet,  considering 
the  ambition  which  he  felt  to  inspire24  his  countrymen  with 
a  taste  for  literature  and  science,  we  must  conclude  with 
Warburton  that,  in  acceding  to  the  system  of  Philo,  he  was 
strongly  influenced  by  the  freedom  of  thought  and  reason¬ 
ing26  which  it  allowed  to  his  literary  works,26  the  liberty  of 
illustrating  the  principles  and  doctrines,27  the  strong  and 
weak  parts  of  every  Grecian  school.28 

No.  242.  1  “ at  one  time  ....  at  another etc.,  modo  ....  modo 
....  3  mens  omnia  pervadens  et  quasi  anima.  3  ut  careat.  4  vita. 

6particula  quaedam  vel  domiciliura.  6  mens.  1  transferri  vult  ad. 
8  pro  vitae  ac  morum  cujusque  ratione.  9  by  Superl.  with  quisque. 
10  ipse.  11  pristinae  amicitiae  propagatio,  or  perpetuitas.  12  haec  omnia 
quamvis  diversa.  13  pervulgare.  14  by  probe  perspicere.  16  et  .  .  .  . 
et  .  .  .  .  16  ratiocinandi  argutiae  et  opinandi  levitas.  11  Transl.  “he 

borrows  (mutuari)  from."  18  horti  (hortuli)  Epicuri  (=  “  the  doctrines  of 
the  G").  19  “  to  feel  int.y ”  delectari,  capi.  20  tanquam  radicitus  evellero 


Section  XXI. 


281 


ex  animis,  also  enervare  atque  succidere.  51  quibus  virtutibus,  or  qua- 
rum  virtutum  laude.  22  Transl.  “ But  though  (etsi)  he  was  led  (adduci) 
to  the  adoption,”  etc.,  “by  his  oratorical  hob.  (oratoria  consuetude*),”  etc. 
23  inclinatio  animae  ac  naturae.  24  tamen  quum  vehementer  vellet 
(maxime  cuperet)  imbuere  studio  ....  25  opinandi  ac  ratiocinandi 

licentia.  26  by  scribenti  datur,  offertur.  27  Latinis  litteris,  or  dispu- 
j  tando  illustrare  sententias  ac  disciplinas  sive  graves  sive  infirmas.  Omit 
“parts.”  28secta. 

243.  (3)  Peculiarity  of  Cicero’s  Discussions.1 

(His  Rhetorical  Works.) 

Bearing  then  in  mind 2  his  design  of  recommending  the 
study  of  philosophy,  it  is  interesting  to  observe 8  the  artifices 
of  style  and  manner  which,  with  this  end,4  he  adopted  in  his 
treatises ;  and  though  to  enter  minutely  into  this  subject 
would  be  foreign  to  our  present  purpose,  it  may  be  allowed  us 
to  make  some  general  remarks  on  the  character  5  of  works  so 
:  eminently  successful 6  in  accomplishing  the  object  for  which 
they  were  undertaken. 

The  obvious  peculiarity  7  of  Cicero’s  philosophical  discus¬ 
sions  is  the  form  of  dialogue  8  in  which  most  of  them  are 
conveyed.  Plato,  indeed,  and  Xenophon  had,  before  his  time, 
been  even  more  strictly  dramatic 9  in  their  compositions  ;  but 
they  professed  to  be  recording  the  sentiments  of  an  individ¬ 
ual,10  and  the  Socratic  mode  of  argument  could  hardly  be 
displayed  in  any  other  shape.  Of  that  interrogative  and  in¬ 
ductive  conversation,11  however,  Cicero  affords  but  few  speci- 
i  mens  ;  the  nature  of  his  dialogue  12  being  as  different  from 
that  of  the  two  Athenians  13  as  was  his  object  in  writing.  His 
aim  was  14  to  excite  interest ;  and  he  availed  himself  of  this 
mode  of  composition  for  the  life  and  variety,15  the  ease,  per¬ 
spicuity,  and  vigor  which  it  gave  to  his  discussions.16  His 
dialogue  is  of  two  kinds  :  according  as 17  the  subject  of  it  is 
beyond  or  under  controversy,18  it  assumes  the  shape  of  a  con¬ 
tinued  treatise,19  or  a  free  disputation  20 ;  in  the  latter  case 21 
imparting  clearness  to  what  is  obscure,  in  the  former  relief 22 
to  what  is  clear.  Thus  his  practical  and  systematic  treatises2* 
on  rhetoric  and  moral  duty,  when  not  written  in  his  own  per- 


282 


Part  III. 


son,34  are  merely  divided  between  several  speakers  who  are 
the  mere  organs 35  of  his  own  sentiments  ;  while 26  in  ques¬ 
tions  of  a  more  speculative  cast,27  on  the  nature  of  the  gods, 
on  the  human  soul,  on  the  greatest  good,  he  uses  his  aca¬ 
demic  liberty,  and  brings  forward  the  theories  of  contending 
schools  under  the  character  of  their  respective  advocates.38 
The  advantages  gained  in  both  cases  by  the  form  of  dia¬ 
logue  are  evident.  In  controverted  subjects  he  is  not  obliged 
to  discover  his  own  views,  he  can  detail  opposite  arguments 
forcibly  and  luminously,29  and  he  is  allowed  the  use  of  those 
oratorical  powers  in  which,  after  all,  his  great  strength  30  lay. 
In  those  subjects,  on  the  other  hand,  which  are  uninteresting 
because  they  are  familiar,  he  may  pause 31  or  digress  before 
the  mind  is  weary  and  the  attention  begins  to  flag 33 ;  the 
reader  is  carried  on  by  easy  journeys  and  short  stages,33  and 
novelty  in  the  speaker  supplies  the  want  of  34  novelty  in  the 
matter. 

No.  243.  1  dicendi  artificia,  disserendi  modi.  Either  de,  or  quibus 
....  usus  sit  (quae,  or  quos  .  c  .  .  adhibuerit).  2  si  spectamus,  3  ad- 
miramur  prof ecto,  quibus  ....  usus  sit  (“  which  artifices,”  etc.,  instead 
of  “ the  artifices  ....  which”).  Compare  S.  Gr.  §  238.  5. — Y.  Gr.  §152. 
1.  4  ad  earn  rem  perficiendam.  5  placet  quaedam  generatim  explicare 

de  proprietate.  6  accommodatissime,  or  felicissime  conformatus  ad. 

I  ac  primum  quidem  incurrit  in  oculos  quod.  8  fryaliquos  inter  se  collo- 
quentes  inducere.  “  Philosophical  ,”  de  philosophia.  Add  et  arte  ora' 
toria.  9  ad  scaenicam  consuetudinem  propius  accedere.  10  unus  sapiens. 

II  interrogatio  atque  inductio.  12  forma  sermonis.  13  only  illi  (duo). 
14nam  quum  delectare  vellet  ac  movere,  etc.  Omit  the  foil,  “and.” 
15alacritas  ac  varietas  orationis.  16  “which  it  gave  to  his  disc.,”  only  dis- 
ceptationis.  11  si  enim,  or  prout.  18  vel  extra  controversiam  vel  secus. 
19perpetua  tractatione  percurri.  20  colloquium  solutius,  also  by  dispu- 
tando  digeri  atque  excuti.  21  “in  the  latter  case  .  ...  in  the  former  ,” 
atque  ita  vel  ....  vel.  22  ornatus,  splendor,  dignitas.  23  quum  praecipit 
atque  ordine  plura  exponit  de.  24  by  suis  verbis  uti.  25  interpres.  26  con¬ 
tra.  27  diligentius  investigare  {Part,  of  necess.),  or  by  a  clause  “  which 
are  of,”  etc.  (acriorem  disceptationem  habere).  28  suo  cuique  defensore 
attributo  {—“  under  the  char,  of,”  etc.).  29  vim  lumenque  afferre  singu¬ 
lis,  etc.  30  vis  ingenii  sumraa.  31  cessare  licet.  32  flaccescere.  33  pro¬ 
cessus,  or  progressus  ( Plur .)  34  compensare. 


Section  XXI. 


283 


244.  Chapter  II. 

Xor  does  Cicero  discover  less  skill  in  the  execution 1  of 
these  dialogues  than  address  in  their  method.2  It  were  idle 
to  enlarge  upon  the  beauty,  richness,3  and  taste 4  of  composi¬ 
tions  which  have  been  the  admiration  of  every  age  and  coun¬ 
try.  In  the  dignity  of  his  speakers,  their  high  tone  of  mu¬ 
tual  courtesy,5  the  harmony  of  his  groups,6  and  the  delicate 
relief  of  his  contrasts,7  he  is  inimitable.6  The  majesty  and 
splendor  of  his  introductions,  which  generally  address  them¬ 
selves  9  to  the  passions  or  the  imagination  10 ;  the  eloquence 
with  which  both  sides  of  a  question  are  successively  dis¬ 
played  11 ;  the  clearness  and  terseness  12  of  his  statements  on 
abstract  points  13 ;  the  grace  of  his  illustrations  ;  his  exquisite 
allusions14  to  the  scene  or  time  of  the  supposed  15  conversa¬ 
tion  ;  his  digressions  in  praise  16  of  philosophy  or  great  men  ; 
his  quotations  from  Grecian  and  Roman  poetry  17 ;  lastly,  the 
melody  and  fulness  of  his  style,18  unite  to  throw  19  a  charm 
round  his  writings  peculiar  to  themselves.  To  the  Roman 
reader  they  especially  recommended  themselves  by  their  con¬ 
tinual  and  most  artful  references 20  to  the  heroes  of  the  old 
republic,  who  now  appeared  but  exemplars,  and  (as  it  were) 
patrons  of  that  eternal  philosophy  which  he  had  before, 
perhaps,  considered  as  the  short-lived  reveries 21  of  ingenious 
but  inactive  men.  Xor  is  there  any  confusion,  want  of  keep¬ 
ing,  or  appearance  of  effort 22  in  the  introduction  of  the 
various  beauties  which  we  have  been  enumerating,  which 23 
are  blended  together  with  so  much  skill  and  propriety,24  that 
it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  point  out  the  particular  sources  of 
the  admiration  which  they  inspire. 

The  series  of  his  rhetorical  works  has  been  preserved 
nearly  complete,  and  consists 26  of  the  De  Inventione ,  De 
Oratore ,  Brutus  sive  de  Claris  Oratoribus ,  Orator  sive  de 
ojptimo  genere  Dicendi ,  De  partitione  Oratorid ,  Topica , 
and  de  optimo  genere  Oratorum.  The  last-mentioned, 
wdiich  is  a  fragment,26  is  understood  to  have  been  the  proem 
to  his  translation  (now  lost)  of  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes 
and  Aeschines,  De  Corona .  These  he  translated  with  a  view 


284 


Part  III. 


of  defending,  by  the  example  of  the  Greek  orators,  his  own 
style  of  eloquence,27  which,  as  we  shall  afterwards  find,  the 
critics  of  the  day 28  censured  as  too  Asiatic  in  its  char¬ 
acter  29 ;  and  hence  the  proem,  which  still  survives,  is  on 
the  subject  of  the  Attic  style  of  oratory.  This  composition 30 
and  his  abstracts 31  of  his  own  orations  are  his  only  rhetorical 
works 32  not  extant,  and  probably  our  loss  is  not  very  great. 
The  Treatise  on  Rhetoric ,  addressed  to  Herennius,33  though 
edited  with  his  works  and  ascribed  to  him  by  several  of  the 
ancients,  is  now  generally 34  attributed  to  Cornificius,  or  some 
other  writer  of  the  day. 

No.  244.  1  compositio.  2  conformatio.  Omit  “  address .”  3ornatus. 

4temperatio.  5  politissima  (humanissima,  liberalissima)  urbanitas  (= 
“high  tone  of  c.”).  6 circulorum  (consessuum)  ordo  et  conspiratio. 

7  contrariorum  maxime  luminosa  descriptio.  8  quis  est  qui  possit  imi- 
tari?  Quid  dicam  de  ....  9  accommodatum  esse.  S.  Or.  §287.  1, 
or  §  288.1. —  Y.  Or.  (§  222  end  ;  better)  §  223.  10  by  movere  et  inflammare 
animos.  11  “both  sides  ....  are  succ.  displ.,”  alternis  argumentatio- 
nibus  in  utramque  partem  versare.  12  nitor.  13  res  retrusae  atque  abdi- 
tae.  14notatio,  significatio  (“to,”  Genit.).  15  by  quisque.  ltiintextae 
laudes  (=“  digr.  in  pr.”).  17poetarum  usurpatio,  or  testimoniorum  e 
poetis  mutuatio.  18  plenissimus  quasi  sonus  orationis,  or  sonus  ipse  ora- 
tionis  atque  amplitudo.  19  Transl.  “all  of  which ,  united,  throw,”  etc., 
jucunditate  quadam  perfundere  aliquid.  20  laudatio.  21  somnium  levis- 
simum,  or  futile  fluxumque  commentum.  22  adde  quod  nihil  pertur- 
bate  aut  inconstanter  aut  contorte  inducitur,  or  nec  est  quidquam  us- 
quam  perturbatum,  etc .  23  Transl.  “  but  (sed)  they.”  24  tarn  apte  atque 

accommodate.  25  exstat . numerus  paene  continuus  ;  qui  sunt 

.  .  .  .  26  by  non  integer.  27  suum  dicendi  genus,  ^only  aequales.  29  pro 
Asiatico  reprebendere.  30  commentatio.  31  adumbrationes  quaedam. 
32scripta  rhetorica.  33  is  autem  liber,  qui  Herennio  inscribitur  estque 
de  Inventione  oratoria  ....  34  a  plerisque. 


245.  Chapter  III. 

The  works  which  we  have  enumerated  consider  the  art  of 
rhetoric  in  different  points  of  view,1  and  thus  receive  from 
each  other  mutual  support  and  illustration,2  while  they  pre¬ 
vent  the  tediousness  which  might  else  arise  if  they  were 
moulded  into  one  systematic  treatise  on  the  general  subject.3 
Three  are  in  the  form  of  dialogue ;  the  rest  are  written  in 


Section  XXI. 


285 


his  own  person.4  In  all,  except  perhaps  the  Orator ,  he  pro¬ 
fesses  to  have  availed  himself  of  the  principles  of  the  Aris- 
totelic  and  Isocratean  schools,6  selecting  what  was  best  in 
each  of  them,  and,  as  occasion  might  offer,6  adding  remarks 
and  precepts  of  his  own.  The  subject 7  of  Oratory  is  consid¬ 
ered  in  three  distinct  lights8;  with  reference  to  the  case, 
the  speaker,  and  the  speech.  The  case,  as  respects  its 
nature,9  is  definite  or  indefinite;  with  reference  to  the 
hearer,10  it  is  judicial,  deliberative,  or  descriptive 11 ;  as 
regards  the  opponent,  the  division  is  fourfold  12 — according 
as  the  fact,  its  nature,  its  quality,  or  its  propriety  13  is  called 
in  question.  The  art  of  the  speaker  is  directed  to  five 
points:  the  discovery  of  persuasives 14  [whether  ethical, 
pathetical,  or  argumentative  “],  arrangement,  diction,  mem¬ 
ory,  delivery.  And  the  speech  itself  consists  of  six  parts : 
introduction,  statement  of  the  case,  division  of  the  subject, 
proof,  refutation,  and  conclusion. 

His  treatises  De  Inventions  and  Topica,  the  first  and 
nearly  the  last  of  his  compositions,  are  both  on  the  invention 
of  arguments,  which  he  regards,  with  Aristotle,  as  the  very 
foundation  of  the  art;  though  he  elsewhere  confines  the 
term  eloquence,  according  to  its  derivation,18  to  denote  excel¬ 
lence  of  diction  and  delivery,  to  the  exclusion  of  argumenta¬ 
tive  skill.17  The  former  of  these  works  was  written  at  the 
age  of  twenty,  and  seems  originally  to  have  consisted  of  four 
books,  of  which  but  two  remain.  In  the  first  of  these  he 
considers  rhetorical 18  invention  generally,  supplies  common¬ 
places  for  the  six  parts  of  an  oration  promiscuously,19  and 
gives  a  full  analysis20  of  the  two  forms  of  argument,  syllo¬ 
gism,21  and  induction.  In  the  second  book  he  applies  these 
rules  particularly  to  the  three  subject-matters  of  rhetoric,22 
the  deliberative,  the  judicial,  and  the  descriptive,  dwelling 
principally  on  the  judicial,  as  affording  the  most  ample  field 
for  discussion.23 

No.  245.  1  diversas  partes  alicujus  rei  explicare.  3  complere  inter  sese 
atque  illustrare.  3  in  disputationem  de  re  universa  ratione  susceptam 
includere.  4  (sunt)  tractationes  perpetuae,  also  by  ipse  solus  disserit. 


286 


Part  III. 


6  disciplina.  6  pro  re  nata,  or  ubi  res  tulerit.  7  materia  subjecta  (“of,” 
Bat).  8tripartito  (tripert.) ;  “  with  ref.  to,”  (ita)  ut  dicat  de  .  .  .  . 

9  si  spectatur  ejus  natura,  or  only  ipse.  10  si  auditor  (sc.  spectatur). 

11  demonstrativus  ;  also  resp.  judicatio,  deliberatio,  laudatio  (descriptio). 

12  in  quatuor  partes  distributin' :  quaeritur  enim  aut  sit  necne  aut  .... 

13  rectene  factum  sit  an  secus.  14  argumenta.  15  by  a  relat.  clause : 

quibus,  and  delectare,  movere,  probare.  16  ipsa  origine  sic  circumscribi 
dicit  ut  ....  17  removere  argumentandi  sollertiam  (Abl.  absol).  In 

the  foil,  omit  “originally.”  l8oratorius.  19  conjuncte  proponere  (==  “to 
supply  promiscuously  ”) .  20  enucleate,  accurate  explicare.  21  ratiocina¬ 

te.  22  genera  dicendi,  genera  causarum.  23  ampliorem  habere  discep- 
tationem. 

246.  Chapter  IV. 

This  treatise  seems  for  the  most  part  compiled  1  from  the 
writings  of  Aristotle,  Isocrates,  and  Hermagoras;  and  as 
such  he  alludes  to  it 2  in  the  opening  of  his  De  Oratore  as 
deficient  in  the  experience 3  and  judgment  which  nothing 
but  time  and  practice  can  impart.4  Still  it  is  an  entertain¬ 
ing,5  nay,  useful  work  ;  remarkable  even  among  Cicero’s 
writings  for  its  uniform  good  sense,®  and  less  familiar  to7 
the  scholar  only  because  the  greater  part  has  been  super¬ 
seded  8  by  the  compositions  of  his  riper  years. 

His  Topica,  or  treatise  on  commonplaces,  has  less  extent 
and  variety  of  plan,9  being  little  else  than  a  compendium  of 
Aristotle’s  work  on  the  same  subject.  It  was,  as  he  informs 
us  in  its  proem,  drawn  up  from  memory  10  on  his  voyage 
from  Italy  to  Greece  soon  after  Caesar’s  murder,  and  in 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of  Trebatius,  who  had  some  time 
before  urged  him  to  undertake  the  translation. 

Cicero  seems  to  have  intended  11  his  De  Oratore ,  De  Claris 
Oratoribus,  and  Orator ,  to  form  one  complete  system.12  Of 
these  three  noble  works  the  first  lays  down  the  principles 
and  rules  of  the  rhetorical  art;  the  second  exemplifies13 
them  in  the  most  eminent  speakers  of  Greece  and  Rome ; 
and  the  third  shadows  out  the  features14  of  that  perfect 
orator,  whose  superhuman  excellences  should  be  the  aim  of 
our  ambition.16  The  De  Oratore  was  written  when  the 
author  was  fifty-two,  two  years  after  his  return  from  exile ; 
and 18  is  a  dialogue  between  some  of  the  most  illustrious 


Section  XXI. 


287 


Romans  of  the  preceding  age  on  the  subject  of  oratory. 
The  principal  speakers  are  17  the  orators  Crassus  and  Anto- 
nius,  who  are  represented  unfolding  the  principles 18  of  their 
art  to  Sulpicius  and  Cotta,  young  men  just  rising  in  the  legal 
profession.19  In  the  first  book  the  conversation  turns  on  the 
subject-matter  of  rhetoric,  and  the  qualifications 20  requisite 
for  the  perfect  orator.  Here  Crassus  maintains  the  neces¬ 
sity  of  his  being  acquainted  with  the  whole  circle  of  the 
arts,81  while  Antonius  confines  eloquence  to  the  province  of 
speaking  well.  The  dispute  for  the  most  part  seems  verbal 28 ; 
for  Cicero  himself,  though  he  here  sides  with 23  Crassus,  yet 
elsewhere,  as  we  have  above  noticed,  pronounces  eloquence, 
strictly  speaking,84  to  consist  in  beauty  of  diction.  Scaevola, 
the  celebrated  lawyer,  takes  part  in  this  preliminary  discus¬ 
sion,86  but  in  the  ensuing  meetings  makes  way  for  Catulus 
and  Caesar,  the  subject  leading  to  such  technical  disquisi¬ 
tions86  as  were  hardly  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  the  aged 
augur.27 

No.  246.  ]mutuari  ( Depon .).  *atquehaec  causa  est  cur  eadem  ab 
ipso  dicatur.  3  carere  usu.  4  actioue  comparari.  5  jucundus  ad  legen- 
dum.  6  perpetua  quadam  valetudine  praestare.  1  rarius  usurpari  a. 
8  quasi  oblitterare.  9contractior  minusque  varia  compositio.  8.  Or. 
§  225. —  T.  Or.  §  123,  esp.  1.  10  e  memoria  conscribere.  11  eo  consilio 

componere.  12  unam  absolutamque  doctrinam  efficere.  13  exemplis 
illustrare.  14  formam  adumbrare.  15  divinam  quandum  excellentiam 
(virtutem,  laudem)  imitandam  atque  aemuiandam  proponere.  16inducit 
autem  quosdam  viros  (=  “  Romans  ”)  ....  colloqueutes.  11  by  partes 
priores  tribuere  alicui.  18  ratio  (Sing.).  19  ad  juris  civilis  laudem  eniti, 
or  ad  juris  legumque  scientiam  incumbere.  20virtus;  “  requisite  for,” 
Oenit.  21  omnium  ambitum  litterarum  complecti.  "verbi,  or  nominis 
controversia  est,  also  by  de  verbo,  non  de  re  disceptare.  23  accedere  ali¬ 
cui,  or  ad  sententiam  alicujus.  uonly  proprie.  25  quasi  prolusio 
(*=  “  prel.  disc”),  or  disputatio  inchoata.  26acrior,  or  interior  artis  dis- 
quisitio.  91  only  senex  {add  “  augur”  to  the  proper  name). 

247.  Chapter  V. 

The  next  morning  Antonius  enters  upon  the  subject 1  of 
invention,  which 8  Caesar  completes3  by  subjoining  some 
remarks  on  the  use  of  humor  in  oratory ;  and 4  Antonius, 


288 


Paht  III. 


relieving 5  him,  finishes  the  morning  discussion  with  treating 
of  arrangement  and  memory.  In  the  afternoon  *  the  rules 
for  propriety  and  elegance  of  diction  are  explained7  by 
Crassus,  who  was  celebrated  in  this  department 8  of  the  art ; 
and  the  work  concludes  with  his  handling  the  subject  of  de¬ 
livery  9  and  action.  Such  is  the  plan 10  of  the  De  Oratore , 
the  most  finished,11  perhaps,  of  Cicero's  compositions.  An 
air  of  grandeur 12  and  magnificence  reigns  throughout.  The 
characters  of  the  aged  senators  are  finely  conceived,13  and  the 
whole  company  is  invested  with  an  almost  religious  majesty  14 
from  the  allusions  interspersed  to  the  melancholy  destinies 15 
for  which  its  members  were  reserved.16 

His  treatise  De  Claris  Oratoribus  was  written  after  an 
interval  of  nine  years,  about  the  time  of  Cato’s  death,  when 
he  was  sixty-one,  and  is  thrown  into  the  shape  of  a  dialogue  17 
between  Brutus,  Atticus,  and  himself.  He  begins  with 
Solon,  and,  after  briefly  mentioning  the  orators  of  Greece, 
proceeds  to  those  of  his  own  country,18  so  as  to  take  in  19  the 
whole  period  from  the  time  of  Junius  Brutus  down  to  him¬ 
self.  About  the  same  time  he  wrote  his  Orator ,  in  which 
he  directs  his  attention  principally 20  to  diction  and  delivery, 
as  in  his  De  Inventione  and  Topica  he  considers  the  matter 
of  an  oration.  This  treatise  is  of  a  less  practical  nature 21 
than  the  rest.  It  adopts  the  principles  of  Plato,22  and  deline¬ 
ates23  the  perfect  orator  according  to  the  abstract  conceptions 
of  the  intellect 24  rather  than  the  deductions  of  observation 
and  experience.25  Hence  he  sets  out  with  a  definition 26  of 
the  perfectly  eloquent  man,  whose  characteristic  it  is  to  ex¬ 
press  himself  with  propriety 27  on  all  subjects,  whether  hum¬ 
ble,  great,  or  of  an  intermediate  character 28 ;  and  here  he 
has  an  opportunity  of  paying  some  indirect  compliments  to 
himself.29  With  this  work  he  was  so  well  satisfied  that  he 
does  not  scruple  to  declare,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  that  he 
was  ready  to  rest 30  on  its  merits  his  reputation  for  judgment 
in  oratory. 

The  treatise  De  partitione  Oratorid ,  or  on  the  three  parts 
of  rhetoric,  is  a  kind  of  catechism  31  between  Cicero  and  his 


Section  XXI. 


289 


son,  drawn  up  for  the  use  of  the  latter  at  the  same  time  with 
the  two  preceding.  It  is  the  most  systematic  and  perspicu¬ 
ous  32  of  his  rhetorical  works,  but  seems  to  be  but  the  rough 
draught 33  of  what  he  originally  intended. 

No.  247.  1  praecipere  or  dicere  ingredi  de,  also  explicandum  sumere 
aliquid.  2  quae  tractatio.  3cumulum  addere  alicui  rei.  4  “and — him,” 
S.  Or.  §238.  6. — Y.  Or.  §  152.  6succedere  alicui,  or  excipere  aliquem. 
6  a  prandio.  7  praecepta  dare  (tradere)  de  elocutionis  propr.  atque  eleg. 

8  genus  artis.  9  pronunciatio  (pronunt.).  10  descriptio  librorum  De . 

11  quo  opere  {or  quibus)  nihil,  with  Compar.,  or  quo  opere  (quibus)  haud 

scio  an  nihil . 12  majestas  quaedam  (=  “  air  of  gr”).  13  subtiliter 

(eleganter)  signare  ac  depingere.  14  nescio  quid  religionis  offundere. 
16  interjicere  mentionem  calamitatum  (Abl.  absol.).  uby  impendere 
alicui.  17  in  formam  redigere  sermonis,  or  only  colloquentes  facere. 
18  populares.  19  complecti.  20  verba  facere  potissimum  de,  or  dilatare 
disputationem  de,  or  praecipuam  diligentiam  conferre  in  laudem  {with 
Oenit.).  21  minus  ad  communem  vitae  usum  accommodatum  esse. 
22  Platonicam  quandam  formam  exprimere.  23  speciem  adumbrare. 
24  “ according  to,”  etc.,  mente  et  cogitatione  depictus,  concepts.  25  vita 
usuque  cognitus,  or  a  rerum  cognitione  et  usu  derivatus.  36  (a)  princi- 
pio  definire.  27 bene  appositeque,  or  apte  et  accommodate  ;  “whether,” 
etc.,  sive  ....  sive  .  .  .  sive.  28  only  medius.  29  tecte  (subobscure) 

sibi  ipsi  gratulari.  30  velle  (cupere)  se  famam  consistere  in,  or  conjunc- 
tam  esse  cum  31  interrogando  et  respondendo  contexere,  or  interroga- 
tionibus  ac  responsionibus  mutuis  absolvere.  32  maxime  et  ratione  et 
perspicuitate  excellere,  praestare.  33  brevis  adumbratio,  nudus  com- 
mentarius 


248.  (4)  Cicero’s  Philosophical  Writings. 

The  connection  which  1  we  have  been  able  to  preserve  be¬ 
tween  the  rhetorical  writings  of  Cicero  cannot  be  attained  in 
his  moral,  political,  and  metaphysical  treatises ;  partly 2  from 
the  extent  of  the  subject,  partly  from  the  losses  occasioned 
by  time,  partly  from  the  inconsistency  which  we  have 
warned 3  the  reader  to  expect  in  his  sentiments.  In  our 
enumeration,  therefore,4  we  shall  observe  no  other  order  than 
that  which  the  date  of  their  composition  furnishes. 

The  earliest 6  now  extant  is  part  of  his  treatise  De  LegibuSy 
in  three  books  ;  being  a  sequel  to  his  work  on  politics.  Both 
were  written  in  imitation6  of  Plato’s  treatises  on  the  same 
subjects.  The  latter  of  these  (De  Republica)  was  composed 


290 


Part  III. 


a  year  after  the  De  Oratore ,  and  seems  to  have  vied  T  with 
it  in  the  majesty  and  interest  of  the  dialogue.  It  consisted 
of  a  series8  of  discussions  in  six  books  on  the  origin  and 
principles  of  government,  Scipio  being  the  principal  speaker, 
but  Laelius,  Philus,  Manilius,  and  other  personages  of  like 
gravity  taking  part  in  the  conversation.  Till  lately  9  but  a 
fragment  of  the  fifth  book  was  understood  to  be  in  existence, 
in  which  Scipio,  under  the  fiction  of  a  dream,10  inculcates 
the  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  But  in  the  year 
1822  Monsignor11  Mai,  librarian  of  the  Vatican,12  published 
considerable 13  portions  of  the  first  and  second  books  from  a 
palimpsest  manuscript 14  of  St.  Austin’s  Commentary  on  the 
Psalms.  In  the  part  now  recovered  Scipio  discourses  on  the 
different  kinds  of  constitutions  and  their  respective  15  advan¬ 
tages,  with  a  particular  reference 16  to  that  of  Rome.  In  the 
third  book  the  subject  of  justice 17  was  discussed  by  Laelius 
and  Philus ;  in  the  fourth  Scipio  treated  of  morals  and  edu¬ 
cation  ;  while  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  the  duties  of  a  magistrate 
were  explained  and  the  best  means  of  preventing18  changes 
and  revolutions 19  in  the  constitution  itself.  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  treatise  allusion  was  made  to  the  actual  posture20 
of  affairs  in  Rome  when  the  conversation  was  supposed  to 
have  occurred  and  the  commotions  21  excited  by  the  Gracchi. 

No.  248.  1  non  item  ut  (quemadmodum)  ....  connecti  possunt, 
or  non  eadem  qua  ....  affinitate  conjuncti  sunt.  *  cujus  rei  causa  est 
quod  et  ....  et  ....  et,  or  quod  quidem  effectum  est  partim,  etc. 
3admonere.  S.  Gr.  §275.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §190.  4  is  erit  igitur  enumer- 
andi  ordo,  qui  ....  repetitur  a.  5  ac  ceteris  quidem  antiquiores  sunt 
tres  libri  priores  de  L.  “sequel,”  appendix.  6 ad  similitudinem. 

I  simillimum  esse,  “and— with  it”  S.  Gr.  §288.  6. —  Y.  Gr.  §152. 
8erant  autem  disputationes  pertinentes  per  sex  libros,  or  disp.  con- 

tinuae  sex  libris  conclusae  de . 9  nuper  fuit  quum  particula 

tantum  ....  putabatur,  or  nuper  opinati  erant.  10  visum  inducens. 

II  vir  Eminentissimus,  or  Reverendissimus  D(ominus).  12Vaticanae 
bibliothecae  curator.  13  non  exiguus.  14  palimpsestus.  or  codex  abrasus. 
15  by  quisque.  16  saepe  mentionem  inferre,  facere  (“  to”  Genii.).  »  ratio. 
18  occurrere.  19  perturbationes  (“  in,”  Genit.).  20  conditio  quae  turn  erat 
quum.  21  seditio.  or  motus,  or  turba. 


Section  XXI. 


291 


249.  Chapter  II. 

In  his  treatise  De  Legibus ,  which  was  written  two  years 
later  than  the  De  Dejpublica^  when  he  was  fifty-five,  and 
shortly  after  the  murder  of  Clodius,  he  represents  himself  as 
explaining  to  his  brother  Quintus  and  Atticus,  in  their  walks 
through  the  woods  of  Arpinum,1  the  nature  and  origin  of 
the  laws  and  their  actual  state,2  both  in  other  countries  and 
in  Rome.  The  first  part  only  of  the  subject 3  is  contained  in 
the  books  now  extant ;  the  introduction  to  which  we  have 
had  occasion  to  notice 4  when  speaking  of  his  Stoical  senti¬ 
ments  on  questions  connected  with  State  policy.5  Law  he 
pronounces  to  be  the  perfection 6  of  reason,  the  eternal  mind, 
the  divine  energy,  which,  while  it  pervades  and  unites  in  one 
the  whole  universe,  associates  gods  and  men  by  the  more  in¬ 
timate  resemblance 7  of  reason  and  virtue,  and  still  more 
closely  men  with  men,  by  the  participation  of  common  facul¬ 
ties,  affections,  and  situations.8  He  then  proves,  at  length,9 
that  justice  is  not  merely  created  by  civil  institutions  from 
the  power  of  conscience,  the  imperfections 10  of  human  law, 
the  moral  sense,11  and  the  disinterestedness  of  virtue.12  He 
next  proceeds  to  unfold  the  principles,  first,  of  religious  law, 
under  the  heads  of  divine  worship 13 ;  the  observance  of 
festivals  and  games ;  the  office  of  priests,  augurs,  and  heralds ; 
the  punishment  of  sacrilege  and  purjury ;  the  consecration 
of  land,14  and  the  rights  of  sepulchre ;  and,  secondly,  of  civil 
law,  which  gives  him  an  opportunity  16  of  noticing  the  respec¬ 
tive  duties  of  magistrates  and  citizens.  In  these  discussions, 
though  professedly  speaking  of  the  abstract  question,16  he 
does  not  hesitate  to  anticipate  the  subject 17  of  the  lost  books 
by  frequent  allusions  18  to  the  history  and  customs  of  his  own 
country.19  It  must  be  added  that  in  no  part  of  his  writings20 
do  worse  instances  occur  than  in  this  treatise  of  that  vanity 
which  was  notoriously  his  weakness,21  which  are  rendered 
doubly  offensive 22  by  their  being  put  into  the  mouth 23  of 
his  brother  and  Atticus. 

No.  249.  1  by  a  clause  with  dum  and  inambulare.  2  praesens  rerum 
status  Omit"  their”  3  cujus  disputationis  prior  pars.  4  mentioincidit. 


292 


Part  III. 


5  “of  his  Stoical  sent.,”  etc.,  quidStoicos  secutusde  publicis  rebus  sensis- 
set.  6  by  summus,  or  rectissimus.  7  interior  similitudo.  8  similium  et 
ingeniorum  et  studiorum  et  conditionum  commuDitas.  9  uberius.  10  viti- 
um.  11  bonestatis  sensus.  12  virtutis  gratuitae  magnificentia,  or  virtutis 
liberalitas.  13  “  the  principles  first,”  etc.  ratio  legesque  religionis  sacro- 
rum  usu  variatae,  distinctae.  14  fundus  ( Plur .).  1;,quarum  mentione 
adducitur  ut.  16  quaestionem  rationis  tractare.  17  praecipere  quaedam 

ex  iis  libris  qui .  18  See  248,  16.  19patrius.  20  in  nullo  ejus  libro. 

21  eum  laborasse  constat.  eo  etiam  molestiora  esse  quod.  ....  23  ora- 
tione  {or  orationi)  alicujus  intexere. 

250.  Chapter  III. 

Here1  a  period  of  seven  or  eight  years  intervenes,  during 
which  he  composed  little  of  importance 2  besides  his  Orations. 
He  then  published  the  De  Claris  Oratoribus  and  Orator ,  and 
a  year  later,3  when  he  was  sixty-three,  his  Academicae  Quaes - 
tiones ,  in  the  retirement  from  public  business4  to  which  he 
was  driven  5  by  the  dictatorship  of  Caesar.  This  work  had 
originally  6  consisted  of  two  dialogues  which  he  entitled  Ca- 
tulus  and  Lucullus ,  from  the  names  of  the  respective  speak¬ 
ers  in  each.7  These  he  now  remodelled  and  enlarged 8  into 
four  books,  dedicating  them  to  Yarro,  whom  he  introduced 
as  advocating  in  the  presence  of  Atticus  the  tenets*  of  An- 
tiochus,  while  he  himself  defended  those  of  Philo.  Of  this 
most  valuable  composition,10  only  the  second  book  ( Lucullus ) 
of  the  first  edition  11  and  part  of  the  first  book  of  the  second 
are  now  extant.  In  the  former  of  those  two  Lucullus  argues 
against  and  Cicero  for  the  Academic  sect  in  the  presence  of 
Catullus  and  Hortensius  ;  in  the  latter  Yarro  pursues  the  his¬ 
tory  of  philosophy  12  from  Socrates  to  Arcesilas  and  Cicero 
contiuues  13  it  down  to  the  time  of  Carneades.  In  the  sec¬ 
ond  edition  the  style  was  corrected,  the  matter  condensed, 
and  the  whole  16  polished  with  extraordinary  care  and  dili¬ 
gence. 

The  same  year  he  published  his  treatise  De  Finibus ,  or 
a  On  the  Chief  Good,”  in  five  books,18  in  which  are  explained 
the  sentiments  of  the  Epicureans,  Stoics,  and  Peripatetics  on 
the  subject.  This  is  the  earliest  of  his  works  in  which  the 
dialogue  is  of  a  disputatious  character.17  It  is  opened  with  a 


Section  XXI. 


293 


defence 18  of  the  Epicurean  tenets 19  concerning  pleasure  by 
Torquatus,  to  which  Cicero  replies  at  length.20  The  scene 
then  shifts21  from  the  Cuman  villa  to  the  library  of  young 
Lucullus  (his  father  being  dead),  where  the  Stoic  Cato  expa¬ 
tiates  on  the  sublimity  of  the  system  22  which  maintains  the 
existence  of  one  only  good,  and  23  is  answered  by  Cicero  in 
the  character 24  of  a  Peripatetic.  Lastly,  Piso,  in  a  conversa¬ 
tion  held  at  Athens,  enters  into  an  explanation 25  of  the  doc¬ 
trine  of  Aristotle  that  happiness 25  is  the  greatest  good.  The 
general  style27  of  this  treatise  is  elegant  and  perspicuous,  and 
the  last  book  in  particular  has  great  variety  and  splendor  of 
diction. 

IVo.  250.  'post  ilia.  2quum  interea  pauca  graviora  ....  scripsis- 
set,  edidit,  etc.  3postero  anno.  4  illo  usus  otio,  quod.  5  by  afferre. 
6  primo,  initio.  7  e  disputantium  nominibus,  or  e  defensorum  utriusque 
causae  nominibus.  8  reficere  atque  dilatare.  9  rationem  alicu jus  defen- 
dere.  10gravissimum  opus,  gravissima  explanatio.  11  forma,  or  descrip- 
tio,  also  editio.  12  exponit  qui  philosophiae  cursus  fuerit.  13  persequi. 
14quos  libros  denuo  emisit;  the  foil,  by  Ahl.absol.  15universa  disputa- 
tio.  16  “  treatise — in  -five  books,”  only  libri  quinque.  11  disceptando  texi, 
or  disceptationis  speciem  habere.  18  principio  explicare.  19  placita,  dog¬ 
mata  (“  concerning  ”  de).  20  fuse.  21  sedes  disputationis  transfertur. 
22  multa  de  ejus  doctrinae  praestantia  disserere.  23  qui.  24  personam 
gerens.  25  “  in  a  vonv.”  etc.,  Athenis  sermonem  orditur  de  (ilia  .... 
sententia).  26  beata  vita.  27oratio. 

251.  Chapter  IV. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Cicero  was  especially  courted 1 
by  the  heads  of  the  dictator’s  party,2  of  whom  Hirtius  and 
Dolabella  went  so  far  as  to  declaim  3  daily  at  his  house  for 
the  benefit  of  his  instructions.  A  visit  of  this  nature  to4 
the  Tusculan  villa  soon  after  the  publication  of  the  De  Fini- 
bus  gave  rise  to  his  work  entitled  Tusculanae  Quaestiones , 
which  professes  to  be  the  substance  6  of  five  philosophical 
disputes  between  himself  and  friends  digested  6  into  as  many 
|  books.  He  argues  throughout  after  the  manner  of  an  Aca¬ 
demic  even  with  an  affectation 7  of  inconsistency,  sometimes 
making  use  *  of  the  Socratic  dialogue,  sometimes  launching 
out9  into  the  diffuse  expositions  which  characterize 10  his 


294 


Part  III. 


other  treatises.  He  first  disputes  against  the  fear 11  of  death, 
and  in  so  doing 12  he  adopts  the  opinion  of  the  Platonic 
school  as  regards 13  the  nature  of  God  and  the  soul.  The  suc¬ 
ceeding  discussions  on  enduring  pain,  on  alleviating  grief,  on 
the  other  emotions  of  the  mind,  and  on  virtue  are  conducted 
for  the  most  part  on  Stoical  principles.14  This  is  a  highly 
ornamental15  composition  and  contains  more  quotations16 
from  the  poets  than  any  other  of  Cicero’s  treatises. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark  upon  the  singular 
activity  17  of  his  mind,  which  becomes  more  and  more  con¬ 
spicuous  18  as  we  approach  the  period  19  of  his  death.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  ensuing  year,  which  is  the  last  of  his  life,  in  the 
midst  of  the  confusion  and  anxieties  consequent 20  on  Cae¬ 
sar’s  death  and  the  party  warfare  of  his  Philippics,21  he 
found  time  to  write 22  the  De  Datura  Deorum,  De  Divina- 
tione ,  DeFato ,  De  Senectute,  De  Amieitid ,  De  Officiis ,  and 
Paradoxa ,  besides  the  treatise  on  Rhetorical23  Common¬ 
places  above  mentioned. 

Of  these  the  first  three  were  intended  as 24  a  full  exposi¬ 
tion  of  the  conflicting  opinions  entertained  on  their  respective 
subjects 25 ;  the  De  Fato ,  however,  was  not  finished  according 
to  this  plan.26 

No.  251.  1  colere,  observare.  2dictatoria  factio.  3  Transl.  “  even 
declaimed ”  (declamitare),  “for  the  ben.  of  his  instr”  =  “to  learn  from 
him”  4hujusmodi  amicorum  conventus  in  {with  Acc.).  5  summa  cap¬ 
ita,  or  summa  quaedam.  6  distribuere.  7  cum  simulatione  etiam. 
8  consectari.  9digredi  in.  10  “  which  char .”=  “  of 11  by  contemnen- 
dum  esse,  or  timendum  non  esse.  12  qua  in  re,  or  quo  loco.  13 de. 
14rationibus  contineri,  dirigi.  15  Superl.  of  ornatus.  16  verba.  17  labo- 
rum  assiduitas  propria  ( with  Genit.).  18eminere  visa  est.  19  quo  ipse 
propius  aberat.  20  angores  derivati  a.  21  certationes  Philippicae. 

22  otium  nancisci  scribendi  de .  23oratorius.  24  esse  voluit.  26  di- 

versae  de  quaque  re  sententiae.  26  non  ita,  ut  instituerat. 

252.  Chapter  V. 

His  treatise  De  Datura  Deorum ,  in  three  books,1  may 2 
be  reckoned  the  most  splendid  of  all  his  works,  and  shows 
that  neither  age  nor  disappointment 3  had  done  injury  4  to 
the  richness  and  vigor  of  his  mind.  In  the  first  book, 


Section  XXI. 


295 


Velleius,  the  Epicurean,6  sets  forth  the  physical  tenets  of  his 
sect,  and  is  answered  by  Cotta,  who  is  of  the  Academic 
school.7  In  the  second,  Balbus,  the  disciple  of  the  Porch, 
gives  an  account  of  his  own  system,'  and  is  in  turn  refuted 
by  Cotta  in  the  third.  The  eloquent  extravagance  *  of  the 
Epicurean,  the  solemn  enthusiasm 10  of  the  Stoic,  and  the 
brilliant  raillery 11  of  the  Academic  are  contrasted 12  with 
extreme  vivacity  and  humor 13 ;  while  the  sublimity  of  the 
subject  itself  imparts  to  the  whole  composition  a  grander 
and  more  elevated  character,14  and  discovers  in  the  author 
imaginative  powers,15  which,  celebrated  as  he  justly  is  for 
playfulness  of  fancy,16  might  yet  appear  more  the  talent  of 
the  poet  than  the  orator. 

His  treatise  De  Divinatiore  is  conveyed  in  a  discussion  17 
between  his  brother  Quintus  and  himself  in  two  books.18  In 
the  former,  Quintus,  after  dividing  Divination  into  the 
heads  19  of  natural  and  artificial,  argues  with  the  Stoics  for 
its  sacred  nature  20  from  the  evidence  of  facts,21  the  agree¬ 
ment  of  all  nations,  and  the  existence 22  of  divine  intelligences. 
In  the  latter  Cicero  questions  its  authority 23  with  Carneades, 
from  the  uncertain  nature  of  its  rules,  the  absurdity  and  use¬ 
lessness  of  the  art,  and  the  possibility  of  accounting 24  from 
natural  causes  for  the  phenomena 25  on  which  it  was  founded. 
This  is  a  curious  work  26  from  the  numerous  cases  adduced 
from  the  histories27  of  Greece  and  Rome  to  illustrate  the 
subject  in  dispute.28 

His  treatise  De  Fato  is  quite  a  fragment29 ;  it  purports  to 
be  the  substance  of  a  dissertation  30  in  which  he  explained  to 
Hirtius  (soon  after  consul)  the  sentiments  of  Chrysippus, 
Diodorus,  Epicurus,  Carneades,  and  others,  upon  that  abstruse 
subject.  It  is  supposed  to  have  consisted  at  least  of  two 
books,  of  which  we  have  but  the  proem  of  the  first  and  a 
small  portion  of  the  second. 

No.  252.  1  See  250,  16.  2  licet  numerare  inter  ;  also  with  dubito  an. 

S.  Or.  §  176.  Note  3.  d.—  Y.  Or.  §  120.  2.  3  rerum  civilium  desperatio. 

4  deminuere  aliquid  de.  5  Epicuri  sectator.  6  only  physica  ejus. 
'  Transl.  “ by  Gotta,  the  Academic  .”  8  suam  doctrinam  tueri.  *  disso- 


296 


Part  III. 


luta  facundia.  10  gra vitas  ardorque.  n  urbanissima  ludiflcatio.  12con« 
certare  cum.  13hilaritas.  14  nescio  quid  aspergere  grande  atque  excel- 
siun.  15 vim  cogitandi  fingendique  tantam  elicere  (“in  the  auth.,’’ 
Qenit.).  16  res  jucunde  depingendae  (“  celebr.  as  he  was quamvis,  etc.). 
17 ipse  disputat  cum,  or  sermo  instituitur.  16 See  250,  16.  19in  duo 
genera.  Instead  of  “  Quintus”  use  Pronoun.  20 sacram  esse  demon- 
strare.  21  et  facta  afferens  evidentissima  et  .  .  .  .  et.  22  veritas.  23  du- 

bitat  ullane  sit  ilia  vis  quod  et  leges  sint  .  .  .  .  et . 24explicari 

posse.  26  rerum  eventus.  26  est  autem  jucundum  ilia  legere  ob  .  .  .  . 
“cases,”  exempla.  27 res.  28id  de  quo  disputatur.  29mancus,  mutilus. 
30  3peciem  contracti  sermonis  habere. 

253.  Chapter  VI. 

In  his  beautiful  compositions,  De  Senectute  and  De  Ami - 
citid,  Cato  the  censor  and  Laelius  are  respectively  1  intro¬ 
duced,  delivering  their  sentiments  on  those  subjects.  The 
conclusion  of  the  former,  in  which  Cato  discourses  on  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  has  been  always  celebrated 9 ;  and 
the  opening  of  the  latter,  in  which  Fannius  and  Scaevola 
come 3  to  console  Laelius  on  the  death  of  Scipio,  is  as  exquisite 
an  instance  of  delicacy  and  taste  in  composition  4  as  can  be 
found  in  his  works.  In  the  latter  he  has  borrowed  largely 
from  the  eighth  and  ninth  books  of  Aristotle’s  Ethics. 

His  treatise  De  Officiis  was  finished  about  the  time  he 
wrote  his  second  Philippic,  a  circumstance  which  illustrates 6 
the  great  versatility  of  his  mental  powers.6  Of  a  work  so 
extensively  celebrated,  it  is  enough  to  have  mentioned 7  the 
name.  Here  he  lays  aside  the  less  authoritative  form  of 
dialogue,  and,  with 8  the  dignity  of  the  Homan  consul, 
unfolds,  in  his  own  person,  the  principles  of  morals,  accord¬ 
ing  to  *  the  views  of  the  older  schools,  particularly  of  the 
Stoics.  It  is  written  in  three  books,  with  great  perspicuity 
and  elegance  of  style ;  the  first 10  book  treats  of  the  honestum , 
or  virtue ,  the  second  of  the  utile,  or  expedience ,  and  the 
third  adjusts  the  claim  11  of  the  two  when  they  happen  19  to 
interfere  with  each  other. 

His  Paradoxa  Stoicorum  might  have  been  more  suitably, 
perhaps,  included  13  in  his  rhetorical  works,  being 14  six  short 
declamations  in  support  of  the  positions 16  of  Zeno,  in  which 


Section  XXI. 


297 


that  philosopher’s  subtleties 18  are  adapted  to  the  comprehen¬ 
sion  of  the  vulgar,17  and  the  events  of  the  times.  The 
second,  fourth,  and  sixth  are  respectively  directed  18  against 
Antony,  Clodius,  and  Crassus.  They  seem  to  have  suffered 
from  time.19  The  sixth  is  the  most  eloquent,20  but  the  argu¬ 
ment  of  the  third  is  strikingly21  maintained. 

Besides  the  works  now  enumerated,  we  have  a  consider¬ 
able  fragment  of  his  translation  22  of  Plato’s  Timaeus ,  which 
he  seems  to  have  finished  in  his  last  year.  His  remaining 
philosophical  works,  viz.  :  the  Hortensius ,  which  was  a 
defence  of  philosophy  ;  De  Gloy'ia  ;  De  Consolatione ,  writ¬ 
ten  upon  Platonic  principles  on  his  daughter’s  death;  De 
Jure  Civili ,  De  Virtutibus ,  De  Auguriis ,  Chorographia , 
translations  of  Plato’s  Protagoras ,  and  Xenophon’s 
0 economies,  works  on  Natural  History,28  Panegyric24  on 
Cato,  and  some  miscellaneous 25  writings  are,  except  a  few 
fragments,  entirely  lost. 

No.  253.  1  in  ...  .  libris  De  Sen . altero  Catonem  Censorem 

(or  Censorium)  altero . 2  omnium  laudibus  celebrare.  3  Laelium 

conveniunt  ut.  4tantaeest  elegantiae  tantique  judicii,  ut  luculentius 

ejus  rei  (or  virtutis)  exemplum .  5  qua  quidem  re  efficitur  quam 

.  .  .  .  fuerit.  6varia  vis  ingenii,  or  varium  et  multiplex  ingenium 
7ponere.  * li Here,”  etc.,  sepositis  autem  personis  colloquentium  quod 
minus  viderentur  habere  auctoritatis  ipse  (=  “  in  Ms  own  person”)  hie 

assumpta .  9secutus.  10  Tr ansi.  11  in  the  -first  .  ...  he  treats,’’ 

etc.  11  ad  rationis  normam  revocare.  12  si  quando  usu  veniat  ut.  13  ap- 
tius  (commodius)  ad jungi  posse.  14quumsint.  15arx,  propugnaculum. 
16  illius  (i.  e.  Zenonis)  disciplinae  argutiae.  17  Adj.  popularis.  18  singu- 
los  petere.  19  vetustate  corrumpi.  20  majoris  eloquentiae,  or  elocutione 
ornatior.  21  egregie.  22  decurtata  ac  mutila  interpretatio.  23  libri  natu- 
rales  (physici),  or  quorum  utroque  physica  quaedam  explicantur. 
94  laus.  26  varii  generis. 


254.  (5)  Cicero’s  Letters.  His  Historical  and  Poetical  Com¬ 
positions.1 

His  Letters,  about  one  thousand  in  all,  are  comprised  2  in 
thirty-six  books,  sixteen  of  which  are  addressed  3  to  Atticus, 
three  to  his  brother  Quintus,  one  to  Brutus,  and  sixteen  to  his 
different  friends ;  and  they  form  a  history 4  of  his  life  from 


298 


Part  III. 


his  fortieth  year.  Among  those  addressed  to  his  friends, 
some  occur  6  from  Brutus,  Metellus,  Plancius,  Caelius,  and 
others.  For  ‘  the  preservation  of  this  most  valuable  depart¬ 
ment  7  of  Cicero’s  writings,  we  are  indebted  to  Tyro,  the 
author’s  freedman,8  though  we  possess,  at  the  present  day, 
but  a  part  of  those  originally  published.*  As  10  his  corre¬ 
spondence  with  his  friends  belongs  to  his  character  11  as  a 
man  and  politician,12  rather  than  to  his  literary  aspect,13  we 
have  already  noticed  it  in  the  first  part  of  this  memoir. 

His  Poetical  and  Historical  works  have  suffered  a  heavier 
fate.14  The  latter  class,  consisting  of  his  commentary  on  his 
consulship  and  his  history  of  his  own  times,  is  altogether 
lost.  Of  the  former,  which  consisted  of  the  heroic  poems 
Ilalcyone ,  Limon ,  Marius ,  and  his  consulate,  the  elegy  of 
Tamdastes ,  translations  of  Homer  and  Aratus,  epigrams, 
etc.,  nothing  remains,  except  some  fragments  of  the  Phoe- 
nomena  and  Diosemeia  of  Aratus.  It  may,  however,  be 
questioned  whether  literature  has  suffered  much  by  these 
losses.16  We  are  far,  indeed,18  from  speaking  contemptu¬ 
ously  of  the  poetical  talent  of  one  who  possessed  so  much 
fancy,17  so  much  taste,18  and  so  fine  an  ear.19  But  his  poems 
were  principally  composed  in  his  youth ;  and  afterwards, 
when  his  powers  were  more  mature,20  his  occupations  did 
not  allow  even  to  his  active  mind  the  time  necessary  for 
polishing  a  language  still  more  rugged  in  metre  than  it  was 
in  prose.21  His  contemporary 22  history,  on  the  other  hand, 
can  hardly  have  conveyed 23  more  explicit,  and  certainly 
would  have  contained  less  faithful,  information 34  than  his 
private  correspondence ;  while,26  with  all  the  penetration  he 
assuredly  possessed,  it  may  be  doubted  if  26  his  diffuse  and 
graceful  style  was  adapted  for  the  deep  and  condensed 
thoughts 27  and  the  grasp 28  of  facts  and  events  which  are  the 
chief  excellences  of  historical  composition.29 

No.  254.  1  historiae,  or  historiarum  libri ;  carmina.  2continere. 

3  mittere.  4  narrationem,  or  historiam  complere.  5  esse.  6  quod  con- 
servata  est.  ’pars  gravissima.  8  libertus.  Omit  “author’s”  9  quas 
ille  edidit.  10  sed  quoniam.  11  aperire  mores.  12  homo  ac  civis  (magis- 
rtratush  ,3scriptoris  ingenium  (persona),  ^longe  secus  ( includes 


Section  XXI. 


299 


“  heavier  ”)  accidit  ( with  Dat.).  15  gravemne  litterati  jacturam  fecerint, 
or  magnumne  litterae  Latinae  detrimentum  acceperint,  or  multumne 
dignum  memoria  perditum  sit.  16  ac  tamen  multum  abest  ut.  17  cogi- 
tandi  ardor.  18judicandi  elegantia.  19aures  teretes.  20adultius  in- 
genium.  8.  Gr.  §225. —  T.  Gr.  §123.  31  versibus  etiam  horridior 

quam  oratione,  or  a  versuum  numero  magis  etiam  quam  orationis  ele¬ 
gantia  alienus  (abhorrens).  22  aequalis.  23  non  potest  attulisse  .... 

aut  certe  non  erat  praebitura  veriorem  (certiorem) . 24  rerum 

gestarum  narratio.  28  et  quamquam  fuit  .  .  .  tamen  ....  26  satisne 

idonea  ....  fuerit.  11  meditatio  (Sing.)  28  comprehensio.  29  historici 
generis  laudes. 


255.  (6)  Cicero’s  Orations. 

The  Orations  which  he  is  known  to  have  composed 
amount  in  all  to  about  eighty,  of  which  fifty-nine,  either 
entire  or  in  part,  are  preserved.  Of  these  some  are1  de¬ 
liberative,  others  judicial,  others  descriptive ;  some  delivered 
from  the  rostrum,  or  in  the  senate ;  others  in  the  forum,  or 
before 2  Caesar ;  and,3  as  might  be  anticipated  from  the 
character  already  given  of  his  talents,  he  is  much  more  suc¬ 
cessful  in  pleading 4  or  in  panegyric  6  than  in  debate  or  in¬ 
vective.  In  deliberative  oratory,®  indeed,  great  part  of  the 
effect  of  the  composition  depends  on  its  creating  in  the 
hearer  a  high  opinion  of  the  speaker 7 ;  and,  though  Cicero 
takes  considerable  pains  to  interest  the  audience  in  his 
favor,8  yet  his  style  is  not  simple  and  grave  enough,  he  is 
too  ingenious,  too  declamatory,  discovers  too  much  personal 
feeling,9  to  elicit  that  confidence  in  him,  without  which  argu¬ 
ment  has  little  influence.10  His  invectives,  again,11  however 
grand  and  imposing,  yet,  compared  with  his  calmer  and 
more  familiar 12  productions,  have  a  forced  and  unnatural 
air.13  Splendid  as14  is  the  eloquence  of  his  Catilinarians 
and  Philippics,  it  is  often  the  language  of  abuse  rather  than 
of  indignation  15;  and  even  his  attack  18  on  Piso,  the  most 
brilliant  and  imaginative  17  of  its  kind,  becomes  wearisome 
from  want18  of  ease  and  relief.19  His  laudatory  orations,  on 
the  other  hand,  are  among  his  happiest  efforts.20  Nothing 
can  exceed  the  taste 21  and  beauty  of  those  for  the  Manilian 
law,  for  Marcellus,  for  Ligarius,  for  Archias,  and  the  ninth 


300 


Part  III. 


Philippic,  which  is  principally  in  praise  of  Servius  Sulpi- 
cius.  But  it  is  in  judicial  eloquence,  particularly  on  subjects 
of  a  lively  cast,22  as  in  his  speeches  for  Caelius  and  Muraena, 
and  against  Caecilius,  that  his  talents  are  displayed  to  the 
best  advantage.23  In  both  these  departments  of  oratory 24  the 
grace  and  amiableness 26  of  his  genius  are  manifested  in  their 
full  lustre,26  though  none  of  his  orations  are  without  tokens 
of  those  characteristic  excellences.  Historical  allusions,27 
philosophical  sentiments,  descriptions  full  of  life  and  nature, 
and  polite  raillery,  succeed  each  other  in  the  most  agree¬ 
able  manner,  without  appearance  of  artifice  or  effort.2' 
Such  are  his  pictures  of  the  confusion  of  the  Catilinarian 
conspirators  on  detection 29 ;  of  the  death  of  Metellus ;  of 
Sulpicius  undertaking  the  embassy  to  Antony ;  the  char¬ 
acter  he  draws  of  Catiline ;  and  his  fine  sketch 30  of  old 
Appius,  frowning 31  on  his  degenerate  descendant 32  Clodia. 

No.  255.  1  versari  in  genere . 2  apud.  3  est  autem  ipse  .  .  .  . 

(“/row,”  pro).  4causas  defendere . 5  by  laudare,  “  in  debate  or 

invective  ”  by  disceptare  and  objurgare.  6  genus.  7  magna  vis  repetitur 
(derivatur)  ab  ea  existimatione  quara  oratio  ipsa  conciliat.  8  audi tores 
benevolos  reddere  (efficere).  9commotior  est  quam  ut.  10quacarere 

nullo  modo  potest  in . 11  rursum  accusationes  ejus.  12  ingenio 

congruentior.  13nescio  quid  violenti  atque  arcessiti.  14  quantumvis. 
15  by  contumeliosus  ....  iratus,  or  conviciantis  ....  indignantis 
est,  or  convicia  sunt  ....  indignatio.  16impugnatio  .  .  .  .,  qua  nihil 

est  in  hoc  genere . 17  ardens.  18  quia  caret.  19  moderatio.  20  fe- 

licissime  versari,  or  feliciter  elaborare  in.  21  quid  enim  vel  judicio 

vel  ....  excellentius  iis  quas . Min  causis  excitatioribus,  or  de 

rebus  paullo  acutioribus.  23  ingenii  vires  expromere  uberrime,  ingenio 
abuti  commodissime.  24artis  dicendi  campus.  25  jucunditas.  26  tan- 
quam  in  clarissimo  lumine  collocatum  esse.  27  rerum  veterum  usurpa- 
tiones.  28  tam  jucunde  inter  se  excipiunt  ut  nec  arte  quaesita  nec  in 
alienum  locum  translata  (arcessita)  esse  videantur.  29  conjurationem 
detegere  ( Abl .  absol.).  30  ingeniosa  (commodissima)  inductio.  31  suc- 
censere  alicui.  32  “degenerate  descendant,”  ab  avita  virtute  degenerans. 

256.  Chapter  II. 

These,  however,  are  but  incidental  and  occasional  arti¬ 
fices1  to  divert  and  refresh  the  mind,  since  his2  Orations 
are  generally  laid  out  according  to  the  plan  proposed  in 


Section  XXI. 


301 


rhetorical  works ;  the  introduction,  containing  the  ethical 
proof 3 ;  the  body  of  the  speech  4 ;  the  argument 5 ;  and  the 
peroration  addressing  itself  to  the  passions 6  of  the  judges. 
In  opening  his  case,7  he  commonly  makes  a  profession  of 
timidity  and  diffidence,  with  a  view  to  conciliate  the  favor 
of  his  audience  ;  the  eloquence,  for  instance,8  of  Hortensius 
is  so  powerful,  or  so  much  prejudice  has  been  excited 9 
against  his  client,  or  it  is  his  first  appearance  in  the  rostrum, 
or  he  is  unused  to  speak  in  an  armed  assembly,  or  to  plead 
in  a  private  apartment.10  He  proceeds  to  entreat  the  pa¬ 
tience  of  his  judges,  drops  out11  some  generous  12  or  popu¬ 
lar  sentiment,  or  contrives  to  excite  prejudice  against 13  his 
opponent.  He  then  states  the  circumstances  of  his  case 
and  the  intended  plan  of  his  oration,  and  here  he  is  particu¬ 
larly  clear.  But  it  is  when  he  comes  actually  14  to  prove  his 
point  that  his  oratorical  powers  begin  to  have  their  full 
play.15  He  accounts  for  everything  so  naturally,18  makes 
trivial  circumstances  tell  so  happily,17  so  adroitly  converts 
apparent  objections 18  into  confirmations  of  his  argument, 
connects  independent  facts  19  with  such  ease  and  plausibility, 
that  it  becomes  impossible  to  entertain  a  question 30  on  the 
truth  of  his  statement.  This  is  particularly  observable  in 
his  defence  of  Cluentius,  where  prejudices,21  suspicions,  and 
difficulties  are  encountered  with  the  most  triumphant  inge¬ 
nuity  22 ;  in  the  antecedent  probabilities  of  his  Pro  Milone  / 
in  his  apology  for  Muraena’s  public,  and  Caelius’s  private 
life,  and  his  disparagement  of  Verres’s  military  services  in 
Sicily  23 ;  it  is  observable  too  in  the  address  with  which  24  the 
agrarian  law  of  Bullus  and  the  accusation  of  Rabirius,  both 
popular  measures,25  are  represented  to  be  hostile  to  public 
liberty  ;  with  which  28  Milo’s  impolitic  unconcern  27  is  made 
a  touching  incident 28 ;  and  Cato’s  attack  upon  the  crowd  of 
clients  which  accompanied  the  candidate  for  office,  a  tyran¬ 
nical  disregard  29  for  the  feelings  30  of  the  poor.  So  great 
indeed  is  his  talent,31  that  he  even  hurts  a  good  cause  by  an 
excess  of 32  plausibility. 

No.  256.  1  artificia,  quibus  aliquando  pro  re  nata  relaxat  .... 


302 


Part  III. 


a  nam  ipsae.  3  ad  mores  accommodatus.  4  causae  expositio  (explicatio). 

confirmatio.  6  by  permovere  animos.  7  orationem  ingredi,  or  ad  cau- 
sam  accedere.  8  velut  ....  dicit.  9  invidiam  creare  alicui.  10  inter 
domesticos  parietes.  1 1  enuntiare,  inferre,  injicere.  12  ingenuus.  13  de 
auctoritate  alicujus  detrakere,  or  limare.  14  ubi  vero  accessit  ad.  15  vim 
atque  copiam  eloquentiae  omnem  expromere,  or  frenos  omnes  eloquen- 
tiae  laxare,  or  totos  eloquentiae  fontes  aperire.  16  facile.  17  exigua  feli- 
citer  augere,  or  minima  feliciter  exaggerare.  18  ea  quae  videntur  con- 
traria  callide  convertere  ad.  19  dissimilia  (disparia)  connectere.  20  ut 
dubitare  noD  posse  videaris  quin.  21  opinio  praejudicata.  22  summa 
ingenuitate  quasi  ludibundus  occurrit.  23  extenuare  (deminuere)  .... 
militarem  gloriam  Siciliensem.  24  idem  apparet  quum  ....  apte  de- 
monstrat  esse  ....  25  quarum  utraque  esset  admodum  popularis. 

26  quum  ....  utitur  ....  ad.  21  imprudens  lentitudo.  28  by  mo- 
vere  animos  judicum.  29  “  attack  upon,”  etc.,  reprehensionem  assecta- 
tionis  in  petitionibus  officiorum  trahit  (vertit)  in,  or  interpretatur  esse 
crimen  crudelitatis  contemnentis,  etc.  30  pietas,  observantia  (Sing.),  also 
officia.  31  atque  adeo  hac  ipsa  sollertia  efticitur  ut.  32  nimius. 


257.  Chapter  III. 

But  it  is  not  enough  to  have  barely  proved  his  point ;  he 
proceeds,  either  immediately  or  towards  the  conclusion  of 
his  speech,  to  heighten  1  the  effect  by  amplification.  Here 
he  goes  (as  it  were)  round  and  round  2  his  object ;  surveys  it 
in  every  light 3 ;  examines  it  in  all  its  parts ;  retires,  and 
then  *  advances  ;  turns  and  re-turns  it 6;  compares  and  con 
trasts  it ;  illustrates,6  confirms,  enforces 7  his  view  of  the 
question,  till  at  last  the  hearer  feels  ashamed  of  doubting 8  a 
position  which  seems  built  on  a  foundation  so  strictly  argu¬ 
mentative.  Of  this  nature  is  his  justification  9  of  Rabirius 
in  taking  up  arms  against  Saturninus ;  his  account  of  the 
imprisonment  of  the  Roman  citizens  by  Yerres,  and  of  the 
crucifixion 10  of  Gavius ;  his  comparison  of  Antony  with 
Tarquin  ;  and  the  contrast  he  draws 11  of  Yerres  with  Fabius, 
Scipio,  and  Marius. 

And  now,  having  established  his  case,  he  opens  upon  his 
opponent  a  discharge  of  raillery  so  delicate  and  good-na¬ 
tured,12  that  it  is  impossible  for  the  latter  to  maintain  his 
ground  against  it.  Or  where13  the  subject  is  too  grave  to 
admit  this,  he  colors  his  exaggeration  with  all  the  bitterness 


Section  XXI. 


303 


of  irony  or  vehemence  of  passion.14  Such  are  his  frequent 
delineations  15  of  Gabinius,  Piso,  Clodius,  and  Antony  ;  par¬ 
ticularly  his  vivid  and  almost  humorous  contrast ]e  of  the  two 
consuls,  who  sanctioned  his  banishment,  in  his  oration  for 
Sextius.  Such  the  celebrated  account  (already  referred  to) 
of  the  crucifixion  of  Gavius  by  Verres,  which  it  is  difficult 
to  read,  even  at  the  present  day,  without  having  our  feelings 
roused  17  against  the  merciless  praetor.  But  the  appeal  to 
the  gentler  emotions  of  the  soul  is  reserved  18  (perhaps  with 
somewhat  of  sameness  10)  for  the  ciose  of  his  oration  ;  as  in 
his  defence 20  of  Cluentius,  Muraena,  Caelius,  Milo,  Sylla, 
Flaccus,  and  Rabirius  Postumus  ;  the  most  striking  instances 
of  which  are  the  poetical  burst  of  feeling  with  which  he  ad¬ 
dresses  21  his  client  Plancius,  and  his  picture  of  the  desolate 
condition  of  the  Yestal  Fonteia,  should  her  brother  be  con¬ 
demned.22  At  other  times  his  peroration  contains  more 
heroic  and  elevated  sentiments  23 ;  as  in  his  invocation  24  of 
the  Alban  groves  and  altars  in  the  peroration  of  the  Pro 
Milone ,  the  panegyric  on  patriotism,  and  the  love  26  of  glory 
in  his  defence  26  of  Sextius,  and  that  on  liberty  at  the  close  27 
of  the  third  and  tenth  Philippics. 

No.  257.  1  augere  contcndit.  2  tamquam  circumeundo  varie  illustrare. 

3  quantum  in  ea  momenti  sit  undique  anquirerc.  4  Omit  “  and  then." 
Likewise  “  and”  in  the  foil.  5  tractare  retractare,  also  semel  atque  ite- 
rum  versare.  ti  declarare.  7  probare  (=  “  conf"),  confirmare  (=  “  enf.”). 

8  satisne,  oi'  an  parum  tutus  sit  is  locus,  quem  tot  argumentorum  firmi- 
tate,  or  tot  tamque  gravium  argumentorum  praesidiis  muniverit.  9  pur- 
gatio  illius  in  Rabirium  criminis  quod  ....  10  in  crucem  agere.  11  by 
dissimilitudo,  or  by  opponere.  12  lacessere  dictis  adversarium  aggredi 
tamet  facete  et  ingenue,  or  adversarium  acute  et  ingenue  dictis  sicobru- 
ere,  ut.  13  quod  si  id.  14  vituperationem  exaggeratam  acerbissima  irri- 
sione  et  gravissima  indignatione  distinguere,  or  acerb,  irr.  et  ira  arden* 
tissima  utens  (usus)  rem  exaggerare  atque  colorare.  15  quo  in  genere 
illae  sunt  frequentatae  descriptiones  ....  16  acris  ac  paene  faceta 

comparatio.  17  odio  accendi,  inflammari.  18ciere  non  solet  nisi  (=“  the 
appeal  .  ...  is  res."),  or  conferre  solet  in.  19  nimis  fortasse  neglegere 
rationem  varietatis  ( Abl .  absol.)  20  ut  in  causis,  or  ut  factum  videmus 
in  ...  .  21  “ the  poetical  b.,”  etc.,  ornatissima  ilia  atque  ardentissima 

compellatio.  22  quae  fratre  condemnato  futura  sit.  23  grandioribus  atque 
excelsioribus  sententiis  perorare.  24  ut  quum  appellat.  23studium.  26  cau¬ 
sa.  27extremus,  8.  Gr.  §237.  3. —  Y.  Gr.  §137.  5. 


304 


Part  III. 


258.  (7)  Cicero’s  Style.1  Conclusion.* 

But  it 8  is  by  the  invention  of  a  style 4  which  adapts  itself 
with  singular  felicity  to  every  class  of  subjects5  whether 
lofty  or  familiar,  philosophical  or  forensic,  that  Cicero 
answers  even  more  exactly  to  his  own  definition 8  of  a  per¬ 
fect  orator  than  by  his  plausibility,  pathos,  and  brilliancy.7 
It  is  not,  however,  here  intended  to  enter  upon  the  consider¬ 
ation  8  of  a  subject  so  ample  and  so  familiar  to  all  scholars 9 
as  Cicero’s  diction,  much  less  to  take  an  extended  view  of  it 
through  the  range  10  of  his  philosophical  writings  and  familiar 
correspondence.  Among  many  excellences  the  greatest  is  its 
suitableness  to  the  genius  11  of  the  Latin  language ;  though 
the  diffuseness  thence  necessarily  resulting 12  has  exposed  it, 
both  in  his  own  days  and  since  his  time,  to  the  criticism  18  of 
those  who  have  affected  14  to  condemn  its  Asiatic  character,15 
in  comparison  with  16  the  simplicity  17  of  Attic  writers,  and 
the  strength  18  of  Demosthenes.  Greek,  however,  is  cele¬ 
brated  for  its  copiousness  in  vocabulary,19  for  its  perspicuity, 
and  its  reproductive  power20;  and  its  consequent  facility  of 
expressing  the  most  novel  or  abstruse  ideas  with  precision 91 
and  elegance.  Hence  the  Attic  style  of  eloquence  was  plain 
and  simple,  because  simplicity  and  plainness 22  were  not  in¬ 
compatible  23  with  clearness,  energy,  and  harmony.  But  it 
was  a  singular  want24  of  judgment,  an  ignorance  of  the  very 
principles  of  composition  25  which  induced  Brutus,  Calvus, 
Sallust,  and  others  to  imitate  this  terse 20  and  severe  beauty 
in  their  own  defective  language,27  and  even  to  pronounce  the 
opposite  kind  of  diction  deficient  in  taste  and  purity.28  In 
Greek,  indeed,  the  words  fall,  as  it  were,  naturally,  into  a 
distinct  and  harmonious  order 29 ;  and,  from  the  exuberant 
richness  of  the  materials  less  is  left  to  the  ingenuity  of  the 
artist.30  But  the  Latin  language  is  comparatively  weak, 
scanty,  and  unmusical,31  and  requires  considerable  skill  and 
management  to  render  it  expressive32  and  graceful.  Sim¬ 
plicity  in  Latin  is  scarcely  separable  from  baldness 33 ;  and 
justly  as  Terence  is  celebrated  for  chaste  and  unadorned  34 
diction,  yet  even  he,  compared  with  Attic  writers,  is  flat  and 


Section  XXI. 


305 


heavy.85  Again,  the  perfection  of  strength  is 88  clearness 
united  to  brevity  ;  but  to  this  combination  Latin  is  utterly 
unequal.”  From  the  vagueness  and  uncertainty  of  meaning 
which  characterizes  its  separate  38  words  to  be  perspicuous 39 
it  must  be  full.  What 40  Livy,  and  much  more  Tacitus,  have 
gained  in  energy  they  have  lost  in  lucidity  and  elegance ; 
the  correspondence  of  Brutus  with  Cicero  is  forcible,41  in¬ 
deed,  but  harsh  and  abrupt.  Latin,  in  short,  is  not  a  philo¬ 
sophical  language,  not  a  language  42  in  which  a  deep  thinker 48 
is  likely  to  express  himself  with  purity  or  neatness.  Cicero 
found  it  barren  and  dissonant,44  and  as  such  he  had  to  deal 
with  it.46  His  good  sense  enabled  him  to  perceive  46  what 
could  be  done  and  what  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt ;  and  hap¬ 
pily  47  his  talents  answered  precisely  to  the  purpose  required.48 
He  may  be  compared  to  a  clever  landscape-gardener,49  who 
gives  depth  and  richness60  to  narrow  and  confined  premises 51 
by  ingenuity  and  skill  in  the  disposition  of  his  trees  and 
walks. 

No.  258.  1  dictio.  3  commentarium,  tractationem  absolvere.  z“But 
it  is  ...  .  that  Cicero  ”  only  ac  tamen,  or  sed  idem.  4  genus  quoddam 
novum  dicendi.  5  omnis  rerum  varietas.  6  magis  etiam  ....  qualem 
ipse  definivit  speciem  expressit.  7  either  suadendi,  movendi,  ornandi 
facultas,  or  argumentandi  probabilitas,  augendi  amplitudo,  eloquendi 
ornatus.  8  tractandum  suscipere.  9  litteratus.  10  omnem  ambitum 

..  .  diligenter  persequi.  11  natura  et  quasi  indoles.  12indidem  de- 
rivatus.  13  by  incurrere  in  reprehensiones.  14dicere.  lb  pompa  Asiatica. 
,6alienusa.  nsanitas,  or  siccitas.  ]8  gra vitas.  19  verborum.  20  quae- 
dam  fecunditas  (=.“ reprod.  p. ”)  21  proprie.  22  mediocritas.  23  pugnare 
cum.  24  by  carere.  25  bene  dicendi  leges.  26  nudus.  27  sermonis  egestas. 
28  “ deficient  in  t.  andp.,”  ineptus  ac  putidus,  or  horridus  sordidusque. 
39sua  sponte  quodammodo  et  apte  et  numerose  cadere  30  here  orator. 
31  multo  with  Compar.  of  exilis,  astrictus,  asper.  32  argutus.  33  tenuitas 
humilitas  est.  34  sanus  et  sincerus.  35  humilis  ac  durus.  36  vis  summa 
inest  in.  37  minime  idoneus  ad.  38  singuli.  39  by  perspicuitalem  repetere 
a.  40  itaque  quantum  roboris  ....  tantum  luminis  ....  41  nervosus. 

42  non  apta  philosophiae  nec  talis.  43  by  graves  acutaeque  sententiae. 
44  inopem  et  hiulcum  nancisci.  Begin  sent,  with  quura.  45  his  impedi- 
tum  difflcultatibus  formandum  suscipere.  46  sapienter  intellexit,  or 
sensu  quodam  recti  ac  judicio  ductus  intellexit.  47  contigit  autem  ut. 
48  rei  efficiendae  accommodatum  esse.  49  topiarius  quispiam.  50  laxare 
ct  locupletare.  51  fundus  angustis  circumscriptus  finibus. 


306 


Part  III. 


259.  Chapter  II. 

Terence  and  Lucretius  had  cultivated  simplicity 1 ;  Cotta, 
Brutus,  and  Calvus  had  attempted  strength 2 ;  but  Cicero 
rather  made  a  language  than  a  style 8 ;  yet  not  so  much  by 
the  invention  as  by  the  combination  of  words.  Some  terms, 
indeed,  his  philosophical  subjects  obliged  him  to  coin  4 ;  but 
his  great  art  lies  in  the  application  of  existing  materials,5  in 
converting6  the  very  disadvantages  of  the  language  into  beau¬ 
ties,  in  enriching7  it  with  circumlocutions  and  metaphors,8  in 
pruning  it  of  harsh  and  uncouth  expressions,9  in  systematiz¬ 
ing  the  structure  of  a  sentence.10  This  is  that  copia  dicendi 
which  gained  Cicero  the  high  testimony  of  Caesar  to  his  in¬ 
ventive  powers,11  and  which,  we  may  add,12  constitutes  him 
the  greatest  master  of  composition  that  the  world  has  seen.18 

Such,  then,  are 14  the  principal  characteristics  of  Cicero’s 
oratory ;  on  a  review  of  which  16  we  may,  with  some  reason,16 
conclude  that  Homan  eloquence  stands  scarcely  less  indebted 
to  his  works  than  Roman  philosophy.  For,  though  in  his 
De  Claris  Oratoribus  he  begins  his  review  17  from  the  age  of 
Junius  Brutus,  yet,  soberly  speaking18  (and  as  he  seems  to 
allow  in  the  opening  of  the  De  Oratore ),  we  cannot  assign 
an  earlier  date  to  19  the  rise  of  eloquence  among  his  country¬ 
men  than  that  of  the  same  Athenian  embassy  which  intro¬ 
duced  the  study  of  philosophy.  To  aim,  indeed,  at  persua¬ 
sion  by  appeals  to  the  reason  or  passions 20  is  so  natural  that 
no  country,  whether  refined  or  barbarous,  is  without  its 
orators.  If,  however,  eloquence  be  the  mere  power  of  per¬ 
suading,  it  is  but  a  relative  term,21  limited  to  time  and  place, 
connected  with  a  particular  audience,  and  leaving  to  posterity 
no  test  of  its  merits 22  but  the  report 23  of  those  whom  it  has 
been  successful  in  influencing;  but  we  are  speaking  of  it  as 
the  subject-matter  of  an  art.24 

The  eloquence  of  Carneades  and  his  associates  had  made 
(to  use  a  familiar  term 26)  a  great  sensation 26  among  the 
Roman  orators,  who  soon  split  into  two  parties, — the  one 
adhering27  to  the  rough  unpolished  manners28  of  their  fore¬ 
fathers,  the  other  favoring  the  artificial  graces 29  which  die- 


Section  XXL 


307 


tinguislied  the  Grecian  rhetoricians.  In  the  former  class 
were  Cato  and  Laelius,  both  men  of  cultivated  minds,  par¬ 
ticularly  Cato,80  whose  opposition  to  Greek  literature  was 
founded  solely  on  political  considerations.31  But,  as  might 
have  been  expected,33  the  Athenian  cause  had  prevailed ; 
and 33  Carbo  and  the  two  Gracchi,  who  are  the  principal  orators 
of  the  next  generation,  are  praised  as  masters  of  an  oratory 
learned,  majestic,  and  harmonious  in  its  character.34  These 
were  succeeded  by  Antonius,  Crassus,  Cotta,  Sulpicius,  and 
Hortensius ;  who,  adopting  greater  liveliness  and  variety  of 
manner,35  form  a  middle  age  in  the  history  of  Roman 
eloquence. 

No.  259.  1  tenue  dicendi  genus  excolere.  2  lacertos,  or  nervos  addere 
orationi.  3  ipsa  dictio,  non  genus  aliquod  dicendi.  4  fabricari,  5  com- 
munibus  sollerter  uti,  or  sapienter  uti  iis,  quae  in  promptu  sunt.  6  adhi- 
bere  ad,  with  ornare,  8.  Or.  §  288.  1. —  Y.  Gr.  §  223.  7  addere.  8trans- 

latio.  9  aspera  et  agrestia  expurgare.  10  struendorum  verborum  rationem 
demonstrare.  11  quam  ab  eo  inventam  tantopere  laudavit.  12  by  nescio 
an.  8.  Gr.  §176  Note  3.  d. —  Y  Gr.  §120.  2.  13  only  omnium  tem- 

porum,  or  saeculorum.  14  either  hae  propriae  sunt  maximaeque  laudes 

.  .  .  .,  or  haec  habui  dicere  de .  )5quas  si  consideres.  16  non 

temere.  11  numerum  oratorum  ordiri,  or  cursum  eloquentiae  repetere 
usque  a.  18  verius  tamen,  or  si  volumus  ingenue  agere,  or  si  verum 
quaerimus.  19  antiquiorem  esse  dicere.  20  rationum  momentis  et  ani- 
morum  motibus  uti  ad  persuadendum.  21  comparationem  quandam 
habere.  22  argumentum.  or  indicium  laudis  suae  transmitter  ad.  23  testi- 
monia.  24  quaerere  id  quod  est  studii  atque  artis.  25  vulgare  dicere. 
26  commovere  animos.  27  adhaerescere.  28  rudis  atque  impolita  con- 
suetudo.  29  ad  artem  elegantiamque  se  applicare,  or  artificiosam  venus- 
tatem  adamare.  30  only  ille  quidem  maxime.  31  rationibus  civilibus 
moveri  ut.  82  id  quod  futurum  praevidisses,  or  id  quod  fieri  necesse 
fuerat.  “  Athenian  ”  Atticorum.  33  ita  (quo)  factum  est  ut.  34  oratio 
limata,  grandis,  numerosa.  35  stilus. 


260.  Chapter  III. 

But  it  was  in  that  which  immediately  followed  that  the 
art  was  adorned  by  an  assemblage  1  of  orators,  which  even 
Greece  will  find  it  difficult  to  match.  Of  these  Caesar, 
Cicero,  Curio,  Brutus,  Caelius,  Calvus,  and  Callidius  are  the 
most  celebrated.  The  talents,  indeed,  of  Caesar  were  not 


308 


Part  III. 


more  conspicuous  in  arms  than  in  his  style,  which  was 
noted  for  its  force  and  purity.2  Caelius,  whom  Cicero 
brought  forward  into  public  life,3  excelled  in  natural  quick¬ 
ness,4  loftiness  of  sentiment,  and  politeness  in  attack 6 ;  Bru¬ 
tus  in  philosophical  gravity,  though  he  sometimes  indulged 
himself  6  in  a  warmer  and  bolder  style.  Callidius  was  deli¬ 
cate7  and  harmonious;  Curio  bold  and  flowing9;  Calvus, 
from  studied  opposition  to  Cicero’s  peculiarities,9  cold,  cau¬ 
tious,  and  accurate.  Brutus  and  Calvus  have  been  before 
noticed  as  the  advocates  of  the  dry,  sententious  mode  10  of 
speaking,  which  they  dignified  by  the  name 11  of  Attic ;  a 
kind  of  eloquence  which 12  seems  to  have  been  popular  from 
the  comparative 13  facility  with  which  it  was  attained. 

In  the  Ciceronian  age  the  general  character  of  the  oratory 
was  dignified  and  graceful.  The  popular  nature 14  of  the 
government  gave  opportunities  for  effective  appeals  to  the 
passions,16  and  Greek  literature  being  as  yet18  a  novelty, 
philosophical  sentiments  were  introduced  with  correspond¬ 
ing  success.17  The  republican  orators  were  long  in  their  in¬ 
troductions,  diffuse  in  their  statements,18  ample  in  their  divi¬ 
sions,  frequent  in  their  digressions,  gradual  and  sedate 19  in 
their  perorations.  Under  the  emperors,  however,  the  peo¬ 
ple  were  less  consulted  in  state  affairs,  and  the  judges,  in¬ 
stead  of  possessing  an  almost  independent  authority,20  being 
but  delegates  of  the  executive 21  from  interested  politicians,22 
became  men  of  business ;  literature,  too,  was  now  familiar  to 
all  classes,  and  taste  began  sensibly  to  decline.23  The  na¬ 
tional  appetite  felt  a  craving 24  for  stronger  and  more  stimu¬ 
lating  compositions.25  Impatience  was  manifested 28  at  the 
tedious  majesty  and  formal  graces,27  the  parade  of  argu¬ 
ments,28  grave  sayings,  and  shreds  of  philosophy29  which 
characterized  their  fathers,  and  a  smarter  and  more  spark¬ 
ling30  kind  of  oratory  succeeded,  just  as  in  our  own  country 
the  minuet 31  of  the  last  century  has  been  supplanted  by  the 
quadrille,32  and  the  stately  movements33  of  Giardini  have 
given  way  to  Rossini’s  brisker  and  more  artificial  melodies. 
Corvinus,  even 34  before  the  time  of  Augustus,  had  shown 


Section  XXI. 


309 


himself  more  elaborate 35  and  fastidious  in  his  choice  of  ex¬ 
pressions.  Cassius  Severus,  the  first  who  openly  deviated 
from  the  old  style  of  oratory,  introduced  an  acrimonious  and 
virulent  mode  of  pleading. 36  It  now  became  the  fashion  to 
decry  37  Cicero  as  inflated,  languid,  tame,  and  even  deficient  in 
ornament 38 ;  Maecenas  and  Gallio  followed  in  the  career  of 
degeneracy,39  till  flippancy  of  attack,40  prettiness  of  expres¬ 
sion,41  and  glitter  of  decoration 49  prevailed  over 43  the  bold 
and  manly  eloquence  of  free  Rome.44 

No.  200.  1  magnum  ornamentum  (decus)  addit  tanta  multitude). 

2urbanitas,  or  incorrupta  integritas.  3  ad  rempublicam  adducere,  or 
auctorem  atque  ducem  esse  reipublicae  capessendae.  4animi  quaedam 
alacritas.  5  accusationis  (accusandi)  urbanitas.  6delectari.  Hener,  or 
lenis.  8  fluens,  or  perfacile  currens,  or  volubilis.  9  studiose  recedere  a 
propriis  Ciceronis  laudibus;  “  cold,”  lentus.  10  sententiosa  brevitas  (~ 
“  dry  sent.  m”).  11  honorifice,  or  honorifico  nomine  appellare.  12  quod 

quidem  genus.  ...  13  by  a  clause  with  propterea  quod.  14popularis 

.  .  .  .  constitutio.  15persuasio  oratoria  (=  “  effect  app .  to  the  p”). 
16etiamtum.  17usurpatio  philosophiae  magnopere  probatur,  or  trans- 
latae  a  pbilosophis  sententiae  magn.  probantur.  18  narratio.  19  lentus 
ac  sedatus,  or  tardo  gradu  atque  composito.  20sui  juris  esse.  21  ubi 
delegato  officio  fungi  coeperunt,  or  ex  quo  principum  mandata  exsequi 
coacti  sunt.  22omittere  studia  civilia  (Abl.  absol.).  23infirmari  atque 
labi,  or  obrui  atque  interire.  24  vulgo  desiderium  excitare.  25  valentior 
atque  acutior  oratio.  26  “to  manifest  imp.,”  improbare,  vituperare. 
21  venustus  apparatus.  28  pompa  argumentorum.  29  decerpti  e  philo- 
sophia  loci.  30acrius  et  quasi  micantius.  31“minuta”  ilia  saltatio. 
32  chorea  “  quadruplex.”  33  numeri  graviores.  34  quid  quod  etiam  ante 
.  .  .  .,  sed  primus  Cassius  Sev.,  etc.  35diligens.  36  acerbus  atque  ama- 
rus,  or  malignus  accusandi  modus.  31  reprehendere  quod  fuisset. 
38  tardus  (timidus)  atque  adeo  inornatus  (incomptus).  39eandemviam 
declivem  persequi.  40  impugnandi  petulantia.  41  eloquendi  nitor. 
42  ornamentorum  splendor.  43  by  opprimere,  obruere.  44  either  liberae 
illius  aetatis,  or  ea  quae  in  libero  populo  floruerat. 


O.  A.  M.  D.  G.  et  H.  B.  M.  V. 


INDEX  OF  PROPER  NAMES. 


A. 

A.=Aulus,  i  ( m ). 

Abdera  {of),  Abderita,  and  Abde- 
rltes,  ae  ( m ). 

Acarnania ,  Acarnania,  ae  (/). 
Achaean ,  Achafcus,  or  Achaeus, 
a.  um ;  the  Achaeans,  Achaei, 
orum  {m). 

Achaia,  Achaia,  ae  (/). 

Achaz,  Achazus,  i  {ml). 

Achelous,  Achelbus,  i  ( m ). 

Achilles,  Acbilles,  is  (m). 

Achivi,  Achivi,  orum  ( m ). 

Acilius,  Acilius,  i  (m). 

Acron,  Acron,  onis  {m). 

Actium,  Actium,  i  (w). 

Admetus,  AdmStus,  i  {m). 

Adriatic,  Hadriatfcus,  a,  um. 
Aeduan  {Adj.),  Aeduus,  a,  um ; 

the  Aeduam,  Aedui,  orum  (m). 
Aegean ,  Aegaeus,  a,  um. 

Aegina,  Aeglna,  ae  (/). 

Aelian,  Aelius,  a,  um. 

Aelius,  Aelius,  i  (m). 

Aemilianus,  Aemilianus,  i  ( m ) 
Aemilius,  Aemilius,  i  {m). 

Aeneas,  Aeneas,  ae  {m). 

Aeneid,  Aeneis,  tdos  (/). 

Aeolia,  Aeolia,  ae,  and  Aeblis,  tdis 
(/);  Aeolian,  Aeolicus,  a,  um. 
Aequi  {the),  Aequi,  orum  (m). 
Aeschines,  Aeschtnes,  is  (m). 
Aeschylus,  Aeschylus,  i  ( m ). 
Aesculapius,  Aesculapius,  i  (m). 
Aesop,  Aesbpus,  i  (m) ;  Aesopian, 
Aesopeus,  a,  um. 

Aetna ,  Aetna,  ae  (f). 

Aetolia,  Aetolia,  ae  (/). 


Afer,  Afer,  Afri  (tw). 

Africa,  Africa,  ae  (/) ;  African, 
Africanus,  a,  um. 

Africanus,  Africanus,  i  (m). 

Agathocles,  Agathocles,  is  (m). 

Agenor,  Agenor,  oris  (m). 

Agesilaus ,  Agesilaus,  i  ( m ). 

Agrigentum,  Agrigentum,  i  (w) ; 
an  Agrigentine,  Agrigentlnus,  i 
{m). 

Agrippa,  Agrippa,  ae  {vri). 

Ajax,  Ajax,  acis  (m). 

Alaric,  Alaricus,  i  (m). 

Alba  {Longa),  Alba  {Longa),  a e{f); 
Alban  {Adj.),  Albanus,  a,  um ; 
the  Albans,  Albani,  orum  {m). 

Albanus  {Mount),  (mons)  Albanus, 
i  (m). 

Albinus,  Alblnus,  i  (m). 

Alcaeus,  Alcaeus,  i  (m). 

Alcibiades,  AlcibiSdes,  is  {m). 

Alcuin,  Alculnus,  i  (m). 

Alexander  {the  Great),  Alexander 
(Magnus),  dri  {i)  (m). 

Alexandria,  Alexandria,  ae  (/) ; 
Alexandrine,  Alexandrlnus,  a, 
um. 

Allobrogians  {the),  AllobrSges,  um 

(m). 

Alpheus,  Alpheus,  i  (m). 

Alphonsus,  Alphonsus,  i  {m). 

Altis,  Altis,  is  (/). 

Alypius,  Alypius,  i  (m). 

Ambarri  {the),  Ambarri,  orum  (m). 

Amestris,  Amestris,  is,  and  fdis  (/). 

Amiternum,  Amiternum,  i  {n). 

Amphictyons  {the),  AmphictySnes, 
um  (m). 

Amphinomus ,  Amphi nonius,  i  (m> 
(311) 


312 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Amphion,  Amphlon,  bnis  (m). 
Amphipolis ,  Amphip61is,  is  (/). 
Amphissa,  Amphissa,  ae  (/). 
Anacha/rsis,  Anacharsis,  is,  and 
Idis  ( m ). 

Anapus,  Anapus,  i,  and  Anapis,  is 

(m). 


Anaxagoras,  Anaxagbras,  ae  (m). 
Anchises ,  Anchlses,  ae  (■ m ). 

Ancus,  Ancus,  i  (m). 

Andes,  Andes,  ium  (f). 

Andrew,  Andreas,  ae  ( m ). 
Androclus,  Andrbclus,  i  ( m ). 
Aridronicus,  Andronlcus,  i  (m). 
Anna,  Anna,  ae  (/). 

Annaeus,  Annaeus,  i  (m). 
Anniceris,  AnnicSris,  is  (m). 
Antenor,  Antenor,  6ris  (m). 
Anthony,  Antonius,  i  (m). 
Antigonus,  Antigonus,  i  ( m ). 
Antioch ,  Antiochla,  ae  (/). 
Antiochus  ( the  Great),  Antiochus 
(Magnus),  i  (m). 

Antipater,  Antip&ter,  tri  (m). 
Antiphilus ,  Antiphilus,  i  (m). 
Antisthenes,  Antisth&nes,  is  (ra). 
Antium,  Antiura,  i  (n). 

Antoninus,  Antoninus,  i  (m). 
Antonius,  or,  f  Antoniu3i  j  (ro). 
Antony,  ) 

Anubis,  Anubis,  is,  and  Idis  ( m ). 
Apelles ,  Apelles,  is  (m). 

Apollinaris,  Apollinaris,  is  (w). 
Apollo,  Apollo,  Inis  ( m ). 
Apollodorus,  Apollodorus,  i  (w). 
Apollonius ,  Apollonius,  i  (m). 
Appius,  Appius,  i  (m),  Appian, 
Appius,  a,  um. 

Apulia,  Apulia,  ae  (/);  in  Ap., 
Apulus,  a,  um. 

Aquae  Sextiae,  Aquae  Sextiae, 
arum  (/). 

Arabians  (the),  «r,  I  Arabes,um(m). 
Arabs  (the),  ) 

Arar,  Arar,  Sris  (m). 

Aratus,  Aratus,  i  (m). 


Arcadia,  Arcadia,  ae  (/);  an  Area 
dian,  Areas,  Sdis  (m). 

Arcadius,  Arcadius,  i  ( m ). 

Arcesilas,  Arcesllas,  ae  (m). 

Archias,  Archias,  ae  (m). 

Archimedes ,  Archimedes,  is  (m), 

Archytas,  Archytas,  ae  (m). 

Arellius,  Arellius,  i  ( m ). 

Areopagus,  Areopagus,  i  (m)\  an 
Areopagite,  Areopagltes,  ae  (m). 

Ares,  Ares,  is  (m). 

Argolis,  ArgSlis,  Idis  (/);  Argolic, 
Argollcus,  a,  um. 

Argos,  Argi,  orum  (m);  Nom.  and 
Acc .,  also  Argos  (n). 

Arion,  Arlon,  Snis  (m). 

Ariovistus,  Ariovistus  ( m ). 

Aristides,  Aristides,  is  (?ri). 

Aristippus,  Aristippus  ( m ). 

Aristobulus,  Aristobulus,  i  (ra). 

Aristodemus,  Aristodemus,  i  (m). 

Aristomenes,  AristomSnes,  is  (m). 

Aristonicus,  Aristonlcus,  i  (m). 

Aristotle,  Aristotgles,  is  (m)\  Aris- 
totelic,  Aristoteleus  (-lus),  a,  um. 

Arles  (of),  Arelatensis,  e. 

Arpinum,  Arplnum,  i  (n),  of  Arp., 
Arplnas,  atis. 

Artaphernes,  Artaphernes,  is  (m). 

Artaxerxes,  Artaxerxes,  is  (m). 

Artemisium ,  Artemisium,  i  (n). 

Ascanius,  Ascanius,  i  (rri). 

Asculum,  Asculum,  i  (n). 

Asia,  Asia,  ae  (/);  A.  Minor,  A. 
Minor,  oris  (/);  Asiatic,  Asiatl- 
cus,  a,  um. 

Asiaticus,  Asiatlcus,  i  (m). 

Asinius ,  Asinius,  i  ( m ). 

Asopus,  Asopus,  i  (m). 

Assarhaddon,  Assarhaddon,  Onis 

(m). 

Assyria,  Assyria,  ae  (/);  Assyrian 
( Adj .),  Assyrius,  a,  um  ;  an  As¬ 
syrian,  Assyrius,  i  (m). 

Athene,  Minerva,  ae  (/). 

Athens,  Athgnae,  arum  (f);  Athe ■ 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


313 


nian  {Adj.),  or,  of  Athens,  Atheni- 
ensis,e;  an  Athenian,  Atheniensis, 
is  ( m ). 

Athos,  AthOs,  Atho,  and  AthOn 
(m)\  Gen.  AthOnis  ;  Bat.  Atho  ; 
Acc.  Atho,  Athon,  and  AtliOnem; 
Abl.  Atho,  and  Athene. 

Atlas ,  Atlas,  antis  (m). 

Atridae  {the),  Atrldae,  arum  {m). 

Attica,  Attica,  ae  (/);  Attic,  Attl- 
cus,  a,  uin. 

Atticus,  AttTcus,  i  (in). 

Attius,  Attius,  i  (wi). 

Augustine  {St.),  (Sanctus)  Augus¬ 
tinus,  i  (m). 

Augustus,  Augustus,  i  {m). 

Aurelia,  Aurelia,  ae  (/). 

Aurelian,  AureiiUnus,  i  (m). 

Aurelius,  Aurelius,  i  {m). 

Ausonius,  Ausonius,  i  {m). 

Austin  {St.),  (Sanctus)  Augus¬ 
tinus,  i  (m). 

Aventine,  Aventlnus,  i  (m). 

B. 

Baal,  indecl.,  or,  Gen.  Baalis,  etc. 
{m). 

Babrius,  Babrius,  i  (m). 

Babylon,  Babylon,  Onis  (/) ;  of 
Bab.,  or,  a  Babylonian,  Babylon- 
ius,  i  {m). 

Bacchus,  Bacchus,  i  {m). 

Bacchylides,  Bacchylldes,  is  ( m )„ 

Baibas,  Balbus,  i  (, m ). 

Balearic,  Balearis,  e. 

Basil  {St.  —  the  Great),  (Sanctus) 
Basilius  (Magnus),  i  {m). 

Bassus,  Bassus,  i  (m). 

Beneventum,  Beneventum,  i  {n). 

Bias,  Bias,  antis  {m). 

Bibracte,  Bibracte,  is  {n). 

Bibulus,  Bibulus,  i  {m). 

Bithynia,  Bithynia,  ae  (/). 

Biton ,  Bito,  Onis  (m). 

Boeotia,  Boeotia,  ae  (/). 

Boji  {the),  Boji,  oruni  (m). 


Bordeaux  {of),  Burdigalensis,  e. 
Brennus,  Brennus,  i  {m). 

Britain,  Britannia,  ae  (/). 

Britons  {the),  Britanni,  orum(m). 
Brundisium,  Brundisium,  i  {n). 
Brutus,  Brutus,  i  {m). 

Byzantium,  Byzantium,  i  {n)\  a  By 
zantine,  Byzantius,  i  {m). 

C. 

(7.  =  Cajus  (Gajus),  i  (m);  page  59, 
l.  6=Curius,  i  (m). 

Gadmea,  Cadmea,  ae  (/). 

Cadmus,  Cadmus,  i  (m). 

Gaecilius,  Caecilius,  i  (m). 

Gaecus,  Caecus,  i  {m). 

Gaelius,  Caelius,  i  {m). 

Caeninenses  {the),  Caeninenses,  ium, 

{m). 

Caepio,  Caepio,  Onis  (m). 

Caesar,  Caesar,  aris  {m);  Caesarian, 
Caesarianus,  a,  um. 

Caesarea  {of),  Caesariensis,  e. 
Caesarius {St.),  (Sanctus)  Caesarius, 
i  {m). 

Gaeso,  Caeso,  Onis  {m). 

Gajus,  Cajus,  i  {m). 

Calabria,  Calabria,  a e  (/);  a  Caloy 
brian,  Calaber,  bri  {m). 

Calchas,  Calchas,  antis  {m). 
Caligula,  Caligula,  ae  {m). 

Callias,  Cal  lias,  ae  (m). 

Gallidius,  Callidius,  i  {m). 
Callimachus,  CallimSchus,  i  (m). 
Callisthenes,  Callistlignes,  is  {m). 
Calvus,  Calvus,  i  {m). 

Calypso,  Calypso,  us  (/). 
Campania,  Campania,  ae  (/). 
Campus  Martins,  Campus  Martius, 
i  (m). 

Canaanites  {the),  Chananaei,  orum 

( m ). 

Capena,  (porta)  Capena,  ae  (/); 

Capenian,  Capenus,  a,  um. 
Capitol,  Capitolium,  i  {n);  Capitol - 
ine  {Adj.),  Capitolinus,  a,  um; 


314 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


the  Capitoline,  or,  Mount  C. 
(mons)  Capitolinus,  i  (m). 

Cappadocian  (a),  Cappadox,  ocis 

(m). 

Carbo,  Carbo,  onis  ( m ). 

Ccvria,  Caria,  ae  (/). 

Carmentalis,  (porta)  Carmentalis, 

is  (/). 

Carneadas,  Carne&des,  is  (m). 

Carthage,  Carthago,  Inis  (/); 
Carthaginian  (Adj.),  Carthagirfr- 
ensis,  e;  a  Carthaginian,  Cartha- 
giniensis,  is  (m). 

Cams,  Carus,  i  ( m ). 

Casca,  Casca,  ae  ( m ). 

Cassius,  Cassius,  i  (m). 

Casialia ,  Castalia,  ae  (/). 

Catana,  Catana,  and  Catlna,  ae  (/). 

Catherine  (St.),  (Sancta)  Catharlna, 
ae  (/). 

Catiline,  Catillna,  ae  (m);  Catili- 
narian  (Adj.),  Catilinarius,  a, 
um;  the  Catilinarians,  (orationes) 
Catilinariae,  arum  (/). 

Cato,  Cato,  onis  (m);  C.  the  Elder, 
C.  Major,  oris(m);  C.  the  Younger, 
C.  Minor,  oris  (m)\  Catonian, 
Catonianus,  a,  um. 

Catullus,  Catullus,  i  (m). 

Catulus,  Catulus,  i  (m). 

Cea  (of),  Ceus,  a,  um. 

Cecvopia,  Cecropia,  ae  (/). 

Cecrops,  Cecrops,  opis  (m). 

Ceos,  Ceos,  i  (/),  or,  Cea,  ae  (/). 

Cephalenia,  Cephalenia,  ae  (/). 

Cephissus,  Cephissus,  and  Cephlsus, 
i  (m). 

Cercina,  Cerclna,  ae  (/). 

Ceres,  Ceres,  8ris  (/). 

Cethegus,  CSthegus,  i  (m). 

Chaeronea,  Chaeronea,  ae  (/);  of 
Chaer.,  Chaeroneensis,  e. 

Ghalcis,  Chalcis,  fdis  (/). 

Chersonese,  Chersonesus,  i  (/). 

Chilon,  Chilo,  Onis  (m). 

Christ,  Christus,  i  (m);  Christian 


(Adj.),  Christianus,  a,  um ;  a 
Christian,  Christianus,  i  (m). 
Chrysippus,  Chrysippus,  i  (m). 
Chrysogonus,  Chrysogonus,  i  (m). 
Cicero,  Cicero,  onis  (m);  Cicero¬ 
nian  (Adj.),  Ciceronian  us,  a,  um. 
Cilicia,  Cilicia,  ae  (/). 

Cimbri  (the),  Cimbri,  orum  (m). 
Cimon ,  Cimon,  onis  (m). 
Cincinnatus,  Cincinnatus,  i  (m). 
Cineas,  CinSas,  ae  (m). 

Cingetorix,  CingetSrix,  Igis  (m). 
Cinna,  Cinna,  ae  (m). 

Circeji,  Circeji,  orum  (m). 

Circus  Flaminius,  Circus  Flami- 
nius,  i  (m). 

Circus  Maximus,  Circus  Maximus, 
i  (m). 

Cithaeron,  Cithaeron,  onis  (m). 
Cittium,  Cittium,  i  (n). 

Claudianus,  Claudianus,  i  (m). 
Claudius,  Claudius,  i  (m). 
Cleanthes,  Cleanthes,  is  (m). 

Cleobis,  Clebbis,  is  (m). 

Cleobulus,  Cleobulus,  i  (m). 
Cleopatra,  Cleopatra,  ae  (f). 

Clodia,  Clodia,  ae  (/). 

Clodius,  Clodius,  i  (m). 

Cluentius,  Cluentius,  i  (m). 
Cluilian,  Cluilius,  a,  um. 
Cfo.:=Cneius,  i  (m). 

Codrus,  Codrus,  i  (m). 

Coelius,  Coelius,  i  (m). 

Colophon  (from),  Colophonius,  a; 
um. 

Commodus,  Commodus,  i  (m). 
Constans,  Constans,  antis  (m). 
Constantine  (the  Great),  Constam 
tlnus  (Magnus),  i  (m). 
Constantinople,  Constantinopblis, 
is  (/)• 

Constantins,  Constantius,  i  (m). 
Copais,  Copais,  Idis  (/). 

Corcyra, Corcyra,  ae(/);  Corcyrean 
(Adj.),  Corcyraeus,  a,  um;  a  Cor¬ 
cyrean,  Corcyraeus  i  (m). 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


315 


Corinth ,  Corinthus,  i  (/);  of  Cor., 
or,  Corinthian  { Adj .),  Corinthius, 
a,  um  ;  a  Corinthian,  Corinthius, 
i  (m). 

Coriolanus,  Coriolanus,  i  (m). 

Corioli,  Cori6Ii,  orum  (m). 

Cornelia,  Cornelia,  ae  (/). 

Cornelii  {the),  Cornelii,  orum  ( m ). 

Cornelius,  Cornelius,  i  {m). 

Cornificius,  Cornificius,  i  {m). 

Corvinus,  Corvinus,  i  {m). 

Cos,  COus,  i  (/). 

Cotta,  Cotta,  ae  (m). 

Crassus,  Crassus,  i  ( m ). 

Cratinus,  Cratlnus,  i  ( m ). 

Cremona,  CremOna,  ae  (/). 

Crete,  Creta,  ae  (/);  from  Crete, 
Cretensis,  e ;  a  Cretan,  Cres, 
Cretis,  and  Cretensis,  is  ( m ). 

Greusa,  CrOusa,  ae  (/). 

Crispus,  Crispus,  i  (m). 

Critolaus,  Critolaus,  i  {m). 

Criton,  Crito,  Onis  {m). 

Croesus,  Croesus,  i  {m). 

Croton,  Croton,  and  Croto,  Onis 
(m);  of  Croton,  Crotoniates,  ae 
(m). 

Cumae, Cumae,  arum  (/);  of  C.,  or, 
Cumean,  Cumanus,  a,  um  ;  the 
Cuman  villa  {of  Cicero ),  Cuma- 
num,  i  {n). 

Cunctator,  Cunctator,  Oris  (m). 

Curiatii  {the),  Curiatii,  orum  {m). 

Curio,  Curio,  Onis  (m). 

Curius,  Curius,  i  {m). 

Curtius ,  Curtius,  i  {m). 

Cyclades  {the),  Cycl&des,  um  (/). 

Cydonia,  Cydonia,  ae  (/);  Cydo- 
nian,  Cydoneus,  a,  um. 

Cylon,  Cylon,  Onis  (m). 

Cyme  {of),  Cymaeus,  a,  um. 

Cynic,  Cyntcus,  a,  um. 

Cynthus,  Cynthus,  i  {m)\  Cynthian, 
Cynthius,  a,  um. 

Cyprus,  Cyprus,  i  (/);  from  Cy¬ 
prus,  Cyprius,  a,  um. 


Cypselus,  Cypsglus,  i  {m). 

Cyrene,  Cyrene,  es,  and  Cyrenae, 
arum  (/);  from  Cyrene,  Cyrenaf- 
cus,  a,  um,  or,  Cyrenensis,  e. 
Cyrus,  Cyrus,  i  {m). 

Cythera,  Cythera,  orum  {n). 

D. 

Daedalus,  DaedSlus,  i  {m). 

Damon,  Damon,  Onis  {m). 

Danes  {the),  Dani,  orum  {m). 
Daniel,  Daniel,  elis  {m). 
Dardanian,  Dard^nus,  a,  um. 
Darius,  Darius,  i  {m). 

Datis,  Datis,  is  {m). 

David,  David,  Idis  {m). 

Decelea,  Decelea,  ae  (/). 

Decii  {the),  Decii,  orum  {m). 

Decius,  Decius,  i  {m). 

Delion,  Delium,  i  {n). 

Delos,  Delos,  or,  Delus,  i  (/);  De¬ 
lian,  Delius,  a,  um. 

Delphi,  Delphi,  orum  {m) ;  Del¬ 
phian,  Delphlcus,  a,  um. 
Demades,  Demades,  is  {m). 
Demetrius,  Demetrius,  i  {m). 
Democritus ,  Democritus,  i  {m). 
Demosthenes,  Demosthenes,  is  (m). 
Dentatus,  Dentatus,  i  (m). 
Deucalion,  Deucalion,  Onis  {m). 
Diagoras,  DiagOras,  ae  {m). 

Diana,  Diana,  ae  (/). 

Dinon,  Dinon,  Onis  {m). 

Dio ,  Dio,  Onis  {m). 

Diodorus,  DiodOrus,  i  {m). 
Diodotus,  DiodOtus,  i  {m). 

Diogenes,  Diogenes,  is  {m). 
Diomedes,  Diomedes,  is  {m). 
Diomedon,  Diomedon,  ontis  {m). 
Dion,  Dion,  and  Dio,  Onis  ( m ). 
Dionysius,  Dionysius,  i  {m). 
Divitiacus,  DivitiScus,  i  {m). 
Dodona,  DodOna,  ae  (/). 

Dolabella,  Dolabella,  ae  (m). 
Dolopians  {the),  DolOpes,  um  {m). 
Domitian,  Domitianus,  i  {m). 


316 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Domitius,  Domitius,  i  (m). 

Boris,  Doris,  Ydis  (/);  Dorian, 
Dorius,  a,  um  ;  the  D.  Tetrapolis, 
Tetrapolis  Doriae,  is,  ae  (/);  the 
Doric  Dialect,  dialectos  Doris,  i, 
Mis  (/). 

Druids  {the),  DruYdae,  arum,  and 
DruYdes,  um  {m). 

Duilius,  Duilius,  i  (m). 

Dumnorix,  Dumnorix,  Ygis  {m). 

E. 

Ebro,  Iberus,  i  {m). 

Egypt,  Aegyptus,  i  (/);  Egyptian 
{Adj.),  Aegyptius,  a,  um ;  an 
Egyptian,  Aegyptius,  i  {m);  Up¬ 
per  Egypt,  Aegyptus  superior,  i, 
Oris  (/). 

Elatea ,  Elatea,  ae  (/). 

Elea ,  E18a,  ae  (/)  ;  from  Elea, 
Eleates,  ae  ( m ). 

Eleusis,  Eleusis,  Inis  (/);  Eleusi- 
nian,  Eleusinius,  a,  um. 

Elis,  Elis,  Ydis  (/);  an  Elean, 
Eleus,  i  (m). 

Elizabeth,  Elisabeth  {indecl.),  or, 
Elisabetha,  ae  (/). 

Elpinice,  Elpinlce,  es  (/). 

Empedocles,  Empedocles,  is  {m). 

English,  BritannYcus,  a,  um. 

Ennius,  Ennius,  i  (m). 

Epaminondas,  Epaminondas,  ae 
(m). 

Ephesus,  Ephgsus,  i  (/);  of  Ephe¬ 
sus,  Ephesius,  a,  um. 

Ephorus,  EphOrus,  i  (m). 

Epicharmus,  Epicharmus,  i  (m). 

Epicurus,  Epicurus,  i  {m)\  Epicu¬ 
rean  ( Adj .),  Epicureus,  a,  um  ; 
an  Epicurean ,  Epicureus,  i  (m). 

Epimenides,  EpimenYdes,  is  (m). 

Epirus,  Epirus,  i  (/). 

Eretria,  Eretria,  ae  (/). 

Erymanthus,  Ery  man  thus,  i  (m); 
Erymanthian ,  Erymanthius,  a, 
um. 


Esquiline,  (mons)  Esquillnus,  i  (m); 

(porta)  Esquillna,  ae  (/). 
Ethiopians  {the),  AethiSpes,  um  {m). 
Etruria,  Etruria,  ae  (/). 

Euboea,  Euboea,  ae  (/). 

Euclid,  Euclldes,  ae  {m). 

Eudemus,  Eudemus,  i  {m). 

Eudoxia,  Eudoxia,  ae  (/). 
Eumenids  {the)f  EumenYdes,  um 

(/)• 

Eumenius,  Eumenius,  i  {m). 
Euphrates,  Euphrates,  is  {m). 
Eupompus,  Eupompus,  i  (m). 
Euripides,  EuripYdes,  is  {m). 
Euripus,  Eurlpus,  i  (m). 

Europa,  Europa,  ae  (/). 

Europe,  Europa,  ae  (/). 

Eurotas,  EurOtas,  ae  (m). 
Eurybiades,  Eurybi&des,  is  {m). 
Eurymedon,  Eurymgdon,  ontis(m). 
Euxine  Sea,  Pontus  Euxlnus,  i  {m). 

F. 

Fabians  (the),  or,  )  Fabii>  orum  (m) 
Fabii  {the),  ) 

Fabius  { the  Lingerer),  Fabius 

(Cunctator),  i  (oris)  (m). 
Fabricius.  Fabricius,  i  (m). 

Fannia,  Fannia,  ae  (/). 

Fannius,  Fannins,  i  {m). 

Faustina,  Faustina,  ae  (/). 
Ferdinand,  Ferdinandus,  i  {m). 
Flaccus,  Flaccus,  i  {m): 

Flavius,  Flavius,  i  {m). 

Fonteja,  Fonteja,  ae  (/). 

Francis,  Franciscus,  i  {m). 

Frederic,  Friderlcus,  i  {m). 
Fuffetius ,  Fuffetius,  i  {m). 

Fulvius,  Fulvius,  i  {m). 

Fuscus,  Fuscus,  i  (m). 

G. 

Oabinian,  Gablnus,  a,  um. 
Gabinius,  Gabinius,  i  {m). 

Gades  {of),  Gaditanus,  i  {m). 
Galatea,  Galatea,  ae  (/). 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


317 


Gallia  Cisalpina,  Gallia  Cisalplna, 
ae  (/). 

Gallio ,  Gallio,  Onis  (wi). 

Gallus,  Gallus,  i  ( m ). 

Garizim,  Garizlmus,  i  (m). 

Gaul,  Gallia,  ae  (/);  a  Gaul,  or, 
from  Gaul,  Gallus,  i  (m) ;  fern. 
Galla,  ae ;  Gallic,  Gallicus,  a, 
um. 

Gavius,  Gavius,  i  (m). 

Gellius,  Gellius,  i  (m). 

Gelo,  Gelo,  Onis  (m) 

Gendva,  Genava,  ae  (/);  the  Lake 
of  Geneva,  lacus  Lemanus,  us,  i 
(m). 

Genseric,  Genserlcus,  i  (m). 

Germany ,  Germania,  a e  (/);  a  Ger¬ 
man,  Germanus,  i  {m). 

Gertrude  (St.),  (Sancta)  Gertrudis, 

is  (/)• 

Getae  (the),  Getae,  arum  (m). 

Giardini,  Giardinius,  i  (m). 

Gisla,  Gisla,  ae  (/). 

Glabrio,  Glabrio,  Onis  (m). 

Glaucus,  Glaucus,  i  (m). 

Gnipho,  Gnipho,  onis  (m). 

Gno8sus,  Cnosus,  i  (/);  Gnossian, 
Cnosius,  a,  um. 

Gonatas,  Gonatas,  ae  (m). 

Gordium,  Gordium,  i  ( n ). 

Gordius ,  Gordius,  i  (m)\  Gordian 
=of  Gordius. 

Gorgias,  Gorgias.  ae  (m). 

Gracchus,  Gracchus,  i  (m);  Plur. 
—the  Gracchi. 

Granikus,  Granlcus,  i  (m). 

Greece,  Graecia,  ae  (/) ;  Great 
Gh'eece,  Magna  Graecia,  ae  (/); 
Grecian,  Greek  (Adj.),  Graecus, 
a,  um  (poet.  Grajus,  a,  um  ;  a 
Greek,  Graecus,  i  (m) ;  fern. 
Graeca,  ae. 

Gregory  (the  Great),  Gregorius 
(Magnus),  i  (m). 

Gythium,  Gythlum,  i,  or,Gytheum, 

i  (7i). 


H. 

Hadrian,  or,  )  n  ,  . 

_  ,  .  *  M-  Hadnanus,  1  ( m ). 

Hadmanu8,  ) 

Halicarnassus,  Halicarnassus,  i  (/). 
Halcyone ,  HalcySne,  or,  Alcydne, 
es  (/). 

Hamilcar ,  Hamilcar,  Sris  (m). 
Hannibal,  Hannibal,  &lis  (m). 
Hector,  Hector,  6ris  (m). 

Helena,  HelSna,  ae  (/). 

Helicon,  Helicon,  onis(m). 
Heliopolis,  Heliopdlis,  is  (/). 
Hellanikos,  Hellanlcus,  i  (m). 
Hellas,  Hellas,  Sdis  (/). 

Hellespont,  Hellespontus,  i  (m). 
Helvetians  {the) ,  Helvetii,  orum  (m)\ 
Helvetian ,  Helveticus,  a,  um. 
Henoch,  Henoch,  or,  Enoch  (in- 
decl.),  or,  Henochus,  i  (m). 

Henry  (I.),  Henrlcus  (Primus),  i 

(m). 

Hephaestio,  Hephaestio,  Onis  (m). 
Heraclea,  Heraclea,  ae  (/). 
Heraclides,  Heraclldes,  is  (m). 
Hercules,  Hercules,  is  ( m ). 
Hermaeum,  Hermaeum,  i  (ti). 
Hermagoras,  Hermagoras,  ae  (m). 
Hermes,  Hermes,  ae,  or,  Herma,  ae 
(m). 

Hermodorus,  HermodOrus,  i  (m). 
Hermolaus,  Hermolaus,  i  (m). 
Herodotus,  Heroddtus,  i  (m). 
Herostratus,  HerostrStus,  i  (m). 
Heruli  (the),  Heruli,  orum  (m). 
Hesiod,  Hesiod  us,  i  (m). 

Hiero,  HiSro,  onis  (m). 

Hilarius,  Hilarius,  i  (m). 

Hildegarde  (St.),  (Sancta)  Hilde- 
gardis,  is  (/). 

Himera,  HimSra,  ae  (/). 
Hipparchus,  Hipparchus,  i  (m). 
Hippias,  Hippias,  ae  (m). 

Hippo,  Hippo,  onis  (m). 
Hippocrates,  Hippocrates,  i  (m). 
Hippolyius,  Hippolytus,  i  (m). 
Hirtius,  Hirtius,  i  (m). 


318 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Hister,  Ister,  tri  (m). 

Histia,  Histia,  ae  (f). 

Histiaeus,  Histiaeus,  i  ( m ). 

Homer ,  Homerus,  i  (m);  Homer ic, 
Homerlcus,  a,  um. 

Honorius,  Honorius,  i  (m). 

Horace ,  Horatius,  i  (m). 

Horatii  (the),  Horatii,  orum  (m); 

Sing.  Horatius,  i  (m). 

Hortensius,  Hortensius,  i  (m). 
Hostilia,  Hostilia,  ae  (/). 

Hostilius ,  Hostilius,  i  (m). 
Hunneric,  Hunnerlcus,  i  (m). 
Hydaspes,  Hydaspes,  is  (m). 
Hymettus,  Hymettus,  i  (m'l 
Hystaspes,  Hystaspes,  i  (m). 

I.  (J.) 

J.  =  Julius,  i  (m). 

Jadmon,  Jadmon,  bnis  (m). 
Janiculum,  Janiculum,  i  (n). 

Ibis,  Ibis,  is,  or,  Idis  (/). 
lbycus,  Ibycus,  i  (m). 
lcaria,  Icaria,  ae  (/). 

Icarus,  Ic&rus,  i  (m). 

Ida,  Ida,  ae  (/). 

Idanthyrsus,  Idanthyrsus,  i  (m). 
Idomeneus,  IdomSneus,  8i  (m). 
Jeremiah,  Jeremlas,  or,  Hieremlas, 
ae  (m). 

Jerusalem,  Hierosolyma,  orum  (n)\ 
of  Jerusalem,  Hierosolymitanus, 
a,  um. 

Jesus,  Jesus,  Acc.  Jesum,  Gen., 
Hat.,  Voc.,  Abl.  Jesu  (m). 

Jew  (a),  Judaeus,  i  (m)\  Jewish, 
Judaeus,  a,  um. 

Iliad,  Ilias,  Mis  (/). 
llioneus,  IliSneus,  6i  (m). 

Ilissu8,  Ilissus,  i  (m). 

Illyria,  Illyrlcum,  i  (n). 

Tmbros,  Imbrus,  i  (m). 

India ,  India,  ae  (/). 

Indus,  Indus,  i  (m). 

Indutiomarus,  IndutiomSrus,  i  (m). 


John  (St.),  (Sanctus)  Joannes,  is 

(m). 

Jonas,  Jonas,  ae  (m). 

Jonathan,  Jon&thas,  ae  (m). 

Ionia,  Ionia,  ae  (f) ;  Ionian, 
Ionius,  and  Ionlcus,  a,  um. 

Josephus,  Josephus,  i  (m). 

Iphicrates,  Iphicrates,  is  (m);  Iphi- 
cratian ,  Iphicratensis,  e. 

Ira,  Ira,  ae  (/). 

Isaias,  Isaias,  ae  (m). 

Ismenus,  Ismenus,  i  ( m ). 

Isocrates,  Isocrates,  is  (m)\  Isocrar 
tean,  Isocrateus,  (-Ius),  a,  um. 

Israel,  Israel,  elis  (or,  indecl.,  m). 

Issus,  Issus,  i  (/). 

Isthmus,  Isthmus,  i  (m);  Isthmian, 
Isthmius,  a,  um. 

Italy ,  Italia,  ae  (/);  Lower  Italy, 
Italia  inferior,  ae,  5ris  (/); 
Northern  Italy,  Italia  septemtri- 
onalis,  ae,  Oris  (/);  Upper  Italy, 
Italia  superior,  ae,  oris  (/);  Ital¬ 
ian  (Adj.),  Itallcus,  a,  um  ;  an 
Italian,  It&lus,  i  (m). 

Ithaca,  IthSca,  ae  (/);  from,  or,  of 
Ithaca,  Ithacensis,  is. 

Ithome,  IthCme,  es  (/). 

Juba,  Juba,  ae  (m). 

Judaea,  Judaea,  ae  (/). 

Jugurthine  (Adj.),  Jugurthlnus,  a, 
um. 

Julian  (Adj.),  Julius,  a,  um. 

Julius,  Julius,  i  (?n). 

lulus,  Ihlus,  i  (m). 

Junius,  Junius,  i  (m). 

Juno,  Juno,  Onis  (/). 

Jupiter, .  Jupplter,  Jovis  (m);  Jupi¬ 
ter  Ammon,  Juppiter  Ammon, 
onis  (m);  Jupiter  Latiaris,  Jup¬ 
piter  Latiaris,  is  (m). 

Jura,  Jura,  ae  (m). 

Juvenal,  Juvenalis,  is  (m). 

L. 

L.~  Lucius,  i  (m). 


Index  of  Proper  ^ames. 


319 


Labienus,  LabiSnus,  i  ( m ). 
Lacedaemon,  Lacedaemon,  bnis 
(/);  of  Lacedaemon,  Lacedae- 
monius,  a  um  ;  a  Lacedaemon¬ 
ian,  Lacedaemonius,  i  (m). 
Laconia,  or,  )  Laconica  (rarely  La- 
Laconica,  )  conia),  ae  (/);  La¬ 
conian,  Laeonlcus,  a,  um. 
Laelius,  Laelius,  i  ( m ). 

Laocoon,  LaocOon,  ontis  ( m ). 
Laodicea,  Laodicea,  ae  (/). 

Larissa,  Larissa,  a e  (/). 

Lartius,  Lartius,  i  (m). 

Latiaris,  see  Jupiter. 

Latium,  Latium,  i  ( n )  ;  Latin 
(. Adj .),  Latlnus,  a,  um  ;  a  Latin , 
Latinus,  i  ( m ). 

Latona,  LatOna,  ae  (/). 

Latro,  Latro,  Onis  (m). 

Laurium,  Laurium,  i  (n). 

Lemnos,  Lemnus,  i  (/). 

Leon ,  Leon,  ontis  (m). 

Leonidas ,  Leonidas,  ae  (m), 

Lesbos,  Lesbus,  i  (/). 

Leucas,  Leucas,  Mis  (/). 

Leuctra,  Leuctra,  orum  (n);  at 
Leuctra,  Leuctrlcus,  a,  um. 
Libya,  Libya,  ae  (/). 

Licinius,  Licinius,  i  (m) 

Ligarius,  Ligarius,  i  (m). 

Limon,  Limo,  Onis  ( m ). 

Lindus,  Lindus,  or,  Lindos,  i  (/). 
Lingones  {the),  LingOnes,  um  (m). 
Linus ,  Linus,  i  (m). 

Liscus,  Liscus,  i  (m). 

Livius,  and  )  Livius>  j 
Livy,  ) 

Locri  {town),  Locri,  orum  (m). 
Locris,  Locris,  Idis  (/);  the  Locri- 
ans.  or,  the  Locri,  Locri,  orum 
(m). 

Loreto,  see  Mary. 

Lucania,  Lucania,  ae  (/). 

Lucilius,  Lucilius,  i  (m). 

Lucius ,  Lucius,  i  {m). 

Lucretius,  Lucretius,  i  (m). 


Lucullus,  Lucullus,  i  (m). 

Lupus,  Lupus,  i  (wi). 

Luscinus,  Lusclnus,  i  {m). 

Lycaean,  Lycaeus,  a,  um. 

Lycian  {a),  Lycius,  i  (m). 

Lydia,  Lydia,  ae  (f). 

Lycurgus ,  Lycurgus,  i  {m). 

Lyons,  Lugdunun,  i  (n);  at  Lyons, 
also  by  Adj.,  Lugdunensis,  e. 

Lysander,  Lysander,  dri  (m). 

Lysis,  Lysis,  Idis  {m). 

Lyttelton,  Lyttelton,  onis,  or,  Lyt- 
teltonius,  i  {m). 

Itt. 

ilf.=Marcus,  i  (w);  M’.=Manius, 
i  {m). 

Maccius,  Maccius,  i  (m). 

Macedonia,  Macedonia,  ae  (/); 
Macedonian  {Adj.),  Macedonlcus, 
a,  um ;  a  Macedonian,  or,  of 
Macedonia,  MacSdo,  onis  {m). 

Macer,  Macer,  cri  {m). 

Machaon,  Machaon,  onis  {m). 

Maecenas,  Maecenas,  atis  {m). 

Magi  {the),  Magi,  orum  {m). 

Magius,  Magius,  i  {m). 

Magnesia,  Magnesia,  ae  (/). 

Mahomet,  Muhamedes,  is  (m);  the 
Mahometans,  Muhamedani,  orum 
(m). 

Mai,  Mai  (m). 

Malian,  Mali&cus,  a,  um. 

Mamurra,  Mamurra,  ae  (m). 

Manasses,  Manasses,  is  {m). 

Manilius,  Manilius,  i  (m);  Manil - 
ian,  Manilius,  a,  um. 

Manius,  Manius,  i  {m). 

Mantinea,  Mantinea,  ae  (/). 

Manto,  Manto,  us  (/). 

Mantua,  Mantua,  ae  (/);  of  Man¬ 
tua,  Mantuanus,  a,  um. 

Marathon,  Marathon,  Onis  (m.  and 
/.);  of  Marathon,  or,  Marathon- 
ian ,  Marathonius,  a,  um. 

Marcellus,  Marcellus,  i  (m). 


320 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Marcius,  Marcius,  i  (m). 

Marcus,  Marcus,  i  {in). 

Mardonius,  Mardonius,  i  {m). 

Marius,  Marius,  i  {m), 

Maro,  Maro,  Onis  ( m ). 

Mars,  Mars,  Martis  (m);  the  Plain 
of  Mars,  Campus  Martius,  i  ( m ). 

Mary :  The  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  of 
Loreto,  Beatissima  Virgo  Maria 
Lauretana,  ae,  Inis,  ae,  ae  (/). 

Massilia,  Massilia,  ae  (/). 

Mathilde,  Mathildis,  is  (/). 

Maximus,  Maximus,  i  (m). 

Medea,  Medea,  ae  (/). 

Media,  Media,  ae  (/);  the  Medes, 
Medi,  orum  (m). 

Megacles,  Megficles,  is  {m). 

Megalopolis,  Megalopolis,  is  (/). 

Megara,  Megfira,  ae  (/);  or,  Me- 
g&ra,  orum  {n)\  a  Megarian,  Me- 
garensis,  is  {m). 

Megaris,  Megaris,  Tdis  (/). 

Memnon,  Memnon,  onis  ( m ). 

Memphis,  Memphis,  is  (/). 

Menenius,  Menenius,  i  {m). 

Mesopotamia,  Mesopotamia,  ae  (f). 

Messana,  Messana,  a e  (/);  the  Mes- 
sanians,  Messanii,  orum  {m). 

Messene,  Messene,  es,  or,  Messena, 
ae  (/). 

Messenia,  Messenia,  ae  (/);  Messe- 
nian  {Adj.),  Messenius,  a,  um  ; 
a  Messenian,  Messenius,  i  {m). 

Messiah  {the),  Messlas,  ae  (m). 

Metapontum,  Metapontum,  i  {n). 

Metellus,  Metellus,  i  {m)\  Plur.  the 
Metelli. 

Methymna  {of),  Methymnaeus,  a, 
um. 

Mettus ,  Mettus,  i  {m). 

Mexicans  {the),  Mexicani,  orum, 
{m). 

Micythus,  Micythus,  i  {m). 

Midas,  Midas,  ae  {m). 

Middleton,  Middleton,  Onis,  or, 
Middletonius,  i  (w). 


Milan,  Mediolanum  {also  -anium), 
i  {n). 

Miletus,  Miletus,  i  (/);  of  Miletus, 
or,  from  Miletus,  Milesius,  a,  um; 
a  Milesian ,  Milesius,  i  {m). 

Milo,  Milo,  Onis  {m). 

Miltiades,  MiltiSdes,  is  {m). 

Milvius,  (pons)  Milvius,  i  {m) . 

Minerva,  Minerva,  ae  (/). 

Minos,  Minos,  Onis  {m). 

Minotaurus,  Minotaurus,  i  {m). 

Minturnae,  Minturnae,  arum  (/). 

Mithras,  Mithras,  or,  Mithres,  ae 

(m). 

Mithridates,  Mithrid&tes,  is  {m)\ 
Mithridatic,  Mithridatlcus,  a,  um. 

Mitylene  {of,  or,  from),  Mityle- 
naeus,  a,  um. 

Moabites  {the),  Moabltae,  arum  {m). 

Moesia,  Moesia,  ae  (/). 

Molo,  Molo,  Onis  {m\ 

Molossians  {the),  Molossi,  orum 

{m). 

Monica  {St.),  (Sancta)  Monica,  ae 
(/)• 

Moses,  Moses,  or,  Moyses,  is  {Acc. 
-en,  m). 

Mucian,  Mucianus,  i  (m). 

Mucius,  Mucius,  i  (m). 

Munda,  Munda,  ae  (/). 

Munychia,  Muny cliia,  ae  (/). 

Muraena,  Murena  {also  Muraena), 
ae  {m). 

Muretus,  Muretus,  i  {m). 

Musa,  Musa,  ae  (m). 

Muse,  Musa,  ae  (/). 

Mutina,  Mutlna,  ae  (/);  of  Mutina, 
Mutinensis,  e. 

Mycenae,  Mycenae,  arum  (/). 

My  con,  Mycon,  Onis  {m). 

Mylae,  Mylae,  arum  (/). 

N. 

Naevius,  Naevius,  i  {m). 

Nahum,  Nahum,  indecl.,  or,  Na- 
humus,  i  (m). 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


321 


Naples ,  NeapOlis,  is  (/). 

Naso,  Naso,  Onis  (m). 

Naucratis,  Naucr&tis,  is  (/). 
Naupactus,  Naupactus,  i  (/). 
Naxos ,  Naxus,  i  (/). 

Nazianzus  (of),  Nazianzenus,  a, 
um. 

Nearchus,  Nearchus,  i  (m). 

Nemea,  NemOa,  ae  (/);  Nernean, 
Nemeaeus,  a,  um. 

Neoptolemus,  NeoptolSmus,  i  (m). 
Nepos,  Nepos,  Otis  (m). 

Neptune,  Neptunus,  i  (m). 

Nereids  (the).  Nereides,  um  (/). 
Nero,  Nero,  Onis  (m). 

Nestor,  Nestor,  Oris,  (m). 

Nicanor,  Nicanor,  oris  (m). 

Nicias,  Nicias,  ae  (m). 

Nicomedes ,  Nicomedes,  is  (m). 
Ninive,  Ninus  (-os),  i  (/'•  later, 
Ninive,  es  (/). 

Ninus,  NiDus,  i  (m). 

Niobe,  NiOba,  ae,  and  NiObe,  es 

</). 

Nobilior,  Nobilior,  Oris  (m). 

Notus,  Notus,  i(w). 

Numa,  Numa,  ae  (m). 

Numantine  (Adj.),  Numantlnus,  a, 
um  ;  a  Numantine,  Numantlnus, 
i  (m). 

Numidia,  Numidia,  ae  (/). 

O. 

Octavia,  Octavia,  ae  (/). 

Octanan,  or,  )  0ctaTiaaus,  i  (m). 
Octavianus ,  i 

Octavius,  Octavius,  i  (m). 

Odoacer,  Odoacer,  cri  (m). 

Odyssey,  Odyssea,  ae  (/). 

Oedipus,  Oedipus,  Odis  (m). 

Oeta,  Oeta,  ae  (/). 

Olympia,  Olympia,  ae  (/);  Olym¬ 
pian  (Adj.),  Olympi&cus,  a,  um. 
or,  Olympicus,  a,  um  ;  the  Olym¬ 
pian  games,  literally,  or  only 
Olympia,  orum  (n). 


Olympias,  Olympias,  Sdis  (/). 
Olympus,  Olympus,  i  (m). 

Olynth  (of),  Olynthius,  a,  um. 
Oppius ,  Oppius,  i  (m). 

Opus,  Opus,  untis  (/);  Opuntian, 
Opuntius,  a,  um. 

Orpheus,  Orpheus,  Si  (m). 

Osiris,  Osiris,  is  (m). 

Ossa ,  Ossa,  ae  (/). 

Ovid,  O vidius,  i  (m). 

P. 

P.= Publius,  i  (m). 

Pacuvius,  Pacuvius,  i  (m). 
Paelignians  (the),  Paeligni,  orum 
(m). 

Palamedes,  Palamedes,  is  (m). 
Palatine  (Adj.),  Palatlnus,  a,  um  ; 

the  Palatine,  Palatlnus,  i  (m). 
Pales,  Pales,  is  (/);  the  Palilia, 
Palilia,  orum  (n). 

Palestine,  Palaestlna,  ae,  or,  Pales¬ 
tine,  es  (/). 

Pallas,  Pallas,  &dis  (f),=Lat.  Min¬ 
erva,  ae  (/). 

Pamisus,  Pamlsus,  i  (m). 

Pan,  Pan,  Panos  (Acc.  Pana,  m). 
Panaenus,  Panaenus,  i  (m). 

Pansa,  Pansa,  ae  (m). 

Panthous,  PanthOus,  i  (m). 

Paphos,  Paphus,  i  (/). 

Parmenides,  Parmenides,  is  (m). 
Parnassus,  Parnassus,  i  (m). 
Parnon,  Parnon,  onis  (m). 

Paros,  Parus,  i(/);  Parian,  Parius, 
a,  um. 

Parthenius,  Parthenius,  i  (m). 
Parthenope,  PartbenOpe,  es  (/). 
Parthians  (the),  Parthi,  orum  (m). 
Patavium,  Patavium,  i  (n);  a  Pa- 
tavinian,  Patavlnus,  i  (m) ;  Pata- 
vinitas,  Patavinltas,  atis  (f;  of 
Livy's  language). 

Patrae,  Patrae,  arum  (/). 

Patroclus,  PatrOclus,  i  (m). 


322 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Paul,  Paulus,  i  (m)\  (the  Apostle) 
8t.  Paul,  Sanctus  Paulus  (Apos¬ 
tolus,  i  ( m ). 

Paullus,  Paullus,  i  ( m ). 

Pausanias,  Pausantas,  ae  (m). 

Pelopidas,  Pelopidas,  ae  (m). 

Peloponnesus,  Peloponnesus,  i  (/); 
Peloponnesian,  Peloponnesi&cus, 
a,  um. 

Pelops,  Pelops,  5pis  (m). 

Penates  (the),  Penates,  ium  (m). 

Peneus,  Peneus,  i  (m). 

Pentelicus,  Pentellcus,  i  (m);  Pente- 
lian,  Penteltcus,  a,  um. 

Pergamus ,  Perg&mum,  i  (n),  and 
Perg&ma,  orum  (n). 

Periander,  Periander,  dri  (m). 

Perillus,  Perillus,  i  (m). 

Peripatetic  (a),  Peripatetlcus,  i 

(m). 

Perperna,  Perperna,  ae  (m). 

Perpinianu8,  Perpinianus,  i  (m). 

Perseus,  Perseus,  Si,  or,  Perses,  ae 

(m). 

Persia,  usually  by  a  case  of  Persae, 
arum  (=the  Persians  (m)\  Persian 
(Adj.),  PersTcus,  a,  um,  also  by 
Gen.  Persarum). 

Perusia,  Perusia,  ae  (/);  Perusian, 
Peruslnus,  a,  um. 

Peter,  Petrus,  i  (m). 

Petronius,  Petronius,  i  (m). 

Phaedrus,  Phaedrus,  i  (m). 

Phaeton,  PhaSton,  ontis  (m). 

Phalanthus,  Phalanthus,  i  (m). 

Phalaris,  Phalaris,  tdis  (m). 

Phaleron,  Phalerum,  i  («,);  Phale- 
rian,  Phalertcus,  a,  um. 

Pharisee(a),  Pbarisaeus,  i  (m). 

Pharnaces,  PharnSces,  is  (m). 

Pharsalus,  Pliarsalus,  i  (/) ;  at 
Pharsalus,  or,  of  Pharsalus  (of 
Pharsalia),  Pbarsallcus,  or, 
Pbarsalius,  a,  um. 

Pherae,  Pberae,  arum  (/). 

Pherecydes ,  Plierecydes,  is  (m). 


Phidias,  Pbidias,  ae  (m). 

Philip,  Pbilippus,  i  (m);  Philippic 
(oratio)  PbilippTca,  ae  (/). 

Philippi,  Pbilippi,  orum  (m). 

Philistines  (the),  Pbilistaei,  or, 
Pbilistlni,  orum  (m). 

Philo,  Pbilo,  onis  (m). 

Philopoemen,  Pbilopoemen,  Inis 

(w). 

Philoxenus,  Pbiloxfinus,  i  (m). 

Philus,  Pbilus,  i  (m). 

Phintias,  Pbintias,  ae  (m). 

Phlius ,  Pblius,  untis  (f ). 

Phocion,  Pbocion,  onis  (m). 

Phocis,  Pbocis,  Idis  (/). 

Phoebus,  Pboebus,  i  (m). 

Phoenicia,  Phoenlce,  es  (/);  Phoe¬ 
nician  (Adj.),  Pboenicius,  a,  um; 
the  Phoenicians,  Pboenlces,  um 
(m). 

Phrygia,  Phrygia,  ae  (/);  a  Phry¬ 
gian,  Pbryx,  Pbrygis  (m). 

Phul,  Phulus,  i  (m). 

Phya,  Pbya,  ae  (f). 

Pincius,  (mons)  Pincius,  i  (m). 

Pindar,  PindSrus,  i  (m). 

Piraeus,  Piraeeus,  8i  (m). 

Pisistratus,  Pisistr3tus,  i  (m). 

Piso,  Piso,  onis  (m). 

Pittacus,  PittScus,  i  (m). 

Pius,  Pius,  i  (m). 

Plancius,  Plancius,  i  (m). 

Plataea,  Plataeae,  arum  (/);  the 
Plateaus,  Plataeenses,  ium  (m). 

Plato,  Plato,  Onis  (m);  Platonic, 
Platontcus,  a,  um  ;  a  Platonist , 
Platonlcus,  i  (m). 

Plautus,  Plautus,  i  (m). 

Pleiades  (the),  Pleiades,  um  (/). 

Pliny,  Plinius,  i  (m) ;  the  elder 
Pliny  Plinius  Major,  Oris  (m)\ 
Pliny  the  Younger,  Plinius  Jun¬ 
ior,  Oris  (m). 

Plotius,  Plotius,  i  (m). 

Plutarch,  Plutarcbus,  i  (m). 

Po,  Padus,  i  (m). 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


323 


Podalirius,  Podalirius,  i  {m). 
Poitiers  {of),  Pictavlcus,  a,  um, 
Pollio,  Pollio,  Onis  (ra). 

Polybius,  Polybius,  i  {m). 
Polycrates,  Poly  crates,  is  {m). 
Polygnotus,  Polygnotus,  i  ( m ). 
Pompeius,  or,  )  Pompejus,  i  (m) ; 
Pompey,  f  Pompey  the  Great, 
Pompejus  Magnus,  i  {m)\  Pom¬ 
peian  {Adj.),  Pompejanus,  a, 
um;  a  Pompeian,  Pompejanus,  i 
(m). 

Pompilius,  Pompilius,  i  {m). 
Pomponius,  Pomponius,  i  {m). 
Pontus,  Pontus,  i  {m). 

Pontus  Euxinus,  Pontus  Euxlnus, 
i  (m). 

Poi'dus,  Porcius,  i  (m). 

Porus,  Porus,  i  {m). 

Postumius,  Postumius,  i  (m). 
Postumu8,  Postumus,  i  (m). 
Potidaea,  Potidaea,  ae  (/). 

Priam,  or,  )  priSmu3(  j  (ot). 
Priamus,  ) 

Priene,  Priene,  es  (/). 

Probus,  Probus,  i  (m). 

Prodicus,  Prodtcus,  i  ( m ) 
Prometheus,  Prometheus,  Si  {m) 
Propertius,  Propertius,  i  ( m ). 
Propontis,  Propontis,  Mis  (/). 
Protagoras,  Protag5ras,  ae  (m). 
Ptolemy,  Ptolemaeus,  i  {in). 
Publilia,  Publilia,  ae  (/). 

Publius,  Publius,  i  {m). 

Pulcher,  Pulcher,  chri  (m). 

Punic,  Puntcus,  a,  um. 

Pydna,  Pydna,  ae  (/). 

Pylus,  Pylus,  i  (/). 

Pyrrha,  Pyrrha,  ae  (/). 

Pyrrhus,  Pyrrhus,  i  {m). 
Pythagoras,  PythagSras,  ae  ( m ) ; 
Pythagorean  {Adj.),  Pythago- 
reus,  a,  um;  a  Pythagorean, 
Pythagoreus,  i  {m). 

Pythia,  Pythia,  ae  (/);  Pythian, 
Pythius,  a,  um. 


Q. 

Q.  —  Quintus,  i  {m). 

Quinctius,  Quinctius,  i  (m). 

Quintilian,  Quintilianus,  i  {m). 

Quintus,  Quintus,  i  (m). 

Quirinal,  (collis)  Quirinalis,  is  {m). 

R. 

Rabirius,  Rabirius,  i  {m). 

Raudian  {field),  (campus)  Raudius, 
i  ( m ). 

Ravenna,  Ravenna,  ae  (/). 

Rectruda,  Rectruda,  ae  (/). 

Remus,  Remus,  i  (m). 

Rhegium,  (Rhegium,  better)  Re- 
gium,  i  {n). 

Rhine ,  Rhenus,  i  {m). 

Rhodes,  Rhodus,  i  (/);  of  Rhodes, 
Rhodius,  a,  um. 

Rhone,  Rhod&nus,  i  (m). 

Rome,  Roma,  ae  (/);  Roman  {Adj.), 
Romanus,  a,  um;  a  Roman,  Ro- 
manus,  i  {m). 

Romulus,  Romulus,  i  {m). 

Roscius,  Roscius,  i  {m). 

Rossini,  Rossinius,  i  {m). 

Rubicon,  Rublco,  onis  {m). 

Rudiae,  Rudiae,  arum  (/). 

Rullus,  Rullus,  i  (w). 

Russians  {the),  Russi,  orum  {m). 

Rutilius,  Rutilius,  i  {m). 

S. 

Sabine  {Adj.),  Sablnus,  a,  um ;  the 
Sabines,  Sablni,  orum  {m). 

Sacratus,  Sacratus,  i  {m). 

Saguntus,  Saguntus,  i  (/),  also, 
Saguntum,  i  {n). 

Salamis  {island  and  city),  Sal&mis, 
Inis  (/);  at,  from,  or  of  Salamis, 
Salaminius,  a,  um. 

Sallust,  or,  )  Sallustius,  i  {m);  Sal- 

Sallustius,  )  lustian,  Sallustianus, 
a,  um. 

Samaritans  {the),  Samarltae,  arum 
(m);  a  Samaritan  woman,  mulier 


324 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Samaritlca,  ris,  ae,  or  only  Sama- 
rltis,  Idis  (/). 

Samnite  (a),  Samnis,  Itis  ( m ). 

Samos  ( island  and  city ),  Samus,  i 
(/);  of  Samos,  Samius,  a,  urn. 

Sappho,  Sappho,  us  if). 

Sardanapalus,  Sardanapalus,  i  (m). 

Sardes,  Sardes,  ium  (/) 

Sardinia,  Sardinia,  ae  (/). 

Saronic,  Saronlcus,  a,  um. 

Saturn,  Saturnus,  i  (m). 

Saturninus,  Saturnlnus,  i  (m). 

Saul,  Saulus,  i  (m). 

Saulius,  Saulius,  i  (m). 

Scaevola,  Scaevola,  ae  (m.) 

Scipio,  Scipio,  onis  (m);  the  younger 
Scipio  ( Africanus ),  Scipio  (Afri¬ 
canus)  Minor,  oris  (m). 

Scyrus,  Scyrus,  i  (/). 

Scythian  {a),  (Scytha,  better ) 

Scythes,  ae  (m);  Scythian  ( Adj .), 
ScythTcus,  a,  um. 

Sejanus,  Sejanus,  i  (m). 

Semiramis,  SemirSmis,  is  (/). 

Sempronius,  Sempronius,  i  (m). 

Seneca,  SenOca,  ae  (m). 

Sennacherib ,  SennachOrib  ( indeol .), 
or,  Sennacherlbus,  i  (m). 

Senones,  SenSnes,  um  (m). 

Sentinum,  Sentlnum,  i  (n). 

Sequani  ( the  territory,  or,  the  coun¬ 
try  of  the),  ager  Sequ&nus,  i,  or , 
fines  Sequanorum,  ium  ( m ). 

Servilius,  Servilius,  i  (m). 

Servius,  Servius,  i  (m) ;  Servian, 
Servianus,  a,  um. 

Severus,  Severus,  i  (m). 

Sex.—  Sextus,  i  (m). 

Sexiius,  Sextius,  i  (m). 

Sextus,  Sextus,  i  ( m ). 

Sibyl,  Sibylla,  ae  (/);  Sibylline, 
Sibylllnus  a,  um. 

Sicily,  Sicilia,  ae  (/)  ;  Sicilian 
(Adj.),  Siciliensis,  e ;  a  Sicilian, 
Siculus,  i  ( m ). 

Sicinius,  Sicinius,  i  ( m ). 


Sicyon,  Sicyon,  Onis  v/);  of  Sicy on, 
Sicyonian  {Adj.),  Sicyonius,  a, 
um  ;  a  Sicyonian,  Sicyonius,  i 
(m). 

Sidon,  Sidon,  Onis  (/). 

Sidonius,  Sidonius,  i  (m). 

Siena  (of),  Senensis,  e. 

Sigambri  (the),  Sigambri,  orum  (m). 
Simeon,  Sim6on,  Onis  (m). 

Simon,  Simon,  onis  (m). 

Simonides,  Simonides,  is  {m). 
Sinon,  Sinon,  Onis  (m). 

Sinope,  Sinope,  es  (/). 

Sipylus,  Sip^lus,  i  (m). 

Smyrna,  Smyrna,  ae  (/). 

Socrates,  Socr&tes,  is  (m);  Socratic, 
SocratTcus,  a,  um. 

Solomon,  Salomon,  Onis  (m). 

Solon,  Solon,  Onis  (m). 

Sophocles,  SophOcles,  is  (m). 
Sosicles,  Soslcles,  is  (m). 

Spain,  Hispania,  ae  (/);  Spanish, 
Hispaniensis,  e ;  a  Spaniard, 
Hispanus,  i  (m). 

Sparta,  Sparta,  ae  (/);  a  Spartan, 
Spartiates,  ae  (m). 

Sporades  (the),  Spor&des,  um  (/ ). 
Stagira,  Staglra,  orum  (n). 
Stasicrates,  Stasicr&tes,  is  (m). 
Statius ,  Statius,  i  (m). 

Stesagoras,  Stesagoras,  ae  (m). 
Sthenelus,  SthenOlus,  i  (m). 

Stoa,  Stoa,  ae  (/);  a  Stoic,  Stolcus^ 
i  (m);  Stoical ,  Stolcus,  a,  um. 
Strabo,  Strabo,  Onis  (m). 

Strymon,  Strymon,  Onis  (m). 
Stymphalus,  Stymphalus,  i  (m). 
Sublicius,  (pons)  Sublicius,  i  (m). 
Subura,  SubQra,  ae  (/). 

Suetonius,  Suetonius,  i  (m). 

Suevi  (the),  Suevi,  orum  ( m ). 

Sulmo,  Sulmo,  Onis  ( m ). 

Sulpicius,  Sulpicius,  i  (m). 

Sunium,  Sunium,  i  (n). 

Susa,  Susa,  orum  (n). 

Swedes  (the),  Suevi,  orum  ( m ). 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


325 


Swiss  (a),  Helvetius,  i  ( m ). 

Sybaris,  Sybiris,  is  (/). 

Sylla ,  Sulla,  ae  ( m ). 

Syracuse ,  Syracusae,  arum  (/);  0/ 
Syracuse ,  Syracusanus,  a,  um  ; 
the  Syracusans,  Syracusani,  orum 
(w). 

Syria,  Syria,  ae  (/) ;  a  Syrian, 
Syrus,  i  ( m ). 

Syron,  Syron,  onis  ( m ). 

(0/),  Syrius,  a,  um. 

T. 

T.  =  Titus,  i  (m). 

Tacitus,  Tacitus,  i  (m). 

Tamelastes,  Tamelastes,  is  (m). 
Taenarum,  Taen&rum,  i  ( n ). 
Tantalus,  Tantalus,  i  (• m ). 
Tarentum,  Tarentum,  i  (n) ;  0/ 
Tarentum ,  Tarentine  (Adj.),  Ta- 
rentlnus,  a,  um  a  Tarentine, 
Tarentlnus,  i  (m). 

Taric,  Tarlcus,  i  ( m ). 

Tarpejan,  Tarpejus,  a,  um. 

Tarquin  ( the  Proud),  Tarquinius 
(Superbus),  i  (w). 

Tarquinii,  Tarquinii,  orum  (m). 
Tartarus,  Tart&rus,  i  ( m ). 

Taurians  (the),  Tauri,  orum  (m). 
Taygetus,  TaygStus,  i  (m). 

Telamon,  Tel&mon,  onis  ( m ). 

Tempe,  Tempe  ( indecl .,  n). 

Tencteri  (the),  Tencteri,  orum  (m). 
Tenedos,  Tengdus,  i  (/). 

Terence ,  Terentius,  i  (w). 

Terentia,  Terentia,  ae  (/). 
Tertullian,  Tertullianus,  i  ( m ). 
Teucer,  Teucer,  cri  (m). 

Teutons  (the),  Teutdni,  orum,  also 
Teut8nes,  um  (m). 

Thales,  Thales,  is,  and  etis  (m). 
Thamus,  Thamus,  i  (m). 

Thapsus,  Thapsus,  i  (/). 

Thasians  (the),  Thasii,  orum  (m). 
Thebes,  Thebae,  arum  (/) ;  of  'The¬ 
bes,  or,  Theban  (Adj.),  Thebanus, 


a  um  ;  a  Theban,  Theban  U3;  i 
(m), 

Themis,  Themis,  Tdis  (/). 

Themistocles,  Themistbcles,  is  (m). 

Theocritus,  Theocritus,  i  (m). 

Theodosius  (the  Great),  Theodosius 
(Magnus),  i  (w);  Theosodian,  The- 
odosianus,  a,  um. 

Theophrastus,  Theophrastus,  1  (m). 

Theopompus,  Theopompus,  i  (m). 

Thermopylae,  Thermopylae,  arum 

(/)•  ' 

Theseus,  Theseus,  Si  (m). 

Thessaly,  Thessalia,  a e  (/). 

Theuth,  or,  )  Theuth,  or,  Thoth 

Thoth,  J  (indecl.,  m). 

Thrace,  Thracia,  ae  (/);  Thracian 
(Adj.),  Thracius,  a,  um  ;  a  Thra¬ 
cian,  Thrax,  acis  (m). 

Thucydides,  Thucydides,  is  (m). 

Tib.  =  Tiberius,  i  (m). 

Tiber,  Tiberis,  is  (m). 

Tiberius,  Tiberius,  i  (m). 

Tibullus,  Tibullus,  i  (m). 

Tibur,  Tibur,  uris  (n) ;  of  Tibur, 
Tiburs,  rtis  (Adj.). 

Tigris,  Tigris,  is,  and  Idis  (m). 

Tigurini  (the),  Tigurlni,  orum 

(m). 

Timaeus,  Timaeus,  i  (m). 

Tiresias,  Tiresias,  ae  (m). 

Tiryns,  Tiryns,  nthis  (/). 

Titus,  Titus,  i  (m). 

Tomi,  Tomi,  orum  (m). 

Torquatus,  Torquatus,  i  (m). 

Trajan,  Trajanus,  i  (m). 

TrapezuSy  Trapezus,  untis  (/). 

Trebatius,  Trebatius,  i  (m). 

Treviri  (the),  (Trevlri,  better),  Tre- 
vSri,  orum  (m). 

Troy,  Troja,  ae  (/);  Trojan  (Adj.), 
Trolcus,  a,  um,  or,  Trojanus,  a, 
um  ;  a  Trojan,  Trojanus,  i  (m). 

Tucca,  Tucca,  ae  (m). 

Tuditanus,  Tuditanus,  i  (m). 

Tulingi  (the),  Tulingi,  orum  (m). 


326 


Index  of  Proper  Names. 


Tullia,  Tullia,  a e  (/). 

Tullius,  Tullius,  i  ( m ). 

Tullus,  Tullus,  i  ( m ). 

Tusculan  villa  (the),  Tusculanum,  i 

(71). 

Tyre,  Tyrus,  i  (/). 

Tyro,  Tiro,  5nis  (m). 

U. 

CJbii  (the),  Ubii,  orum  (m). 
Ulpianus,  Ulpianus,  i  (m). 

Ulysses,  Ulixes,  is  (m). 

Umbrian  (an),  Umber,  bri  (ml). 
Usipetes  (the),  Usip6tes,  um  (m). 
Utica,  Utica,  ae  (/) ;  of  Utica, 
Uticensis,  e. 


V  (W). 

Valerian,  Valerianus,  i  (m). 
Valerius,  Valerius,  i  (m). 

Vandals  (the),  Vand&li,  orum  (m); 

Vandalism,  Vandalismus,  i  (m). 
Vanierius,  Vanierius,  i  (m). 
Warburton,  Warburton,  Onis,  or 
Warburtonius,  i  (m). 

Varius,  Varius,  i  (m). 

Varro,  Varro,  Onis  (m). 

Vatican,  (mons)  Vaticanus,  i  (m). 
Vatinius,  Vatinius,  i  (m). 

Velleius ,  Vellejus,  i  (m). 


Venus  (Genitrix),  Venus  (Genitrix), 
8ris  (Icis,  /). 

Verona,  Verona,  ae(/);  of  Verona, 
a  Veronese,  Veronensis. 

Verres,  Verres,  is  (m). 

Vespasian,  Vespasianus,  i  (m). 
Vesta,  Vesta,  ae  (/);  a  Vestal  (vir¬ 
gin),  (virgo)  Vestalis,  is  (/). 
Vesuvius ,  Vesuvius,  i  (m). 

Veturia,  Veturia,  ae  (/). 

Viminal,  Viminalis,  is  (m). 

Virgil,  or,  1  virgilius,  i  (m). 
Virgilius,  ) 

Visigoths  (the),  Visigothi,  orum  (m). 
Vitruvius,  Vitruvius,  i  (m). 

Volsci  (the),  Volsci,  orum  (m). 
Volumnia,  Volumnia,  ae  (/). 
Vulcan,  Vulcanus,  i  (m). 


X. 

Xanthippe,  Xanthippe,  es  (/). 
Xenophanes,  XenophSnes,  is  (m). 
Xenophon,  Xenophon,  ontis  (m). 
Xerxes,  Xerxes,  is  (m). 

Z. 

Zachary,  Zacharlas,  ae  (m). 
Zacynthus,  Zacynthus,  i  (/). 

Zeno,  Zeno,  and  Zenon,  onis  (m). 
Zephanias,  Zephanlas,  or,  Sophon 
las,  ae  (m). 


A.  M.  D.  G.  et  H.  B.  M.  V. 


I 


* 


DATE  DUE 


UNIVERSITY  PRODUCTS,  INC.  #859-5503 


BOSTON  COLLEGE 


3  9031  01400344 


r\ 

6 


